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JOHAR
Roundtable Report
NPT.1
2015 NPT Review Conference
Expectations
Challenges
Office # 101, Silver Oaks, F-10, Islamabad, Pakistan
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Published April 2015
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LIST OF ACRONYMS
CSA
Comprehensive Safeguards Agreement
IAEA
International Atomic Energy Agency
UN
United Nations
MEWMDFZ
Middle East Weapons of Mass Destruction Free Zone
NAM
Non-Aligned Movement
NNWS
Non-Nuclear Weapons States
NPT
Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty
NSG
Nuclear Suppliers Group
NWFZ
Nuclear Weapon Free Zone
NWS
Nuclear Weapon States
UNGA
United Nations General Assembly
2015 NPT Review Conference: Expectations and Challenges
2015 NPT Review Conference:
Expectations and Challenges
Roundtable Report
Introduction
The Centre for Pakistan and Gulf Studies (CPGS) is a non-partisan research institute established
with a vision to innovate future prospects for peace and security in the region and beyond through
undertaking research on global security, geo-politics, peace building and conflict resolution. To this end,
CPGS in collaboration with Konrad Adenauer Stiftung (KAS), organized a roundtable discussion titled,
“2015 NPT Review Conference: Expectations and Challenges”, on March 24, 2015, at the CPGS office.
The roundtable was organized as part of the Centre's Project JOHAR, which aims at promoting a
better understanding of the contemporary nuclear debate through converging and synthesizing different
perspectives in the second nuclear age. Its aims included understanding the Nuclear Non-Proliferation
Treaty (NPT) debate contemporaneously among the participants; critically analyzing its review process and
the challenges that the upcoming Review Conference (RevCon) would be facing. Two esteemed experts, Dr.
Tughral Yamin, Associate Dean at the Peace and Conflict Studies department, NUST and Munawar Saeed
Bhatti, former Ambassador to the EU, Luxembourg and Belgium, graced the occasion and spoke on the
subject at great length followed by a spirited discussion on various aspects of the nuclear nonproliferation
treaty and regime. The discussion was chaired by former Defence Secretary of Pakistan, General (R) Asif
Yasin Malik HI(M).
In this context, the issues relating to nuclear disarmament, right to peaceful uses of nuclear energy
and prevention of the spread of nuclear weapons were very coherently discussed. The main challenges
faced by the NPT review process, i.e., modernization of nuclear forces by P-5, nuclear weapons free zone
(NWFZ) establishment in the Middle East, progress on the 2010 action plan of the NPT RevCon and Iran's
nuclear programme were raised during the debate. The 'exceptionalism' approach exercised by the
international community in implementing the nuclear nonproliferation norms came under criticism. The
participants observed that the NPT is seriously eroding because of issues of noncompliance by state
parties. The emerging geo-political issues, selective application in implementation of NPT clauses and the
recommendations of 2010 NPT RevCons may become a pitfall for the upcoming 2015 NPT RevCon.
The roundtable was successful in producing a comprehensive and insightful analysis with the aid of
eminent scholars, practitioners and academics regarding the issues faced by the NPT RevCon process.
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Participants
The discussion was attended by renowned scholars, practitioners and members of the CPGS Team. The complete list
of participants is as follows:
President CPGS
Senator Sehar Kamran (TI)
Chair
Lt Gen (R) Asif Yasin Malik, HI (M)
Former Defence Secretary
Speakers
Dr. Tughral Yamin
Associate Dean at Peace and Conflict studies department, NUST
Ambassador (R)Munawar Saeed Bhatti
Former Ambassador to EU, Luxembourg and Belgium
Participants
Ambassador (R) Ali Sarwar Naqvi, Executive Director CISS
Mr. Andery Shablin, Counselor (Political) Embassy of the Russian Federation
Mr. Nasir Hafeez, Faculty Member NDU
Brigadier Javed Cheema
Col. Ghalib Dastgir
Major Muhammad Owais
Mr. Tauqeer Sargana
Mr. Tahir Sher Muhammad
Mr. Umair Ihsan
Mr. Fawad Haider
Ms. Fouzia Amin
Ms. Rubina Waseem
Mr. Wahidullah Aziz
Mr. Muqaddas Khan
Mr. Ramiz Malik
Mr. Tahir Mahmood
Ms. Bareeha Fatima
Mr. Bashartullah
Mr. Wahid Ullah Azizi
Mr. Siblain Abbas
Mr. Jawad Khan
Mr. Muhammad Rizwan
Ms. Adeela Khan
Ms. Saima Aman Sial
Ms. Ifrah Waqar
Mr. Tahir Ahmad
Mr. M. Suleman Shahid
Maj (R) Farrukh James
Mr. Almas Haider Naqvi
*Various Research Scholars, HEC Scholars, M.Phil and PhD Students also attended the event.
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2015 NPT Review Conference: Expectations and Challenges
Remarks by Senator Sehar Kamran TI (President CPGS)
Distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen! Assalam-o-Alaikum and greetings from CPGS
Welcome to the Centre for Pakistan and Gulf Studies and thank you for sparing your invaluable time
for discussion on this very significant topic. This roundtable is a well-timed event, as the NPT review
th
nd
conference is scheduled from April 27 to May 22 2015 at the UN Headquarters in New York. The NPT
state parties will gather in the RevCon to ensure that both the NPT provisions and major nuclear nonproliferation challenges are being properly addressed.
It is in this context that CPGS has arranged this Roundtable to discuss some of the more important
challenges that the RevCon will be facing. Our esteemed panelists will be highlighting some of the
expectations and associated challenges for the upcoming RevCon.
In the 2010 RevCon, a 64-point plan was adopted by states parties that led to the success of the
conference in achieving consensus. The final document outlined follow-on actions, alongside
recommendations in areas of nuclear disarmament, nuclear non-proliferation, peaceful uses of nuclear
energy and implementation of the 1995 UNSC resolution on establishing a Nuclear Weapon Free Zone in
the Middle East.
The Arab League has attached great importance to the issue of the convening of a Nuclear Weapon
Free Zone (NWFZ) Conference in the Middle East. The 1995 indefinite extension of NPT was considered as
part of the political deal to achieve progress on the establishment of the zone. The indefinite
postponement of the Helsinki Conference on a NWFZ in the Middle East has raised serious concerns about
the possibility of success in this regard.
Although, no country is likely to walk out of the treaty over this issue, there remains an unstated
threat that if the 1995 promise of progress toward a zone is not met, one or more of the key players will no
longer regard the NPT as having indefinite duration.
Some of the unavoidable topics that will come under discussion include the future of nuclear
programs in Iran and North Korea.
Firstly, the North Korean nuclear weapons program has been a persistent challenge to the treaty.
North Korea withdrew from the treaty in 2003 and resumed its nuclear program. During the last twelve
years, it has conducted three nuclear tests and several ballistic missile tests. The North Korean program,
therefore, remains a continued challenge for the RevCon.
Secondly, the premise that a deal struck with Iran as a result of the P-5+1 negotiation would be a
welcome step is being met with growing apprehension by the Middle Eastern States. Despite not being a
signatory to the NPT, Israel remains the sole nuclear weapon state in the region. The acquisition of nuclear
submarines by Israel clearly indicates its intention to retain its nuclear arsenal for an assured second strike
capability, adding further obstacles to achieving disarmament in the Middle East in an early timeframe.
Furthermore, there is an ongoing nuclear weapons modernization process in the US Russia and
China, as well as in other NPT endorsing nuclear powers (P5). The current geo-political crisis between
Russia and the US over Crimea has exposed the underlying rifts between Russia, the US, and its Western
allies. This development will have negative repercussions for the future of bilateral nuclear arms reduction
efforts.
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The overall trend in the US security policy development is not in line with President Obama's vision
of a world free of nuclear weapons, with a clear movement away from reduced salience of nuclear
weapons in security policy. The US plans for nuclear
The global nonproliferation
modernization account for approximately one
trillion dollars, and are spread over a period of three
regime has built additional
decades. These nuclear modernization programs
layers of discrimination by
bluntly demonstrate a lack of interest in a true
nuclear disarmament process, at least in the short
granting India a special status
and medium term.
through engaging in nuclear
With regard to de facto nuclear weapon
commerce with it.
states (NWS) outside the NPT, the global
nonproliferation regime has built additional layers of discrimination by granting India a special status
through engaging in nuclear commerce with it. The Indo-US deal is a blatant violation of the Article I of
the NPT. Moreover, Indian membership of the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG) would seriously
undermine regional strategic stability by leaving Pakistan out in the cold. Such exceptionalism
accentuates the probability of nuclear competition, thereby undermining deterrence stability in the
region. Consequently, this topic is likely to be the subject of considerable debate during the RevCon and
may call into question the credibility of the P-5 as promoters of nuclear nonproliferation.
Finally, as nuclear weapons retain their centrality in international politics, the states present at the
RevCon should strive earnestly to consider concrete plans for mitigating regional disputes among nuclear
powers alongside other issues that can undermine nuclear nonproliferation endeavors.
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2015 NPT Review Conference: Expectations and Challenges
"Progress on disarmament cannot await a world free of war, nuclear
proliferation or terrorism. Progress on non-proliferation cannot await the
elimination of the last nuclear weapon. Advancing the peaceful uses of
nuclear energy cannot be held hostage to either disarmament or nonproliferation. From the earliest days of the NPT, the international community
understood that these goals must be pursued simultaneously. They are
interdependent and mutually reinforcing."
(Ban Ki-Moon, Secretary-General at the UN on 3 May 2010)
Background
The 2015 NPT Review Conference (RevCon) will be held at the UN headquarter, New York from April
27 to May 22, 2015. The Algerian Ambassador Taous Feroukhiis the President designate for the RevCon. As
mentioned in Article VIII of the treaty, , all states parties gather after five years at the UN headquarters, in
order to review and examine the treaty's provisions and previous RevCon pledges.
NPT RevCon: Background
The 2015 NPT Review Conference (RevCon) will be held at the United Nations (UN) headquarters,
New York from April 27 to May 22, 2015. The Algerian Ambassador Taous Feroukhiis is the President
designate for the RevCon. As mentioned in Article VIII of the treaty, all states parties gather after five years
at the UN headquarters, to review and examine the treaty's provisions and previous pledges of the RevCon.
During the RevCon, member states review, assess, make decisions and discuss challenges faced by
the treaty. During the 1995 RevCon of NPT, state parties agreed to extend the treaty for an indefinite time
period. Article X, paragraph II of the NPT reads;
“Twenty-five years after the entry into force of the Treaty, a Conference shall be convened to decide
whether the Treaty shall continue in force indefinitely, or shall be extended for an additional fixed period or
periods. This decision shall be taken by a majority of the Parties to the Treaty.”
The review process of the treaty is divided into three committees. According to the respective
areas, these committees are:
!
Main Committee I: Its purview pertains to the responsibility of discussing the issues of negative
security assurances, non-proliferation and disarmament.
!
Main Committee II: It examines the issues of safeguards compliance, nonproliferation compliance
and nuclear weapons free zones.
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Main Committee III: It deals with all other issues, including access to peaceful uses of nuclear
energy and universality of the Treaty.
Since 1970, eight NPT RevCons have been held. At the end of each RevCon a final document is
presented. If members achieve consensus on the final document of the conference, then it is implemented
for the next five years. However, if the state parties fail to achieve consensus on a final document, then the
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Centre for Pakistan and Gulf Studies
RevCon is considered to be a failure. In this context, NPT review conferences of 1975, 1985, 1995, 2000 and
2010 produced consensus-based final documents and were rightly considered as successful NPT RevCons.
However, the RevCons of 1980, 1990 and 2005 failed to develop consensus. The main cause of failure was
the disagreement over progress on disarmament of nuclear weapons between the Nuclear Weapons
States (NWS) and non-nuclear weapons states (NNWS).
At the end of the 2010 NPT RevCon all States Parties agreed on a final document. The main
outcomes of the conference were:
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All States Parties agreed on a 64 point action-plan, i.e. a roadmap to achieve NPT's main objectives:
non-proliferation, disarmament and peaceful uses of nuclear energy.
!
States Parties also agreed on the goal of a Middle Eastern Weapons of Mass Destruction Free Zone
(MEWMDFZ) and called on a meeting on NWFZ in Middle East by 2012.
!
States Parties to the NPT reaffirmed their "unequivocal undertaking" on nuclear disarmament.
!
States Parties recognized the Nuclear Security Summit process and emphasized its
recommendations.
Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty: Background
In 1953 the US President Dwight D. Eisenhower presented his famous proposal “Atoms for Peace”
at the United Nations General Assembly. The purpose of this proposal was to establish an international
organization which would oversee and promote the use of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes and
prohibit the proliferation of nuclear technology for developing weapons. The dream put forward by 'Atoms
for Peace' was realized when the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) came into being in 1957. The
organization was assigned dual responsibility to promote peaceful uses of nuclear energy and to prevent
any possible diversion of nuclear technology towards military purposes.
The non-proliferation issues started being addressed at the United Nations forum as early as 1957.
In 1959, the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) adopted a resolution proposed by Ireland that
called for nuclear weapon states to refrain from providing weapons to non-nuclear states. In the 1960s, the
world witnessed a resurge of the proliferation of nuclear technology; predictions indicated that 30 to 40
states would have acquired nuclear weapons by the 1990s. These concerns entailed a movement to
expedite a negotiated framework to constrain the nuclear technology for military use, while retaining the
benefits of its peaceful uses.
Two years later, i.e. in 1963, another Irish draft resolution on the "prevention of the wider
dissemination of nuclear weapons" was adopted by the UN General Assembly. The NPT, which was
negotiated in the Eighteen Nations Disarmament Committee, had evolved out of the Irish resolution. The
treaty finally entered into force in March 1970, and has near universal membership, with states classified
into two groups: nuclear weapons states (NWS) which possess nuclear weapons, i.e. USA, Russia, UK,
France and China, and non-nuclear weapons states (NNWS). Its text comprises eleven articles. These
articles focus mainly on three areas i.e. prevention of further horizontal proliferation of nuclear weapons,
disarmament commitment by NWS and providing the right to peaceful uses of nuclear energy.
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2015 NPT Review Conference: Expectations and Challenges
The treaty was chalked out during a bargain termed as the “grand bargain”, which balanced the
obligations between NWS and NNWS. The NNWS agreed not to develop nuclear weapons and NWS
undertook to work towards nuclear disarmament in an early time frame in “good faith”. The three pillars of
the treaty are termed as; nonproliferation, peaceful uses of nuclear energy and nuclear disarmament. Thus
far, there have been several reservations recorded by the NNWS, related to the non-fulfillment of
obligations of disarmament by the NWS.
Key Issues
To direct the discussion in an effective manner and to delimit the scope of an otherwise extensive
debate, the following key issues were identified prior to the roundtable.
i.
ii.
iii.
iv.
v.
Vi.
How successful has the Preparatory Conference been in setting the agenda for the upcoming
RevCon? What are the major challenges that the upcoming Rev Con will face and what are the
prospects for its success?
Is there disillusionment amongst the NNWS, regarding the efforts made by NWS in working
towards nuclear disarmament in good faith? Is the modernization of military/nuclear forces by
NWS a violation of the Article VI of NPT?
How would the Arab league respond to the lack of impetus towards establishing a NWFZ in Middle
East Conference? How would it impact the NPT RevCon 2015?
How would the debate on peaceful uses of nuclear energy and withdrawal issues unfold during the
RevCon?
How would the proliferation risks unfold in East Asian States like South Korea, Japan and Vietnam
etc?
Would the current geopolitical environment, especially in Ukraine, South China Sea and the Middle
East impact the upcoming RevCon?
Discussion Points
The NPT has three main pillars and eleven articles. Presently, almost all the articles and pillars of the
NPT are facing challenges due to the policies of major powers and their emerging geo-political interests.
Evolving Geo-politics and NPT
Global geopolitics has witnessed a major shift in the recent past. This situation was favorable for
the RevCon in 2010 as opposed to the current circumstances. Before the 2010 NPT RevCon, major power
countries were making some semblance of progress on nuclear disarmament and arms control initiatives;
this can be seen in the various initiatives that emerged during this period including Obama's infamous
'Prague agenda' for the reduced salience of nuclear weapons, the Global Zero campaign, the positive
trajectory of US-Russian relations, the agreement on New START, and the relative stability in the Middle
East. This made the geopolitical scenario fairly malleable and led to the progressive final document that
was a product of the NPT RevCon 2010.
Today international system and great power dynamics have undergone fundamental change. The
US, EU and Russia are dealing with an ever-widening rift on the Ukraine issue, new START stands
suspended, nuclear modernization programmes continue in the nuclear weapon states of NPT, South
China Sea disputes, political instability in Middle East and the nuclear issue of Iran; all these issues have
altered the schema for the upcoming review conference.
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Centre for Pakistan and Gulf Studies
Following the Ukraine Crisis, the issue of Negative Security Assurances (NSAs) has also regained
significance amongst the non-nuclear weapons states. In 1994, Ukraine had abandoned its nuclear
program after being granted security assurances by the US, UK and Russia under the Budapest Agreement.
The Russian position on the issue, however, is that the Crimea's annexation has taken place via a
referendum and hence is not a violation of the Budapest agreement.
Grand Bargain and Peaceful Uses of Nuclear Energy
The main purpose of the NPT was to prevent the proliferation of nuclear weapons, promote access
to nuclear energy for peaceful purposes and achieve general and complete disarmament.
Contemporaneously, however the treaty is being used for political purposes rather than for promoting its
essential function as enshrined in the grand bargain. Article IV of the NPT emphasizes upon the member
countries to cooperate with each other in the field of nuclear energy and technology for peaceful
purposes. Contrary to the spirit of this article however, the US has serious concerns over the Iranian civilian
nuclear programeven though Iran is a member state of the treaty, whereas on the other hand, the US has
eased the way for Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG) to grant an exemption to India and signed the 123
Nuclear Agreement with the latter - a non-NPT nuclear weapon state.
Moreover, during a recent visit to India, the US President agreed to remove the provision related to
the tracking of the nuclear fuel end bound for India under the 123 Agreement. Engaging in nuclear
commerce with a nuclear weapon state outside the NPT, US and other NPT states are clearly violating
Article I provisions.
The speakers also highlighted the internal differences among Western States and NAM countries
over the implementation of the Article IV, relating to the peaceful uses of nuclear energy, in the case of Iran.
While Western States attach great significance to additional protocol, the NAM states consider it voluntary,
relying mainly on the commitments undertaken according to the Comprehensive Safeguards Agreement
(CSA).
Middle East NWFZ and Indefinite Extension of NPT
In 2010, NPT RevCon States Parties also agreed on the goal of a Middle East Weapons of Mass
Destruction Free Zone (MEWMDFZ) and called for a meeting on the NWFZ in Middle East by 2012. During
the second PrepCom of the NPT, the Egyptian and other NAM countries showed disquiet about the delay in
convening the NWFZ conference. However, thus far there continues to be no progress on that front. The
Arab League has threatened to reconsider the 1995 indefinite extension of the NPT if no progress was
made on establishment of Middle East Nuclear Weapon Free Zone (MENWFZ) soon. This threat is now
becoming a serious concern for the upcoming RevCon. It is important to keep in mind that the Arabs regard
the NWFZ in Middle East as the fourth pillar of the NPT. Israel's Nuclear Weapons Program is also a
contentious issue. In this context, a NWFZ in Middle East that includes both Iran and Israel would be a great
regional stability measure and promote the cause of non-proliferation. Speakers expressed the fear that if
the Arab League takes a strong position on the non-convening of the NWFZ conference, there could be a
repeat of the 2005 RevCon.
Nuclear Disarmament
The most contentious issue between NWS and NNWS, especially the Non-Alignment Movement
(NAM) countries, is nuclear disarmament. NNWS states demand that NWS should abolish nuclear
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2015 NPT Review Conference: Expectations and Challenges
weapons in the earliest possible timeframe whereas the NWS favor a step by step approach. In this context,
NAM countries have expressed deep concern that the progress shown by NWS on nuclear disarmament is
not satisfactory. Presently, all P-5 countries instead of dismantling their nuclear forces, are in the process of
modernizing them; posing a serious challenge to the NPT.
Pakistan and the export control regime
Participants noted that though Pakistan is not a member of the NPT, it adheres to the principles of
nuclear nonproliferation and the guidelines encapsulated in the multilateral export control regimes.
Conclusion
The upcoming RevCon will mark the twentieth anniversary of the indefinite extension of the NPT.
For the preparation of upcoming RevCon, three Preparatory Committee meetings have been held in last
five years. In these meetings the core issues discussed were nuclear disarmament, peaceful uses of nuclear
energy and negative security assurances.
In order to examine the probability of the success or failure of the RevCon, it is necessary to analyze
the current geo-political scenario. Between 2010 and 2015, there have been a number of geopolitical
developments. Before the 2010 NPT RevCon, the global geopolitical context was fairly positive and states
developed consensus on many issues. Currently, however, grave geo-political issues have the potential of
rendering the upcoming RevCon a failure. The dwindling hopes for the success of the upcoming RevCon
stem mainly from the lack of progress on the Middle East NWFZ Conference and the ongoing nuclear
modernization programmes in nuclear weapon states (NWS) in blatant disregard of the NPT.
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Centre for Pakistan and Gulf Studies
Recommendations
1.
Modernization of nuclear weapons by NWS should commensurate with the threats
posed contemporaneously, as the reviving salience of nuclear weapons in NWS is a
major reason for the growing frustration in NNWS parties to NPT.
2.
Multilateral disarmament is only possible if the NWS engage in nuclear reductions
bilaterally first. The multilateral disarmament of nuclear weapons would follow from
such a bilateral framework.
3.
Nuclear cooperation with states should be governed by similar standards. The NWS
should not violate the essence of the treaty enshrined in Article I and II while forging
nuclear cooperation deals.
4.
The NPT is eroding from within because of a lack of progress on disarmament
enshrined in the grand bargain and this has bedeviled its review process. Therefore, it
was recommended that the P-5 should make it less discriminatory by accounting for
the changed global realities.
5.
The security assurances offered by the NPT nuclear weapon states need to be
codified in a universal, unconditional and legally binding treaty.
6.
Pakistan should promote the pillar of peaceful uses of nuclear energy, as an advanced
Nuclear Weapon State. It also needs to invest in building a strong lobby and devising a
consolidated policy on projecting its perspective as an advanced nuclear weapon
state with nuclear expertise and 40 years' experience of safe operation of nuclear
power plants.
7.
Nuclear cooperation policies and technology sharing by international community
should be governed by a criteria-based approach.
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2015 NPT Review Conference: Expectations and Challenges
CPGS Vision
Innovate future prospects for peace and security in the region and beyond through undertaking research on Global
Security, Geopolitics, Peace building and Conflict Resolution.
About the Centre
The CPGS is a non-partisan leading research institute established to undertake research on Global Security,
Geopolitics, Peace building and Conflict Resolution. The Centre aims to promote an alternative perspective in
advancing the cause of peace through policy analysis and direct engagement with decision makers in government,
civil society and academia; assess emerging trends at regional and global level and devise strategies for addressing
possible future challenges. The Centre regularly conducts seminars, workshops, roundtables and conferences with
dignitaries, academics and experts from every walk of life, in order to actively promote regional harmony, global
peace, security and stability by making substantive intellectual, academic and diplomatic contributions. The Centre
aims to harness the immense potential for increasing cooperation in the region to attain peace, security and
economic development and to assess emerging trends in regional policies and devise future strategies.
Operational Framework & Objectives
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Promote regional peace and harmony through integrated and comprehensive understanding of issues
between peoples, governments and other entities;
Strengthen strategic, political, economic and social cooperation among countries of the region and beyond;
Conduct research on strategic and security issues, to resolve conflict and build peace through academic
engagements, discussion and dialogue amongst all relevant stakeholders.
Identify opportunities and areas of common interest for potential cooperation between Pakistan and the
countries of the region at all levels including both public and private sector.
Contribute towards development of ideological and social ideas to promote tolerance and co-existence for
building multicultural human society based on shared ideas and common goals;
Conduct Research and compile reports for the governments and private entities to explore alternative
options for efficient management and resolution of regional and international issues;
Organize workshops and events to develop strong working relationship between academia and
practitioners;
Collaborate with the other research institutions and Think Tanks for achieving the core objectives.
Activities and Services
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Organize periodic seminars, workshops, lectures and other events which would bring together leaders,
academics, practitioners and other stakeholders, to study and discuss issues of importance for the overall
good of the society;
Map out future policy options by analyzing existing trends and emerging scenarios;
Compile, edit and publish (print and electronic) relevant information, data, commentaries and analysis
regularly;
Offer training and academic services for Skill Development and Strategic analysis;
Provide dedicated Consultancy and help create conducive environment for development of our society;
All such other activities which help in achieving core objectives of the Centre and its programs, projects and
initiatives;
Prepare annual report of all activities for interested parties and stakeholders.
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Centre for Pakistan and Gulf Studies
About KAS
Freedom, justice and solidarity are the basic principles underlying the work of the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung (KAS).
The KAS is a political foundation, closely associated with the CDU party. As co-founder ofthe CDU and the first
Chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany, Konrad Adenauer (1876-1967)united social, conservative and liberal
traditions. His name is synonomous with the democraticreconstruction of Germany, the firm alignment of foreign
policy with the trans-Atlantic community ofvalues, the vision of a unified Europe and an orientation towards the
social market economy. Hisintellectual heritage continues to serve both as our aim as well as our obligation today.
In our european and international cooperation efforts we work for people to be able to live self determined lives in
freedom and dignity. We make a contribution underpinned by values to helping Germany meet its growing
responsibilities throughout the world.
We encourage people to lend a hand in shaping the future along these lines. With more than 70 offices abroad and
projects in over 120 countries, we make a unique contribution to the promotion of democracy, the rule of law and a
social market economy. To foster peace and freedom we encourage a continuous dialog at the national and
international levels as well as the exchange between cultures and religions.
Human beings in their distinctive dignity and with their rights and responsibilities are at the heart of our work. We
are guided by the conviction that human beings are the starting point in the effort to bring about social justice and
democratic freedom while promoting sustainable economic activity. By bringing people together who embrace their
responsibilities in society, we develop active networks in the political and economic spheres as well as in society
itself. The guidance we provide on the basis of our political know-how and knowledge helps to shape the
globalization process along more socially equitable, ecologically sustainable and economically efficient lines.
We cooperate with governmental institutions, political parties, civil society organizations and handpicked elites,
building strong partnerships along the way. In particular we seek to intensify political cooperation in the area of
development cooperation at the national and international levels on the foundations of our objectives and values.
Together with our partners we make a contribution to the creation of an international order that enables every
country to develop in freedom and under its own responsibility.
In 2008 the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung opened an office in Pakistan. In the field of international cooperation we
support the G8 Afghanistan-Pakistan Initiative, the general exchange of the Pakistani and Afghan Civil Society, and
the strengthening of rule of law. Moreover, we intend to assist in the development of an economic system that takes
into consideration social justice and concern for the environment. The KAS sponsors conferences, seminars and
publications of its partners and conducts its own programmes.
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