Mental Health History of Care Contemporary

History of
Contemporary
Mental Health
Care
Report by: Cathy Jones
2
Cathy Jones
Cathy Jones is highly regarded in the mental health field,
particularly through her role as the Manager of the Cambell
House Psychiatric Disability Support Service (PDSS).
After working in the general health system and a large
metropolitan psychiatric hospital, Cathy developed a strong
commitment to community based psychosocial rehabilitation.
This report was produced by Cathy when she undertook further
studies and describes the societal response to mental illness
over time, including:
1. Early Western History of the Response to Mental Illness
2. Incarceration of People with Mental Illness in Australia
during the early 1800s
3. Humanitarian Segregation during the Asylum Period 1850
– 1950
4. Medical Deinstutionalisation during the 1950s and 1960s
5. Community Mental Health Movement in the 1970s and
1980s
6. National Reform and the Development of Area Mental
Health Services in Victoria during the 1990s
3
Early Western History
Our understanding of the early history indicates that beliefs
surrounding mental illness were closely connected with
religion and spirituality. Mental illness was being considered
to be a manifestation of the will of god or the devil, and at times
sufferers were labelled as demons or witches. Although the penal
laws against witchcraft in England were removed in 1736, a woman
was tried as late as 1797 for crimes relating to witchcraft.
Superstitious rites in relation to insanity which involved
dunking in water were little different from the ‘cold bath’ and
‘bath of surprise’ that were favourite remedies for insanity used
by early medical practitioners.1
The earliest ‘treatment’ model in the Western world may have
begun in ancient Greece where the belief in humors was put
forward by Hippocrates and other ancient Greeks to explain
illness of the mind and body.
Prior to the seventeenth century, communities throughout
Europe would deliver people labelled as “mad” to sailors who
would then abandon them in far off lands in a vessel referred
to as a “ship of fools”. Banishment of people with a mental
illness can be observed in a number of different cultures.
4
In seventeenth century England workhouses and poorhouses
were created for the incarceration of vagrants, beggars, the
unemployed and the ‘insane’. It was during this time that John
Locke indicated that mental illness might not have its roots in
religious explanations and that madness may be an affliction
of the ‘mind’ not the ‘soul’.
In the eighteenth century Pinel, the father of “moral treatment”
paved the way for a more humanitarian approach to the care
of people with mental illness in France. At this time in England
the belief still persisted that lack of religious obedience led to
immoral behaviours such as those exhibited by people with a
mental illness. At the end of the eighteenth century in England
the early foundation for the medical model of treating mental
illness slowly began to take shape.
The English Lunatics Act of 1845 provided for some regulation
of hospitals and licensed houses and amending acts in 1853
provided for the establishment of county asylums, which were
public institutions rather than the private licensed madhouses
that predated them. These asylums, however, were large
institutions where human rights abuses were common. It
wasn’t until the end of the nineteenth century in England that
the medical profession became interested in mental illness
and a scientific model of mental illness replaced the “Old
World” religious ideology.2
In England when the Lunacy Act of 1890 came into force
it applied also to ‘mental defectives, with the term ‘lunatic’
meaning ‘idiot or person of unsound mind’.
5
Early 1800s:
Incarceration of the
Mentally Ill in Victoria,
Australia
From the 1830s to the late 1840s Victoria was known as
the Port Phillip District of New South Wales and there
was no provision for people with mental illness other than
incarceration in ‘lock ups’, our early gaols. Poor houses did
not exist in Australia as they did in England during the late
eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries.
In 1838 a gaol was built at the site of the West Melbourne
Market. It was a small stone building with stock and leg irons
prominently placed out the front. There was no separation of
criminals and people with a mental illness at this lock up and
stockade.
Early in 1840 the Collins Street West Gaol was constructed
and some provision was made to separate people with a
mental illness with the building of the Lunacy Ward.
In 1840 the Metropolitan Gaol (later called the Old Melbourne
Gaol) was used as a hospital for the insane, with both men
and women being detained there. The “most violent lunatics”
at that time were transferred to Sydney.
6
1850s to 1950’s:
Humanitarian
Segregation - The
Asylum Period
Following a publicity campaign in the Port Phillip Gazette in
1841 under the title, “Lack of Asylums”, the New South Wales
Council provided funds in 1845 for the building of an asylum,
which opened in October 1848. Originally called the Merri
Creek Lunatic Asylum and the Melbourne Lunatic Asylum, it
was subsequently named the Yarra Bend Lunatic Asylum in
1851.
In 1852 the Yarra Bend Asylum accommodated 72 people and,
with the construction of additional accommodation, this grew to
300 in 1856. The Yarra Bend Asylum admitted people directly
from police custody or gaol as well as receiving referrals for
private care, which was provided at a charge of 1⁄4 penny a
day.
Private care was subsequently available at other facilities
including Harcourt (Ascot Vale) and Cremorne (Richmond)
which between 1869 and 1885 provided ‘care of the senile and
wealthy inebriates, as well as reception of lunatics’.
The original legislation that established the basis for the public
response to mental illness was the
Lunacy Statute of 1867,
which was based on consolidation of the law of England as it
applied at the time.
7
Many changes have occurred in the way we assist people with
mental health problems. The types of care were reflective of
the way different generations thought about illness and mental
health. In the past century our society has moved away
from segregated care, putting people away, into what
we now recognise as societal discrimination, rejection and
neglect. We may be moving towards an era where people are
accepted, treated with dignity and respect and provided with
equitable services.
The asylum period started in the early nineteenth century
and was the beginning of a major effort to change the care of
people with long term mental illness. It came from the “moral”
approach to understanding mental illness. Morrisey and
Goldman3 note that the “core belief was that the new cases
of insanity could be cured by segregating the distracted into
small, pastoral asylums where they could receive humane
care and instruction”
The need for institutional care grew as our population
became larger. The relatively simple government response
to community pressure was to increase the size of the
institutions. With practically no effective treatments available
large congested facilities developed.
The broad community view was that people with mental illness
were incurable and required long-term asylum. Funding did
not keep pace with the growing size of the asylums. By the
mid-twentieth century the original therapeutic style community
envisaged had in reality become primarily custodial care.4
8
This period of time contributed substantially to the
marginalisation of mental health from both general health and
other social and disability services. Asylums assumed almost
total responsibility for the lives of their patients, including
treatment, accommodation, clothing, food, social network,
vocational and recreation experiences.
Essentially they attempted to provide ‘whole of life care’.
However, this was at a huge cost – people were excluded from
mainstream community life and often confined with little regard
paid to basic civil liberties. As the institutions became larger
as the population grew they also became more substandard
and overcrowded5 . It needs to be remembered that modern
medications did not exist. Minimal community involvement
occurred in these institutions and this intensified fear and
stigmatisation of people with mental illness.
During this era voices for institutional reform were raised. One
notable mental health campaigner in America, Dorothy Dix,
organised for questions to be asked in various parliamentary
forums and achieved lasting fame.
This humane segregation, but nevertheless custodial
approach dominated in Australian institutional care from 1850
to the 1940s6 .
9
1950s to Medicated
Deinstitutionalisation
While there were many critics of asylums, no significant
change occurred until after World War Two. A number of
factors combined at this time to force change.
What followed was a major deinstitutionalisation of the
asylums in the 1950’s. This happened due to a large number of
factors outlined by Mechanic and Aiken such as:
• The effectiveness of the newer pharmacological agents in
controlling the more severe manifestations and behavioural
disturbance of mental illness.
• Concern to extend the legal and civil rights of people with
mental illness, (especially after people saw the way returned
soldiers were being treated).
• Concern about actual and perceived abuse in the
essentially custodial approach to care with no real treatment
being offered.
• Under-stimulation, loss of valued roles and loss of
independence of people who had respected roles in the
community (eg. returned soldiers).
• Increased awareness and value of personal autonomy and
equality.
• A philosophy that it is better to treat people in the
community in which they live.
• The increasing financial burden on governments of
maintaining large institutions.
10
The first factor, the development of new, relatively effective
medications, at first bought great hope and it was believed that
people would be totally cured and be able to live useful lives in
the mainstream community. This was not to be.
The Medicated Deinstitutionalisation era had several facets:
• the discharge of existing patients into the community;
• reducing new admissions and treating people outside
specialised psychiatric institutions;
• creation of private ‘for profit’ hostels (special
accommodation houses) that were often little better than the
large institutions in regard to the quality of care; and
• forcing families to be the primary carers with little support.
During this period there was an 80% decline in psychiatric
beds in the USA from 559,000 beds in 1955 (338 beds per
100,000 pop.), to 103,000 beds (41 beds per 100,000 pop.)
today8 .
In Victoria, the institutional population declined from 12,000
in the early 1950’s to 7,000 in the early 1960’s. Throughout
Australia the population of the psychiatric hospitals declined
from 29,500 in the early 1960s (281 beds per 100,000) to 6750
(40 beds per 100,000) in the early 1990’s.
During this period some psychiatric hospitals developed
outreach clinics or outreach services for patients discharged
to their families, or into special accommodation houses or
unsupervised boarding and rooming houses.
11
Outreach or clinic staff attempted to provide a range of
services of both a maintenance and emergency type to people
with chronic mental illness. They were often seen as critical in
helping with readmission as required. These programs were
funded through hospital budgets (which were funded through
the state health systems) and were often seen as the ‘poor
cousin’ to hospital based services. They usually continued
the orientation toward providing some of the “whole of life”
services, including renting, or even in some circumstances
buying, houses for community based accommodation, and
social and recreational programs. Little attempt was made to
assist people to use mainstream services and these attempts
usually failed when they did occur.
The major criticism of the medicated deinstitutionalisation
process was the failure of the hospital dollar to follow
the ‘patients’ into the community. The lack of staff and
accommodation in the community, before the withdrawal
of access to the institutions, was of particular concern. The
significant reduction of beds in psychiatric hospitals was not
accompanied by a comparable reduction in the proportion of
the mental health budget going to these institutions and an
increase of money to community based services.
12
1970s and 1980s:
Community Mental
Health Movement
As deinstitutionalisation took effect, the momentum began for
better facilities for acute in-patient care and the development
of community mental health program. The formal advent of
this in Australia probably started with the funding of community
mental health services by the 1972 Labour Government under
Prime Minister Whitlam.
Community based care was of course not new. This, and
neglect, had been the only options open to communities
before the asylum period. The roots of community care can be
traced back to the fourteenth century when a system of home
care for people with chronic mental illness was established
in Belgium9 . The humanist movement in particular assisted
many people in the seventeenth century.
However, in Australia, it was not until the 1970s that
community based mental health services increased
significantly as an alternative to long term hospitalisation and
asylum. Some of these programs grew out of the psychiatric
hospital outreach and aftercare programs while others were
established independently.
13
With the advent of the reformist Government in the 1970s,
Commonwealth funding became available to develop and
expand community health centres. Particularly in Victoria
and NSW these centres often incorporated a mental health
component. An example of this was the establishment of 50
Living Skills Centres in NSW from 1977 to the present.
In Victoria the trends were for separate development of
community clinical teams and separate, community managed
rehabilitation agencies.
In Queensland acute in-patient services were developed within
the grounds of general hospitals. These changes continue in
Australia today.
The move to mainstream, or co-location of mental health
services with general health services allows for services to
be closer to where people live and to be provided in a less
stigmatised environment. In Victoria this move was completed
in the 1990’s.
George Lipton10 listed some of the agreed objectives of the
community movement:
• to provide treatment in the community for the severely
mentally ill
• to provide different treatments from those available in
overcrowded institutions
• to reduce the number of new admissions by community
intervention
14
• to provide continuity of care in the community which was
thought to lead to better and more humanistic rehabilitation,
and a more normal and satisfying life for the patient
However, mostly due to the State based funding system, these
changes were not implemented in a uniform or consistent
manner.
Community based services were often developed separately
from the psychiatric hospitals and acute in-patient units of
general hospitals. A major criticism of the period is that
many community mental health programs ignored people with
seriously mental illness in favour of more interesting issues or
for people who could participate in the ’talking therapies’. This
often resulted in resources being diverted from the people at
the severe and chronic end of the mental health spectrum,
placing them at risk of further marginalisation.
Large numbers of people also became, technically, homeless
and lived in unsatisfactory residential facilities in the
community, or were inappropriately placed in nursing homes
or, reportedly, in jails.
In many areas significant competition appeared to occur
between the hospital and community services sector for
funds. The different sectors claimed the moral high ground
for their service methods and distrusted each other. Close
coordination or integration of the services occurred and
important principals such as continuity of care failed to be
achieved.
15
In NSW the Richmond Report provided a basis for reform of
mental health. In Victoria, the Commonwealth’s Healthy Cities
program provided the funding boost to the reform and transfer of
beds to the general hospital system.
1990 onwards: National Reform and Development of Area
Based Mental Health Services in Victoria
Policy makers started to address the community and
service systems concerns regarding lack of consistency and
coordination in the 1990’s. The Commonwealth commenced
major policy reform with the National Mental Health
Strategy. New, coordinated models started to be developed
and restructuring of health services into area/regional
organisational models was viewed favourably.
Overall, especially in Victoria and NSW, mental health services
have now been integrated with general health services within
discrete geographic catchments.
In Victoria, Area Mental Health Services offer specialised
clinical services providing a range of programs including
assessment, crisis intervention, mobile support and treatment
services, acute in-patient services and community outpatient
clinics. The Psychiatric Disability Support Service sector
through non government agencies provides a range of
psychosocial rehabilitation services such day rehabilitation,
in home support, residential rehabilitation, advocacy and self
help / mutual help.
16
This is consistent with the National Mental Health Policy that
requires mental health services to be mainstreamed with
the general health sector, yet supposedly also maintaining
integration of specialised services to ensure continuity in
clinical management.
In some regions, highly integrated community based services
with strong gate-keeping rules for accessing beds were
developed. Other areas maintained a more traditional hospital
approach while trying to meet the need to promote continuity
of management through close coordination with the community
teams.
In Victoria government funding practices protected mental
health budgets and defined minimum proportional allocations
to hospital and community based services. This ensured that
community based, adult, child and adolescent and aged
mental health services received specific percentage shares of
regional population based mental health budgets.
Implementation of models for case management and
coordinated care and the National Standards for Mental Health
Services (1996) dominated approaches to mental health care
during the 1990s.
During the early 2000s implementation of consumer outcome
measures and the Victorian Standards for Psychiatric
Disability Support Services and strengthening consumer and
carer participation are key reform activities.
17
References
1
Jones K (1972) “A History of the Mental Health Services”, Routledge &
Kegan Paul, London.
2
Longo DA & Peterson SM (2002) “The Role of Spirituality in
Psychosocial Rehabilitation”, Psychosocial Rehabilitation Journal, 25(4),
Spring, 333-340
3
Morissey JP, and Goldman HH (1984) “Cycles of Reform in the Care of
the Chronic Mentally Ill”, Hospital and Community Psychiatry, 35(8):785793
4
Kosky R (1986) “From Morality to Madness: A Reappraisal of the Asylum
Movement in Psychiatry 1800-1940”, Australian and New Zealand
Journal of Psychiatry, 20:180-187
5
Garton S (1988) Medicine and Madness: A Social History of Insanity in
New South Wales, 1880-1940, Modern History Series 5, NSW University
Press, Kensington
6
Kosky ibid; and Wing JK (1990) “The Functions of Asylum”, British
Journal of Psychiatry, 157:822-827
7
Mechanic D, and Aiken LH (1987) “Improving the Care of Patients with
Chronic Mental Illness”, New England Journal of Medicine, 317(26):
1634-1638
8
Lamb RH (1992) “Is it Time for a Moratorium on Deinstitutionalization?
(editorial)”, Hospital and Community Psychiatry, 43(7):669
9
Srole L (1977) “Gheel, Belgium: The Natural Therapeutic Community
1475-1975” in Serbin G (ed) New Trends of Psychiatry in the
Community: Proceedings of the Fourth International Symposium of the
Kittay Scientic Foundation, March 28-29,1976, New York, NY, Ballinger,
Cambridge
Krupkinski J, Mackenzie A and Carson N (1984) “Feasibility of Discharge
of Chronic Psychiatric Patients”, Australian and New Zealand Journal of
Psychiatry, 18:364-372
18
10
Lipton G L (1980) “Community Mental Health as a Reality”, Australian
and New Zealand Journal of Psychiatry, 14:183-186