Chair Report Historical Organisation of African Unity kmun2015 KabatasMUN kmun2015 MUNKabatas kabatasmun Kabatas MUN [email protected] LETTER FROM THE SECRETARY-GENERAL Dear Representatives of the Distinguished Nations, I, in lieu of the Secretariat, am thrilled to welcome you to the third annual session of Kabataş Model United Nations Conference). I, Orçun DOĞMAZER, have been studying at Kabataş Erkek Lisesi for four years and am receiving the privilege to serve as the third Secretary-General of this society. KMUN Conference is the biggest student initiated organization in the illustrious 107 years old history of this community. How Buckingham Palace was used by King George III to host diverse reputed bureaucrats and royal families, likewise Kabataş High School was utilized to serve for those certain purposes at the times of Ottoman Empire. KMUN 2013 and KMUN 2014 have the distinctive honor to comprise more than 350 national and international participants. As it was planned and announced a year ago, the conference will be hosting more than 500 participants coming from various countries in 10 different committees this year. Academic and organization teams of the conference have been challenging themselves to set a different level of understanding in MUN for KMUN’s participants. Experiencing both of the previous editions of KMUN, this year`s KMUN will differ from its previous editions by not only mixing the interesting sides of the Model UN examples in Turkey, but will also try its best to combine the understanding of the international Model UN. All the research reports of the conference are written by the directors of the respective committees with the guidance of the academic team of the conference. I do thank the Student Officer namely, Beliz Kocyigit for writing this very guide for Historical Assembly of the Organization of African Unity. Appreciating their efforts on this research report, I do believe that this report will be a great start for our participant’s on their researches to prepare themselves for the debates on the given agenda items. In case you require any further instruction as to the academic content of the Historical Assembly of the Organization of African Unity, you may always contact your Committee Directors or me via [email protected]. After a year full of work and dedication, I do believe that KMUN 2015 will manage to create its dreamed atmosphere by taking further steps on its previous editions. Orçun DOĞMAZER Secretary-General 1 LETTER FROM THE STUDENT OFFICER Dear delegates of Historical Assembly of the Organization of African Unity, It is my utmost pleasure to welcome you all to the third edition of Kabataş Model UN Conference as the vice-president of this very committee. My name is Beliz Koçyiğit and I am currently studying at Kabataş Erkek High School. I have been involved in MUN related activities since 7th grade and it has helped me to shape my future, widen my perspective and embrace the differences ever since. Before moving on with the committee, I would personally like to thank the Secretariat for giving me the opportunity to further practice and enhance my academic skills as well as to chair this committee with a very successful lady; Ilgın Nas who will be serving as the president of the Historical Assembly of Organization of African Unity. This year’s KMUN will be introducing very fresh and innovative committees including Historical Assembly of the Organization of African Unity which will be tackling one of the biggest but almost unforgotten conflicts of all time: Nigerian Civil War. Committee’s past-faced nature as well its gripping topic will surely satisfy your expectations and provide you a unique academic experience. This study guide has been prepared to give an insight and understanding of the topic, however it is very vital for you to make further research in order to have more beneficial debates throughout the conference. If you have any questions regarding the committee, conference or the topic, do not hesitate to contact me personally via [email protected]. Looking forward to meeting you all. Best regards, Beliz Koçyiğit Vice-President of Historical Assembly of the Organization of African Unity 2 INTRODUCTION “History is a gallery of pictures in which there are few originals and many copies.” -Alexis de Tocqueville It is naturally hard to notice that history is history whilst we are living through it. However, this does not mean that men should give up on learning from the past. You will see as you will be living through the exact dates of 6-9 July 1967 when Nigeria was on the edge of a matter of life and death, that every single detail makes a difference and every single step matters. To fully understand my words about history, you should not only focus on the sequence of events and their details, but you should also focus on their reasons and their outcomes. Therefore, while tackling one of the bloodiest and forgotten conflicts of our century, it is my personal advice for you to get inside those times in order to put a halt to this bloodshed once and for all. For the sake of the African people, and for the sake of humanity, I hope you will rewrite history as it should have been written in the first place. BACKGROUND Sir Hugh Clifford who was the Governor General of Nigeria between the years of 1920-1931 described Nigeria as “a collection of independent Native States, separated from one another by great distances, by differences of history and traditions and by ethnological, racial, tribal, political, social and religious barriers.” The character of Nigeria could not have been described better. Just like the situation in most of the African countries, Nigeria was formed by former colonial powers whom ignored to take the traditional, ethnic, racial, social and religious differences into consideration. In 1960, Nigeria gained independence from the United Kingdom and it consisted of nearly 300 different ethnic and/or cultural groups. Almost 50 years earlier, the United Kingdom had taken an area from the West Africa which consisted of various ethnic and cultural groups and created a country called “Nigeria”. The most dominant groups in the region were the Igbo, Hausa-Fulani and the Yoruba. 3 Igbo %60-70 of the population in the southeast self-governing democratically organized (mostly) decisions were made by a general assembly Hausa-Fulani semi-feudal Islamic Ruled by a conservative Islamic hierarchy Emirs were the traditional rules and they owed their allegiance to Sultan who held all the power and authority in his hands Yoruba Series of monarchs (such as the Oba) Social and political systems that were based on the wealth and title which were acquired and gained, not inherited As you can easily observe from above, the political and social differences made it inevitable for Nigeria to not be able hold its pieces together for a long time. For instance, the aim of the political and social systems of Hausa-Fulani was to maintain Islamic and conservative values which led them to embrace a highly authoritarian and religious political system, while the Igbo considered the political system as a path for achieving their personal goals. The Igbo people were also fully aware of the political system and they usually participated in the decision making processes of the situations that affected them directly. The British colonial ideologies and missionary activities which were far more common and active among the Igbo rather than Hausa-Fulani led the country to be divided into three regions: North, West and East. Northern region had the majority of the seats in the Federal Legislation due to his slightly higher population among the country. Each region also had its own predominant groups which are the Hausa-Fulani, Yoruba and the Igbo, respectively. These groups formed political parties which were based on religion and ethnicity rather than national and political means. During 40s and 50s, the parties that were formed by Yoruba and the Igbo were the main parties that were fighting for independence from United Kingdom. However, not every group was on the same page about independence and the form as well as the aftermath of the independence process. For instance, Yoruba and the Igbo parties wanted to divide Nigeria into 4 different states so they would prevent the possible Northern domination. On the other hand, the Northern parties were in favor of British administration since they were worried that independence would create economic and political domination by Westernized elites in the Southern part of the country. The Northern leaders stated that they would accept independence if the country continued to be divided into three. They also asked for North’s majority in this division. Yoruba and Igbo leaders were ready to do whatever it took to gain independence, so they accepted the demands of the North. HISTORY OF THE CONFLICT In the summer of 1965, four Igbo and one Yoruba majors began to plot a coup against the Prime Minister Abubakar Balewa since they were not quite happy with the actions that are being taken by the government. They were also irritated by the fact that most Nigerian politicians were from the Northern side of the country. On 15 January 1966, a coup d'état was attempted under the leadership of MajorGeneral Johnson Thomas Umunnakwe Aguiyi-Ironsi. After the coup resulted in success, Hausa-Fulani people started to suspect Igbo domination. As you might have guess, these Hausa-Fulani people were the ones who were opposed to independence in the first place. Similarly, the Yoruba people shared the same concerns. These common interests led the Yoruba and Hausa-Fulani to launch a countercoup against the Igbo, which took place six months later. The bloody clashes between the coup and the counter-coup led to the increase of ethnic tensions between the groups. The bloody clashes unfortunately turned into massacres in July and September 1996. At least ten thousand Christian Igbo who were living in the Muslim north were killed viciously. The head of the Igbo-dominated southeast Colonel Emeka Ojukwu declared the independent Republic of Biafra on 30 May 1967, citing the electoral fraud as well as the northern originated massacres. Diplomatic efforts were insufficient to stabilize the condition and the international community failed to resolve the crisis. On 6 July 1967, the Nigerian government launched an informal military action to retake the southeastern region. The forces of Biafra that lacked of resources and international support, tried to stay strong, however the Nigerian Army’s forces predominated the Biafran forces. On 11 January 1970, Nigerian forces captured the capital and Biafra’s military commander was forced to flee to Cote d’Ivoire. On 15 January 1970, Biafra eventually surrendered to Nigeria. The ruthless conditions of this civil war resulted with the deaths of approximately three million people. These deaths of Biafran people were mainly caused by extreme hunger and widespread diseases. 5 RELEVANT RESOLUTIONS AND MEASURES TAKEN You may take a close look at the actual stance the Organization of African Unity has taken, trough the resolutions that they had passed concerning the Nigerian Civil War as it follows; “ AHG/Res. 54 (V) RESOLUTION ON NIGERIA The Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity meeting in its Fifth Ordinary Session, in Algiers, Algeria, from 13 to 16 September 1968, Recalling the resolution AHG/Res.61 (IV) adopted by the Fourth Session of the Assembly of Heads of State and government in Kinshasa Congo; Recalling the decision taken by the Consultative Committee on Nigeria in Lagos and Niamey; Deeply concerned with the continuing sufferings of the civilian population in Nigeria; 1. EXPRESSES its gratitude to all Heads of State who are members of the Consultative Committee, and particularly to His Imperial Majesty Emperor Haile Selassie I, for their invaluable efforts to carry out the mandate entrusted to them by virtue of the Kinshasa resolution; 2. NOTES the Consultative Committee’s report on Nigeria; 3. APPEALS to the secessionist leaders to co-operate with the Federal authorities in order to restore peace and unity to Nigeria; 4. APPEALS for cessation of hostilities; 5. RECOMMENDS that the above being accomplished the Federal Military Government of Nigeria declare a general amnesty to co-operate with the Organization of African Unity in ensuring the physical security of all thepeople of Nigeria alike until mutual confidence is restored; 6. APPEALS further to all concerned to co-operate in the speedy delivery of humanitarian relief supplies to the needy; 7. CALLS UPON all Member States of the United Nations and the OAU torefrain from any action detrimental to the peace, unity and territorial integrity of Nigeria; 8. INVITES the Consultative Committee, in which it reiterates its confidence, to continue its efforts with a view to putting into effect the Kinshasa and Algiers resolutions. ” 6 “ AHG/Res.58/Rev.1 (VI) RESOLUTION ON NIGERIA The Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity, meeting in its Sixth Ordinary Session in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, from 6 to 10 September 1969, Having carefully considered the progress report of the OAU Consultative Committee on Nigeria for the period from September 1968 to August 1969, Considering the vital importance of concerted and unanimous action by African Governments within the OAU for a happy solution of the Nigerian civil war, Deeply concerned at the continuance of the civil war in Nigeria and of the grave consequences resulting therefrom for Nigeria and for Africa, Aware of its responsibilities towards Africa and the world; Determined to help settle the civil war in Nigeria by peaceful means and in accordance with the basic principles of the OAU Charter, 1. NOTES with satisfaction the progress report of the OAU Consultative Committee on Nigeria covering the past year; 2. CONGRATULATES the Consultative Committee on the efforts it has exerted and again expresses its full confidence in the Committee’s ability to carry out the important mission entrusted to it, within the shortest possible time; 3. APPEALS solemnly and urgently to the two parties involved in the civil war to agree to preserve in the overriding interest of Africa, the unity of Nigeria and accept immediately suspension of hostilities and the opening without delay, of negotiations intended to preserve unity of Nigeria and restore reconciliation and peace that will ensure for the population every form of security and every guarantee of equal rights, prerogatives and obligations; 4. INVITES the Consultative Committee on Nigeria to offer its good offices to facilitate these negotiations; 5. MAKES a solemn and urgent appeal to all Governments, International Organizations, humanitarian institutions as well as to all political, moral and religious bodies in the world to facilitate the implementation of the present resolution and to desist from any action, gesture and attitude likely to jeopardize the efforts of the OAU in finding an African solution to the Nigerian crisis. ” 7 NIGERIAN CIVIL WAR AND THE ORGANIZATION OF AFRICAN UNITY It is also vital to learn from the African Unity’s mistakes as well as learning the role that it played in the past in order to rewrite the history in a proper way. Before reading this part, I personally advise you to first fully comprehend the duties and principles of OAU in order not to misinterpret its actions. OAU’s Charter’s principle regarding the non-interference in the internal affairs of the member states prevented the OAU from getting completely involved in the resolution of the conflict. The crisis in Nigeria was thoroughly discussed at the Assembly of Heads of State and Governments’ Summit Meeting in September 1967. A resolution was passed at the very end of the conference which recognized the conflict as an internal issue of Nigeria, however “placed the services of the Assembly at the disposal of the Federal Government of Nigeria.” It was also decided to send an advisory mission to the head of Nigeria’s government in order to “assure him of the Assembly’s desire for the unity and peace in Nigeria as well as its desire for the territorial and national integrity.” In those times, it is quite obvious that the OAU was alternating between staying loyal to its Charter and resolving the conflict. The OAU also struggled to enforce its decisions due to the same reasons. The lack of equipment and military supply also made an intervention to the region rather difficult. This is shortly the case, however the delegates of OAU are required to make further research about the resolutions that had been passed and the position of OAU. CONCLUSION AND NOTES FROM THE CHAIR Historical Assembly of the Organization of African Unity will welcome you with its fast-changing situations, updates as well as declarations throughout the conference. It is highly important to address these special occasions whilst trying to stabilize the region and bring peace to the area. In order to make the right decisions, delegates are required to have extensive knowledge about the topic and its history. Since the committee will be dealing with a historical event, observing the past relevant actions and/or resolutions would be a good start while thinking of possible solutions. You should detect the mistakes that have been made in the past in order to find suitable replacements. The assembly should and may decide on intervention in a member state if there are war crimes, genocide and crimes against humanity. It can also decide on intervention in a member state if that member states requests it to do so. Bearing in mind its duties and responsibilities; it can also give directives regarding conflicts, war, terrorism, emergency situations and the restoration of peace and security. Delegates should be aware what they are capable of and always remind themselves that even though the civil war brought many social and humanitarian problems with itself that need to be addressed, the assembly’s priorities and their importance shall never be forgotten. 8 BIBLIOGRAPHY http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nigerian_Civil_War http://www.africamasterweb.com/BiafranWarCauses.html http://www.history.com/this-day-in-history/civil-war-in-nigeria http://www.blackpast.org/gah/nigerian-civil-war-1967-1970 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1966_Nigerian_coup_d%27etat http://www.academia.edu/7609774/The_Nigerian_Civil_War_in_History_and_Historio graphy http://www.nairaland.com/351180/history-lesson-nigeria-biafran-civil http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/c/chrisabani637739.html http://www.postcolonialweb.org/nigeria/biafra.html http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/596712.stm http://www.au.int/en/sites/default/files/ASSEMBLY_EN_13_16_SEPTEMBER_1968_ ASSEMBLY_HEADS_STATE_GOVERNMENT_FIFTH_ORDINARY_SESSION.pdf http://www.au.int/en/sites/default/files/ASSEMBLY_EN_6_10_SEPTEMBER_1969_A SSEMBLY_HEADS_STATE_GOVERNMENT_SIXTH_ORDINARY_SESSION.pdf 9
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