A NORMATIVE PERSPECTIVE OF ADOLESCENT GIRLS' DEVELOPING SEXUALITY DEBORAH P. WELSH, SHARON S. ROSTOSKY A N D MYRA CHRISTEN KAWACUCHI Welsh, D. P., Rostosky, S. S., & Kawaguchi, M. C. (2000). A normative perspective of adolescent girls' developing sexuality. In C. B. Travis & J. W. White (Eds.), Sexuality, societv. and feminism (pp. 111-140. Adolescent girls' sexuality is of great interest and concern to developmental researchers, theorists, policymakers, educators, health care providers, parents, and adolescencs themselves. O n e reason for this interest is that adolescence is a crucial time when many biological, psychological, and social changes occur. These changes, and their interaction within a cultural context, have important ramifications for girls' developing sense of sexuality. For example, puberty, the biological hallmark of adolescence, represents the greatest physical change since birth. The attainment of reproductive maturity has numerous social, cultural, and psychological meanings that, reflexively, impact on the experience of puberty and provide the link between reproductive maturity and sexuality for adolescent girls (BrooksGunn & Reiter, 1990; Buchanan, Eccles, & Becker, 1992). Another change is adolescents' newly acquired cognitive ability, formal operational thought, This sruJy was supported by a National Institute of Mental Health BISTART award and a Universiry of Tennessee Professional Development Award to Deborah Welsh. 1I1 IH3AlDt'dlY',\lCINV 'USOLSOEI ' I IS73h 1r:nxas j o 8u!ueam a~!~:,a!qnsay1 u o sasnxy y1c)marnelj Mau s ! 3u!aq ~ Icnxas e st! jlasauo jo asuas 8u!dola~apayl se ]lam SF! 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We posit that any analysis of the meaning of adolescent sexuality can only be understood within a context that examines the role of ecological variables and personal characteristics of adolescents. We then present a selection of personal and ecological variables, discuss how they have been studied within the existing framework, and pose questions or make suggestions regarding the role of these variables in the new framework. Finally, we discuss implications of this normative framework. ASSUMPTIONS UNDERLYING T H E EMPIRICAL STUDY OF ADOLESCENT GIRLS' SEXUALITY IN A N HISTORICAL A N D POLITICAL CONTEXT There are three major assumptions that underlie the majority of empirical research on adolescent sexuality and shape the nature of the questions researchers ask, the design of the studies, and, thus, the state of our knowledge base about adolescent sexuality. We feel it is important to examine these assumptions and their implications for our literature base regarding adolescent girls' sexuality. Girls' Sexuality as a Psychological and Social Problem O n e underlying assumption that has guided the vast majority of empirical and political discourse o n adolescent girls' sexuality over the past 30 years is that sexuality in girls is a dangerous social problem indicative of pathology and in need of prevention or at least control. This approach, which views adolescent girls' sexuality as a social problem, is constructed in the context of a climate of national panic from both the political left and right. T h e politically liberal position is invested in the maintenance of this pathology perspective to advance an agenda of intervention programs, and has thus focused discourse and research o n the negative consequences of sexual activity including teenage pregnancy, sexually transmitted diseases, poverty, and, most recently, AIDS. T h e political right has similarly emphasized the social problem of adolescent girls' sexuality, although in efforts to advance a n agenda emphasizing the immorality of premarital sexuality. This agenda is typified by recent "Just Say No" campaigns and other programs aimed at abstinence education for adolescents. As a result of these two forces stemming from vastly divergent motivations, the body of research o n adolescent girls' sexuality has focused o n questions aimed at identifying when girls begin to engage in sexual behaviors, specifically sex. ual intercourse, and what factors precipitate or put a n adolescent girl at risk for engaging in sexual intercourse (Irvine, 1994). T h e ultimate purpose ADOLESCENT GIRLS' DEVELOPING SEXUALITY 113 of this path of research is to prevent, or at least control, adolesccnt girls' c:xpressions of sexuality (Foucault, 1978; Irvine, 1994; Nathansvn, 199 1 ). rL u ~ l > i a l - ~ i:uT,iili,iiisiiii L; ( 1 (??!) p:i;*..i~!~~ ;: f ~ s c i n n r i nsocinhis:cric~! ~ analysis of the emergence of ;~dolescencgirls' sexuality as a social problem. Although adolescent pregnancy, the most visiblc aspect of girls' sexu;ility, has emerged as one of the most controversial and politicized topics currently on our national table of social issues, it has only been o n that table since about the mid-1970s. Although the sexual transgressicjns of adolescent girls have been problematic in this country for about 150 years, prior to the past two decades they were considered individual problems of individual girls rather than a national social problem. Something has happened over the past two decades that has suddenly made adolescent girls' sexuality a national emergency and put it at the top of our list of national sc~cialproblems. Nathanson (1991) provides compelling data to support her contention that the current construction of adolescent girls' sexuality as a social problem is not related to the magnitude of the problem but is rather a result of a variety of political forces advancing se~reralmoral and philosophical agendas. For example, adolescent pregnancy did n o t emerge as a national concern until almost a decade after the birth rate ( t h e number of births per 1,000 women) for teenage girls had declined rapidly. Nathanson zrgues that the problem of adolescent girls' sexuality has been largely constructed over the past 25 years as a consequence of a variety of social forces. Historically, adolescent girls' sexual transgressions were considered within the domain of morality and, addressing it was the property of religion. With the relatively recent invention of the birth control pill and later, legalized abortion, the sexuality of women in general became increasingly redistributed from the domain of the church to the medical community. Almost overnight, sexuality was transformed from a moral problem to a health problem that carried with it serious economic implications to women and society at large. In the 1900s the birth control movement, led by Planned Parenthood, became prominent and powerful in setting national policy. T h e mission of this movernent focused o n providing birth control services to poor married adult women. T h e population explosion and need for population control was a prominent national agenda item at that time. T h e political left advanced the argument chat poor married minority women were kept in a cycle of poverty by not having access to control their fertility and having child after child. T h e polical right was concerned with the economic cost to the country in social welfare programs. Thus, both the political left and right were invested in providing birth control to poor, primarily African American, adult women. By the 1970s, the birth control movement had pretty much accomplished its goal, the birth rate had dropped to replacement level. In addiWELSH, IIOSTOSkY, AND KAiV,Y/,4C;UCIHI IZINISUO~, ayl U!~I!M hl!s-la~!p aql aln~de:,IOU saop lapow s ! '1!3yap ~ ayl ]norll!m s11!8 ~ I ! Mway] 8u!~edwor,hq lpyap s!q~~uamnDophay1 pue '(ssau 10) 1!3yap e aAey s11!8 lua3salope aA!lDe Allenxas ley1 amnssc hay1 Is! I E 'lapow ~ 1!3yap e moy alelado suo!~sanbjo sadh~asayl 'hluno:, s!y] u! sdno18 h~!lou!w D!uyla uo qzueasal ler,!aoloy:,hsd Apes aql ~ I ! M S\J '(0661 'amox lg s~a8pox!g861 'u!lneH 9 IION 15161 '.IOSS~[ 9 ~ossa[! ~ g 6 1' u e ~ o u o a9 'JOSS~[ 'elso3 '~ossa[!6861'asloN 9 110!713 !5g61 ' J O S S ~ [ 9 u e ~ o u o a )s8rup 8u!sn pue 'loyoqe 8u!yu!lp '8u!gows Bulpnpu! slo!Aeyaq walqold jo uo!lelpIsuo:, e ~ I ! M pa1e!2osse aq 01 a s l n o ~ l a ~ ulenxas ! u! 8u!8e8ua punoj aAeq slayxeasal 'hlleuo!~!ppv .(sma!~a~ -lo] '0661 'aloofl KJ lal1!,y !066] 'ue!~nopey31e] aas) a s ~ n o x a ~ u ! lenxas pey l a m u aAeq O ~ Ms1~!8 luar,salope ~ I ! M pa~edwor,(ssaull! ayl jo mo~dmhs]uau!wold Isom a y ~ aslnoxalu! ) Ienxas u! a8e8ua oym sp!8 luaxalope uaamlaq sa3ualaff!p punoj ahey slaqxeasal 'paapu] -sassaull! laylo 01 shew ~njSu!ueaw u! salela1 ssaull~s!y~laylaym lapuom Aew auo '10 'I! ahey IOU op oym asoyl wolj lajj!p ssaull! s!y~~ I ! M aldoad y s y m u! shew ayl lnoqe lapuom hew auo 'ssaull! ue se A~!lenxas,sp!8 ]uar,salopu p a ~ l a x a dauo l! 'aldwexa JO-J -pun] sapua8e pue yse sleloqx ley1 suo!lsanb a y ~30 alnleu ay] loj ~ o y d e ~ a ayl m s w ~ o josle le3!8oloy1ed se A~!lenxas luar,salope jo uo!~da~uor, a q ~' a ~ qhay] y ~ ! q ~u!\ alnlln2 ayl jo ]led ale s1ayxeasal se ' s n y ~-mnnxA e u! slnmo yxeasal ON .sa!~uaae2u!punl pue s~o1e8!1sa~u!le2!l!dwa loj Ixaluo:, ayl se paAJas osle ' ( u o ! ~ u a ~ a l '~a11aq d 10) luamlean l o paau u! pue 1e~!2oloy1edAlle:,!pam se pue 'rua~uor,le!3 -0s jo eale ue se Al!lenxas Isl~!8IuaDsalope jo uo!~dax~or, xlqnd a u -(saxoj asaq] jo s!sAleue aA!suay -aldmor, alom 101 '1661 ' U O S U E ~ I ~ Naas) aslno>s!p r,!mape~epue 'le~!~!lod 'le!~os10 ~ u o ~ j a l ao ly olu! ~ h~!lenxas,sp!8 lua2salope l o anssl ayl p a l ~ a d o ~ d saxoj aslaA!pjo a8pod aBpoy s!q~'laylaSo_~.1qB!1 sno!Ehla~a,\!~e~lasuor, ay1 l o a 3 ! o ~ay] u! lamod le~!~!lodayl ' h l ~ u a ~ slow al 'pue 'so961 ale1 ayl jo IuaruaAow a l n ~ l n ~ ~ a ~ uaql n ohq r , pa1elaua8 qlnoh jo lea] pa~!axads,mlqnd ayl 'pa!lrem aq 01 slaqlow IuaDsalope loj h ~ u a p u apaseanap ~ a y 8u!pnpu! ~ s a ~ ~ 1aq1o ol l e ~ a ~ jo a s IX~IUO:, a y ~u! awe:, osle Al!1!1~aj ,sl~!8luaxalope 01 h1!1!1~aj s'uawom lood moy walqold ayl jo u o ! ~ e w l o j s u e ~ ay_L ~ -sl1!8 luaz~salopeuer,!lawv u e q v hl!lem!ld 11!1s jo AI!~!IJ~J ayl ~ U ! ~ ~ O J I UseO lnjalsels!p ~ se IOU alam uamom qnpe ueDpamv ueD!ljv hl!~ew!ld jo hl!l!l~ajay] ~ U ! ~ ~ O J I uo U O2u!snr,oj ~ jo sauouapun ls!>el a U .snlels ~!mouo~ao!3os uey] 1aylcl a8e jo s!seq ayl uo pauyapal sem h~!lenxass,uawom jo malqold ay] 'h11e~y!~ads-uo!1ez!ue8~0 a81el pue pyamod s!yl 10 U O ! S S ! ~ ayl l o Su!uyapal e u! pallnsal 'pooq -1ualed pauueld ayl 30 slaqmam lelaq!] hlle2!1!lod aql 01 lnjalsels!p OOI alam y q m s ~ u a p ! ~uo!lez!l!1als ~! ay] hq palqa!lq8!y suo!~e:,!ldur! 31ua8na ayl jo ssau13allosu! 1~3jl!lod 2y1 yl!,~, 8iicq~'luau~a,\~;.u aql jo ssa3sns a u 'sr,!u!13 1 0 ~ 1 ~ q111q 03 papunj-~IVIS u! pa~~n:,:,oleq] uawom h~!lou!w jo SUO!lei!l!lalS pa3101 ayl 8 ~ ! p ~ n 0 l A~!qqnd ln~ pealdsap!~sew alayl ' u o ! ~ PI I i\ 'i being examined (e.g., sexuality or ethnicity). Thus, it may be rhat sexu;ll intercourse in some ndolescent girls may reflect some underlying psychological disturbance, but not in others. Shcdler and Block (1990), in an extremely important publication [hilt won awards for its policy implications, applied this cluestioning to another controversial domain of adolescent behavior: drug usage. Numerous previous studies operating from the prevailing cultur;ll assumptions regarding the pathology of adolescent drug usage had found drug use t o be associated with many deleterious qualities in adolescents. Shedler and Block, however, differentiated different piltterns of drug usage in adolescents, and found that adolescents who experimented with drugs but did not abuse them in fact were the psychologically most healthy, even compared with adolescents who did not use drugs. T h e authors believed that [he same behavior, drug usage, might have \feni different meanings and ser\.e different functions h>r different adolescents. In this instance, the willingness of these developmental researchers to move beyond deficit, illness models, t o asking questions that can capture the diversity of our psychological constructs was fruitful. Researchers interested in adolescent sexuality are only beginning to take this step. T h e assumption that adolescent girls' sexuality is pathological has implications for the empirical literature base on adolescent sexuality by influencing the targets of research interest. In most developmental domains (e.g., cognitive development, ego development, moral development, social development) the pioneering studies investigating the developmental phenomena were conducted with middle-class, European American male adolescents. T h e field of psychology in general has historically meant the psychology of middle-class, European American men. However, most research o n adolescents' sexuality has foc~tsedo n the sexuality of adolescent girls, and most often, economically disadvantaged, ethnic minority girls. Although this observatic~nmay initially seem peculiar, it makes sense in the context of understanding adolescent sexuality as pathology rather than as a normal developmental process, and given our cultural notions about gender and sexuality. W h e n normal developmental processes are studied, it is the majority (White), powerful (male) population who is the standard (Bleier, 1986; Crawford & Marecek, 1989; Jacklin, 1981). W h e n pathology or social problems are studied, it is the minority populations who are examined. T h a t the overwhelming majority of empirical research o n adolescent sexuality is being focused o n girls, primarily poor minority girls, implies that only their sexuality is problematic and necessitates study (Tolman, 1994). By their lack of attention to men, empirical investigators reinforce the cultural belief that male sexuality is biologically determined and uncontrollable. Therefore, to socially control adolescent sexuality, emphasis must be placed o n the control of the female adolescent. T h i s biological 116 WELSH, RosTosky, rLVD K,.\\v,4C;L1cHI I ! I ! 1111 double standard is based o n cultural scripts that designate the female as gatekeeper or final arbitrator of sexual behavior (Strouse 6r Fabes. 1987). T h a t is, men are to pursue and women are to resist sexual behavior. It follows that contraception, pregnancy, and childbearing are the concerns of the woman (Chilman, 1990). One result is a large body of literature o n adolescent girls' sexual behavior in regard to contraception, pregnancy, and intercourse with little or n o empirical work o n girls' sexual desire, sexual feelings, or sense of self as a sexual being or o n any aspect of boys' sexuality. '! Equation of Sexuality With Intercourse j ! A second assumption of empirical discourse on adolescent sexuality is that sexual behavior is synonymous with the act of heterosexual intercourse. T h e empirical literature casts a n ahistorical, static portrait of adolescent sexuality that begins with intercourse and ends in pregnancy (Weddle, McKenry, & Leigh, 1988). This orientation stems, in part, from viewing adolescent girls' sexuality in terms of reproductive and health risks and also is consistent with a number of psychological theories. Many theoretical frameworks have viewed sexual intercourse as a crucial developmental step for adolescents. In psychodynamic theory, for instance, first intercourse is assumed to be a pivotal behavior that results in irreversible change in status in relationship to parents (Chodorow, 1978; Freud, 1933, 1953). This view is reminiscent of deeply entrenched Western cultural narratives concerning the significance of virginity, which is loaded with expectations and symbolic meaning (Thompson, 1984). According to social exchange theory (Homans, 1974; Thibaut & Kelley, 1978), sexual intercourse is considered to be of great significance partitularly for women in Western, patriarchial cultures because it involves many costs (e.g., pain, guilt, fear, potential pregnancy) (Strouse & Fabes, man, 1972; Koch, 1988; Schofield, 1973; Sorensen, 1973; Waterman & Nevid, 1977), although women's reactions have become less negative than they once were (Christensen & Gregg, 1970; Weis, 1983). Feminist theory has noted that the focus on intercourse is evidence of the male perspective that continues to dominate research in this area (Koedt, 1994). From this perspective, there is n o sexuality prior to first intercourse. Feminists also have pointed out that sexuality research has traditionally assumed that male dominance is normal. O n e of the only studies of adolescent dating couples found the extent a couple engaged in affectionate sexual behaviors (e.g., holding hands and kissing) was associated with their commitment to their partner and to the relationship while commitment was not related to whether the couple was having sexual intercourse (Rostosky, Welsh, Kawaguchi, & Vickerman, 1999). T h e em- ' i.i i l\ ! 1i riil; 'F ? T i \ :: I li ' !i!j, t; ., I i: 117 ! i'i i'j i 24 ;I ,>q :! 1, : )dl 'q f ii ! .:: ?: I !-. t . ;;I i"'7 ,'.!i I;?! :?li .\' ! , :?r i ;'if ,,'l;:;i I :. ;ul., $ii al i $31 .. . [. ...( L . 3. i r' ADOLESCENT GIRLS' DEVELOPING S E X U ~ Z L I ~ ' jLi, ! /I I i" (i ; i: :> L phasis on intercourse, of course, also comes out of the context of a society that is not only male dominated, but also heterosexual dominated. T h e behavior of intercourse does not have the s a ~ n esalience to a lesbian couple that is does to a heterosexual couple. Thus, adolescent sexuality takes place in the context of institutionalized heterosexuality, gendered power relations, and male sexual values, such as the primacy of intercourse and its biological imperative. Evidence of this narrow view of sexuality is found in the manner in which terms such as sexual exploration, sexual activity, and sexual behavior are used interchangeably to designate the act of sexual intercourse (DiBlasio & Benda, 1992; Foshee Sr Bauman, 1992). O n e consequence of this assumption is the almost complete lack of attention to the myriad of other sexual behaviors and feelings that adolescent girls experience. Sexuality Is a n Individual Property A third underlying assumption of empirical investigations of adolescent sexuality is that the construct of sexuality is completely a property of [he individual. Empirical investigations have n o t examined t h e adolescent couple as a unit of analysis. This is surprising in light of the fact that the girls' sexual behaviors, which are of such great concern to both researchers and policymakers, are occurring primarily in the context of dyadic relationships with boys. Yet researchers focus their attention exclusively on the personal characteristics (e.g., pubertal developmental status, values, selfesteem, sexual attitudes) or environments of adolescenc girls (e.g., girls' parental marital status, socioeconomic status (SES),family size, sexual behaviors of friends) that are associated with their decisions regarding sexual intercourse and contraception. Sexual behaviors are typically occurring in romantic relationships for adolescent girls, who, in general, tend to require emotional involvement and commitment prior to having sexual intercourse (Carroll, Volk, & ~ ~ d 1985; e , Christopher & Cate, 1985; Coles & Stokes, 1985). Thus, this context serves as the initial context in which girls make meaning of the sexual behaviors in which they are engaging. T h e communication (verbal and nonverbal) between the couple or the relationship between the couple are not explored by researchers in attempts to understand adolescent sexuality. This may relate t o the individualistic orientation of Western culture in general, or, as we discussed earlier, in our designation of females as gatekeepers of sexual behavior. In summary, these three assumptions: ( a ) that adolescent girls' sexuality is problematic; (b) that sexuality is synonymous with sexual intercourse; and (c) that sexuality is the property of the individual independent of the relationship in which it is expressed, have provided t h e basis of the existing framework for the study of adolescent girls' sexuality. These assumptions have, for the most part, determined the questions that researchWELSH, ROSTOSKY,A N D KA\Yii\GCCHI i ! i j ers have asked. These questions have focused o n establishing which girls are at risk, and how sexual exploration can be prevented or contrcjllecl so that the unwanted outcomes, such as pregnancy and childbearing, can be avoided. This pathology oriented perspective prevents an understanding of adolescent girls' developing sexuality as normal and healthy. T h e perspective presented in this chapter is based on developmental theory and views sexuality as an integral part of identity in girls and women. Signs of a shift toward a more normative perspective have begun to appear. Recent Shifts in Investigations of Adolescent Girls' Sexuality Current cultural and theoretical perspectives of the meaning of sexuality to female adults have transitioned from an emphasis o n reproduction to a view of sexuality as a healthy component of adult functioning and personal identity (D'Emilio & Freedman, 1988; Foucault, 1978; Irvine, 1994; Weeks, 1981). This view has only recently been adopted as a lens for investigating adolescent sexuality. Two recent professional forums exemplify this transition (Feldman & Paikoff, 1994; Irvine, 1994). Janice Irvine's (1994) recent edited book, Sexual Cultures and the Construction of Adolescent Identities, presents a collection of articles that view adolescent sexuality from a normative perspective and posits that "sexual meanings, sexual practices, and adolescents' sexual bodies are complicated social artifacts mediated by such influences as race, ethnicity, gender, sexual identity, class, and physical ability" (p. vii). T h e authors of the articles take a social constructionist stance and argue that adolescent sexualities cannot be understood outside the context of cultural analysis. In addition, at the 1994 meeting of the Society for Research on Adolescence, the primary mainstream arena for communication about research pertaining to adolescents in this country, 4 hours (twice the typical time allotment) were devoted to a symposium exploring "new perspectives on adolescent sexuality." Three major points were emphasized at this symposium: researchers and others interested in adolescent sexuality need to (a) promote greater understanding of adolescent sexuality in a normative context; (b) promote enhanced theoretical understanding of adolescent sexuality; and (c) understand individual differences in the meaning and experience of adolescent sexuality, particularly the influences of gender, ethnicity, SES, peer cultures, and media exposure. Thus, in the past 2 years, researchers' construction of adolescent sexuality has begun to change. A FRAMEWORK FOR UNDERSTANDING ADOLESCENT GIRLS' SEXUALITY Contemporary investigations of adolescent sexuality can be enhanced by using a framework that views adolescent sexuality from a normative ADOLESCENT GIRLS' DEVELOPING SEXUALITY 119 :'I',I ,'I I I I I I IHDflDVhlt'Y UNV 'HSOISO>I'tlS73Al lanxas hys!.~ aloul u! a8e8ua O ~ MS I U ~ ~ S ~ ~U OI ? ~~ IS J? ~ L I I OAq 1uaiadwo3 a ~ o wse p a i z l a ~ ~ aale d puc saizlasularl] ~ u a ~ a d u r oslow s laaj ~ I ! A ! I ~ Icnxas alq!suodsa~a ~ o wu! aSe8ua orl~zsluaxalopc ley1 pue a s ~ n o ~ a l uruoq ! u!els -qe oym s1ua3salopc u e q ~aualadmo:, ssal IOU ale sIua3salope aA!Ix! Allen e!u!%!~ jo h l ! s ~ a ~ ! u ~n L I IIT. SSIC!S@SS\: s!y p ~ t ?u a l l v ydasol hq pa13np -uor, Su!aq 13alold 8u!olSuo ue w o y sSu!puy A~cu!w!la~dIuaDal a w n s .h~!lenxas,s1~!8jo mnllsads aie!ldo~ddeAlle~uawdolaaap'Injy1leay ay] isal8ar1 IOU plnoys s~aym.?asalley] pualuos a,\z 'ls,iamoH .sht?m le3!8olo - y ~ e duaiza 'lnjy~leayunU! AI!ICI?XSS -'lay] ar)ua!lacixa hew s~J!S~ U I O S~ e y ~ a 3 u e 1 ~aA!leurloN v .ylo'naurclj s!rp hq pap!nS s;o~eS -!isaAu! alninj 101 suo!isanb Azau asod am puc 'ylo~iaruelj~ L I 10 I SUO!IJO~ slellsn]l! ley] salpnls au!wexa am '(salqe!~e.%Ienixaiuos jo uo!snlsu! put? 'Su!ucam uo s!st?qdu~sur? 'ssucis a.i!~owlouF?) ylomauIcy sly1 jo s13adst: 1mlua3 aalyl ayl Jap!sucn an\ ~ a i d e y r ,s!rp 10 I S ~ Ja91 U I ' i u a w d o l a ~ a p Ivnxas ,s11!n9 iua3salope l o h ~ ! s l a ~ !put? p Ai!xald~uosaql s~n1de301 suo!ii?Y -!is3,iu! I ~ ? ~ ! . I !smollr? ~ L L Iy~nmaurey ~ s ! r l ~'61!1enxx 8u!do1a1\ap , S I U ~ ~ S ~ ~ -pc u! ~ 1 o .H1itt:~cloyr! I U D U I ~ L ~ ~ S Aa,111!uSo3 SP ~ U '1e3!401o!q F 'le!3c)sc'q3hsd puc l h ~ ! l e n ~ ! ~' s~adnsl t ? 1t?uos~ad ~ z u ! ~ s ! ~ a ~ 3 e ~1t:31~.tyd \ ? y r , ' u o ! ~ c ~ u a !Ienxas ~o 'iuau~e~adruai Su!pnjsu! s1ua3salopl: jo sD!1s!la1xley3 ~ c u n s ~ a'AIJ~I!U!S d .s9u!aq Irmxas SE sa.zlaslua.ql jo asuas l!ayi 01 puc s9u!laaj puue slo!izeyaq Icnxas -I!arl] 01 aq!l3sl? s~uassalc>pt:ivy1 s5u!ueau1 ay] a ~ u a n ~ wpaw u! ay] pue '~0!8!lal paz!ucYJn 'luatuuol!~uad!ysuo!lc]a~3!1ucwo~ ' i u a u ~ u o ~ ! ~ u a laad 'iuaruuol!.%us hl!rut?j ".li!unu~rnor,3!uy13 ' > . I ~ I st? ~ Iq3ns I ~ s3!1s!~aix~ey3 1~3!201033.SIU33sa[op1?10 s ~ ! I s ! J ~ I ~leuoslad ~ J K ? ~put? ~ le3!8olcma jo 210.1 a41 sauiwexa I\:LII Ixaluos e U I ~ I I Mpooislapun aq Isnru h~!lcnxas1ua3salope jo 8u!ueau1 at11 10 s!sA~t:uuI I ? ~ aI n h : an;\ .slo!.zt?yaq Ienxas ~ ! a y10 i soO U ! U E ~ U I SSSii:~i',j ii:iji ;Y~~M.)CLII:J,I y311S aU0 l u a s a ~ d3hj O . ; ) . I I I ~ ~ ~ ls lJ?>l ~~ 3 ~ 1 d O 1 3 ~ 3 ~ SCS activities (Cullen & Boykin, 1995). Studies such as this one support the -. contention that sexuality falls on a developmental continuum and that it is important to differentiate the adolescents for whom sexual behavior is symptomatic of psychological disturbance from those for whom sexual behavior is associated with healthy, developmentally appropriate exp1or;ition. In spite of empirical neglect of the normative development of ado, lescent sexuality, developmental theorists have considered sexuality as a healthy aspect of adolescent development (Erikson, 1968; Sullivan, 1953). Erikson postulated that identity development is the primary developmental task of adolescence. He, and others who have expanded o n his work (10sselson, 1994; Marcia, 1994), consider the integration of sexuality into one's sense of who she is and how the social world views her as a major aspect of identity. Sullivan's interpersonal theory considers the development of intimacy and the capacity to integrate sexuality into intimate relationships to be the primary task of adolescence. These developmental theories, in spite of the pathological orientation of most empirical research, make intuitive sense in a developmental perspective. A t least in the contexc of heterosexual adult married relationships (the current holders of power in this country), there is little argument that sexuality is a healthy aspect of these adults' lives. In fact, there is a fairly large field of therapists who specialize in treating couples experiencing sexual difficulties, and the failure to express sexuality in the context of marriage is considered problematic by the general society. Yet, unlike almost all other developmental processes (e.g., ego development, moral development, social development, cognitive development, physical development), we do not understand how sexuality develops. It clearly is not something that suddenly, almost miraculously, appears after marriage and was not experienced in any prior capacity. We need a framework for viewing sexuality as a normal developmental process that would allow us to ask questions about developmental differences in t h e experience of sexuality. For example, d o early adolescents experience sexuality in different ways than middle or late adolescents or adults? O n e may suspect that sexuality serves different purposes at different life stages. For example, early adolescents may experience their sexuality as a means of becoming closer and establishing power among their same gender, platonic friendships; whereas, sexuality may be a means for older adolescents to experience connection with their romantic partners. These type of questions can only be addressed with a normative framework for understanding adolescent sexuality. Additionally, and ironically, working from a normative framework allows greater light to be shed o n the pathology of sexuality. For example, asking how one differentiates between adolescents whose sexual behaviors are expressions of normal, healthy exploration and those whose expressions of sexuality are symptomatic of severe psychological turmoil is a n important empirical question that would be ADOLESCENT GIRLS' DEVELOPING SEXUALITY 12 1 . i u a u t d o l a ~ a pl!ayi uo anell Arlm sa!i!lnnxas l!ayi isedw! ay] jo 'hlle!iuaiod '10 hi!lcnxas l!aqi jo aAey on11 asaqi sar,ua!~adxa aslaA!p ayi j o alii!l s a ~ n i d ma a ~ i s eAllensas ale sl1!8 p l n - ~ e a h -asayi ~ ~ jo yioq ir?qi u o ! ~ c u ~ ~ nsj tu1! 1 - s i u a ~ ~Jay ? d 1su!c8e 8u!llaqa~jo hen\ e 10 'pains -t?ald aq puv laylour: amscald Alle~!sAyd oi moy S u ! ~ a ~ o 3 s !lpo 8u!iuam -!ladxa 40 ~ C Me 'pua!q!\oq l a y y i ! ~ A ~ ~ ~ I Ilay u ! jo uo!ssa~dxa 1r?s!sliyd c iuassldal hew as!uaa ~ o xja s .ulaaisa l o asuaiadmos jn asuas e saxxa!l -adxa ays y31ym u! u ~ c w o phluc) ayi s! 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Apnls a.\!le~!lcnb e paisnpuor, uaq] s y y p u a H a q L .h111enxas (557 'b661 uaijo isow al!sap Icnsasjo s/';u!lasj l!ar{i al!clfi ' d ! r l ~ ~ ~ ) !F ~lo) cla~ J!ayl puu allsap Icnsas J!aql ussmlaq uo!i~u!i-;!i?1b!i e aqi?c11 S I J ! ~3<1111 'laj]!p sasua!ladxa J!aql y31qm u! S ~ E M a y pue hl~e11ru!sAI!I\:~X"S J ! ~ a x a ! ~ a d x auauiom pue uam luaxalopn ale1 asayl r12!qrn u! s . l e . ~arli ass 01 I a p e u xas moy 'alq!~lail a y t u q i apcw xas Mny 'lryspuom l a y way] apeul xas may lnoqc paylci A x 1 1 . 1 3 ~ ~ jJ!ayl t: 01 asuodsal U! OSIF PUI: 'sa!1111-, ing of sexuality to adolescents. It is hoped that the interesting implications of these early studies will encourage others interested in adolescents' sexuality to incorporate analyses of adolescents' subjective understanding of their sexuality into their research designs. T h e Importance of Contextual and Personal Variables . Inspired by the pioneering theoretical work of Urie Bronfenbrenner (1979, 1986), numerous developmental researchers have begun to realize the importance of context and process in understanding human development. Bronfenbrenner's person-process-context model asserts that characteristics of individuals (person variables) and characteristics of the ecological environment in which individuals live (context variables) influence processes that culminate in developmental outcomes. Researchers must consider all components of this model-person variables, context variables, and process-to understand any developmental phenomenon. In the context of understanding adolescent girls' sexuality, this model implies that personal characteristics (e.g., temperament, sexual orientation, physical characteristics, values, religiosity, self-esteem, and psychosocial, biological, and cognitive development) and ecological characteristics (e.g., culture, ethnicity, family environment, peer environment, organized religion, and the media) of girls will influence processes that impact on their sexual behaviors and feelings, the subjective meanings that they ascribe to their behaviors and feelings, and their sense of themselves as sexual beings. Much of the research o n adolescent girls' sexuality has focused on personal and ecological characteristics of girls that predict their sexual behaviors. The purpose for the large volume of literature dedicated to this line of inquiry is to understand the factors associated with whether girls engage in intercourse and contracepting behaviors in order to develop intervention programs for preventing intercourse or encouraging contraceptive behavior. Although, for the purposes of this chapter we are interested in normative development, these pathology oriented studies can tell us something about the personal and ecological factors that may influence girls' developing sense of sexuality. \Ye focus now on three personal variables (pubertal development, ego development, and sexual orientation) and three ecological variables (family context, cultural context, and romantic relationship context) as examples of how these factors may be related to adolescent girls' sexuality in a normative framework. Puberty-Biological Developmental Level Girls who experience menarche earlier than their peers have been found to engage in sexual intercourse sooner than their on-time and late maturing peers (Morris, Mallin, & Udry, 1982; Zabin, Smith, Hirsch, & ADOLESCENT GIHLS' DEVELOPING SESUALl7Y Hardy, 1986). However, the impact of sex hormones o n the sexual behavior of girls seellls to depend o n their social context. Specifically, although increased androgens are associated with increased interest in sex in adolescent girls, they are only associated with greater degrees of sexual behavior in girls with permissive attitudes and more sexually active friends (Udry & Billy, 1987). In addition, a variety of social factors are known to influence girls' pubertal development and, thus, hormone levels. For example, girls who are emotionally closer to their parents prior to puberty experience menarche later than those who do not have as close an emotional bond with their parents (Steinberg, 1988). Girls in father-absent homes also tend to physically mature earlier than girls in two-parent families (Surbey, 1990). Thus, the complex and recursive interaction between biology and environment clearly plays a role in understanding girls' sexuality and merits further study. From a normative perspective, physical maturation should be more broadly conceptualized than menarche, or hormone levels. T h e way that girls understand the changes in their bodies, what feelings they have regarding these changes, and the meanings that they attribute to these changes are all important aspects of puberty that merit further study. Evidence from existing research suggests that an adolescent girl experiences puberty in a context of family and peer relationships. These relationships intluence the meaning of puberty to the individual adolescent girl. T h e processes by which this influence occurs are still largely unknown. Developmental Level-Ego Development Loevinger (1976) describes the ego as a search for meaning, a frame of reference, and a process of creating a coherent orientation toward the world. According to Loevinger, ego development is a normal sequence of stages involving an increasingly articulated view of the self and others. Each stage is characterized by how the individual copes with impulses, the nature of their interpersonal relationships, their conscious preoccupations, and their cognitive style. Ego development, then, not only influences how the adolescent makes decisions about sexual behaviors, but also influences the meaning that the adolescent attaches to these behaviors and her feelings about them. Ego development also may influence adolescents' interpretation of parental, peer, and media messages about sexuality, as well as how they negotiate whether or not to have sexual intercourse and whether or not to use contraception. Studies of ego development and adolescent sexuality, like most of the research o n adolescent sexuality, has focused on the relationship of the adolescent's ego development stage to a limited number of behaviors, grouping participants according to these behaviors or their outcomes, for instance, pregnant or parenting adolescents vs. non-pregnant or nonparenting adolescents (McIntyre & Saudargas, 1993; Oz, Tari, & Fine, 126 WELSH. ROSTOSKI', AND K;\LVAOUCHl 1992; Protinsky, Sporakowski, & Atkins, 1982; Romig & Bakken, 1990), or contracepting adolescents vs. those who fail to contracept (Hart & Hilton, 1988; Hernandez & Diclemente, 1992; Resnick & Blum, 1985). Results concerning the differentiation of pregnant and parenting adolescents from adolescents not pregnant or parenting based on ego development are conflictual. Some studies have found pregnant adolescents to be functioning at lower levels of ego development than their peers (McIntyre & Saudargas, 1993; Protinsky, Sporakowski, & Arkins, 1952), whereas others have found no relationship between ego development and pregnancy or childbearing in adolescent girls (Romig & Bakken, 1990), and still others have found that parenting adolescent girls had higher levels of ego development than their non-parenting peers (Oz, L r i , & Fine, 1992). Results from studies examining adolescent girls' contraceptive behavior are less confusing. For the most part, these studies find that adolescent girls who have confronted and accepted their own sexuality and consistently use birth control to avoid unwanted pregnancies demonstrate higher levels of ego development than any other category of adolescent assessed, including those who abstain from sexual activity (Hart & Hilton, 1988; Resnick & Blum, 1985). These findings defy the current conceptualization of sexuality in adolescence as pathological. Both the sexually active, non-contracepting adolescent and the abstaining adolescent demonstrate lower ego development than sexually active, contracepting adolescents. T h e methodology and design of the studies, which group adolescents by their sexual behavior and d o not take the meaning of the behavior into account, d o not permic investigation of the potential mechanisms mediating the relationship between ego development and sexuality. A normative framework for the study of adolescent sexuality aims to discover t h e processes by which various sexual behaviors, feelings, and their corresponding subjective meanings are derived in adolescence. Ego development, as o n e of several developmental trajectories, can serve as a frame of reference for the study of sexuality as a developmental phenomenon. For example, girls can be grouped by their level of ego development and followed longitudinally to see how their developmental level influences their subjective understanding of aspects of their sexuality. Sexual Orientation There is a striking lack of empirical investigations of lesbian adolescents' sexuality. This is not very surprising since sexual development has n o t been the focus of research on girls' sexuality. In other words, since lesbian adolescents d o not become pregnant as a result of their sexual behavior nor does their sexual behavior put them at high risk for diseases such as AIDS, they have not been targeted by researchers as participants in research o n sexuality. Additionally, since lesbian adolescents are not ADOLESCENT GIRLS' DEVELOPING SEXLlALl7Y 127 's~ua.lcdh1~1:ln>!i~ud 'sJaqruaru hl!mej saiu!iaulns '(0661 'uofid3 9 ai!rlhj 11661 ' u a 8 ~ a r!~~ 6 6 1' U O S J J ~ U s~o!.i~?qaq ~) puu hi~iuap!jn asuas ,s]ua> -salopc muanuu! saA!iclJcu l o sSu!puc~s~apunhl!wej asayL . ~ ~ . A ~ ~ s u I ~ Y I jo Su!puviuapun ~ 1 x 1lnoqe 1 sa!~ois 'sa!l!ruEj 11aqi s13cdu1! i c q ~u n ! ~ ! s u u ~ ~ e ssy!uS!s sSu!aq lenxas hlqea3!1ou slow oiu! ~ u s u ~ d o l a . \ a, pS I J ! ~.(-[&I 'II!H '9 q 3 a q u 1 1 o ~1 ~ 8 6 1'II!H) t u a y ~01 aiclal sJaqrusru Al!mcj yr,!qm [I! s,\nni ay] puc Al!mt?j J!ayl jo 8u!uo!13unj aqi si3cdru! hi~lcnxssYu!dola,z -ap ,sll!S 1ua3salope 'uo!i!ppe u1 .hi!lr?nxas J ! 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' i ~ o d d n s1t:~n11n3put! lc!"os jo 7 3 ~ 1'sls1x)ru a101 pa:!1~!3os jo >ix:l I I i have difficulty adjusting to their daughters' sexuality. It is perhaps not surprising that the incidence of many psychological disorders with strong family components such as eating disorders and depression increase for girls at about the time their bodies begin puberty and their sexual feelings increase (Burke, Burke, Rae, & Reiger, 1991). Research has consistently found relationships between measures related to the family context and adolescent sexual behavior. For example, daughters from single-parent families have consistently been found to have sexual intercourse earlier than daughters from two-parent families (Forste & Heaton, 1988; Hayes, 1987; Miller & Bingham, 1989; Newcomer & Udry, 1987; Zelnick & Kantner, 1980). The mechanism mediating this relationship, however, has not been thoroughly examined. Sexuality may have different meanings to daughters in single-parent families. For example, they may see their own mothers dating and, thus, may see sexuality as more healthy, normal, or acceptable. Parenting behavior and family relationships also have been associated with girls' sexuality. Interestingly, parental discipline is curvilinearly related to adolescents' sexual attitudes and behaviors. Sexual activity is lowest among adolescents who perceive their parents to be moderately strict. Home environments that are either very liberal or very conservative are associated with greater adolescent sexual experience (Miller, McCoy, 01son, & Wallace, 1986). Although better mother-daughter communication has been associated with more responsible sexual behavior in daughters in some studies (Fox & Inazu, 1980; Furstenberg, Moore, & Peterson, 1985), other studies have not found mother-daughter communication to be related to the sexual behavior of daughters (Moore, Simms, & Bersey, 1986; Newcomer & Udry, 1984, 1985). O n e explanation for these inconsistent findings is that the impact of parent-daughter communication on girls' sexuality may be moderated by the content of the communication (Dyk, Christopherson, & Miller, 1991). There is some evidence to support this hypothesis. Girls who communicate more with their mothers and have liberal mothers tend to engage in more sexual activity (Fisher, 1989), whereas daughters of parents who hold traditional values and communicate with their daughters about sex are less likely to have had sexual intercourse (Moore, Peterson, & Furstenberg, 1986). Another finding that further corroborates the assertion that mothers are an important component in understanding the development of their daughters' sexuality is the strong relationship that has been identified between mothers' sexual experiences as teenagers and their adolescent daughters' sexual behavior (Newcomer & Udry, 1984). Although these studies suggest the importance of the family in adolescents' sexual behavior, they do not begin to examine the processes or mechanisms mediating the associations nor d o they explore the nature of how adolescent girls' sexual identity is influenced by their family expe- A D O L E S C E N T G I R L S ' D E V E L O P I N G SEXU.4LlTY C~tlruralContext "Cultures infuse sexuality with meaning" (Irvine, 1994, p. 8). Sexual feelings, behaviors, and motivations arc only gi\.en meaning, and thus, experiential significance, by the cultures in which the adolescent has been socialized. There are a variety of di~nensionsthat define the cultural communities that are i~nportancin influencing adolescents, including race, ethnicity, neighborhood, and the mainstream culcure of the country in which the adolescent lives. Ethnicity will be considered in greater depth here. Statistics indicate large ethnic differences in the sexual behaviors of adolescent girls. For example, almost 40% of African American girls have had sexual intercourse by the time they are 17 years old, wherens only 25% of European American and 24% of Latina girls have had intercourse 1.). age 17 (Hayes, 1987). T h e rates for Asian American girls are even lower, as only about 30'30 report having intercourse prior to marriage (Moore & Erickson, 1985). Differences also have been noted in the progression of sexual behaviors. Whereas European American adolescents tend to engage in a consistent progression of sexual behaviors beginning with kissing, followed by fondling, and then intercourse, African American adolescents rend to move more quickly to intercourse, and spend less time, skip altogether, or engage in the foreplay activities after intercourse rather than before (Smith & Udry, 1985). African American adolescent girls report more romantic and soap opera fantasies about their sexual experiences than European American girls (Mufilm, Rosenthal, Tolley, Peeler, & Dorko, 1992). T h e African American community also tends to be more tolerant of sex outside of marriage, considers marriage to be less important, and perceives greater tolerance of out-of-wedlock births than European American cultures (Moore, Nord. Sr Peterson, 1989; Moore, Simms, & Betsey, 1986). O n e study found that African Americans in a n all-Black high school were more likely to report having sexual intercourse than were similar African Americans in an integrated school system (Furstenberg, Morgan, Moore, & Peterson, 1987). These studies d o not assess the meaning that adolescents from different cultural communities ascribe to sexual intercourse, but it is reasonable to hypothesize that the vast differences in these statistics reflect different cultural meanings, values, and beliefs about sexuality and the conditions under which i t sl~ouldbe expressed. Romantic Relationship Context Few studies have taken a dyadic approach to investigating adolescenc sexuality. This is surprising as dyadic relationships form the principal context in which girls express their sexuality and the initial context in which [hey make meaning of their sexual behavior. As we discussed earlier, this may relate to a Western tendency toward viewing i~~dividualness rather than relatedness as import;lnt (Gilligan, 1982) or to a cultural tendency P I ii i I i i 1 coward viewing wornen as the gatekeepers uf sexual bellaviur (S~rouse& Fabes, 1987). The dating relationship has been found to have a strong impact o n the initiation and frequency of sexual intercourse (Jorgensen, King, & Torrey, 1980; Leigh, Weddle, & Loewen, 1988; Miller, McCoy, & Olson, 1986; Zelnick & Shah, 1983). In one retrospective study, college students reflected o n their first sexual partners. Students who reported having sex prior to the age of sixteen reported less commitment to their partners (Faulkenberry, Vincent, James, & Johnson, 1987), implying that sex may have different meanings for couples of different developmental levels. Two research teams working with college samples developed typologies of dating couples and related the different types of couples to their sexual behavior (Christopher & Cate, 1985; Peplau, Rubin, & Hill, 1977). The two studies found similar types of couples and found that couples used sex in different ways. For example, both research teams identified a type of couple who reported engaging in sexual behaviors primarily for erotic, physically pleasurable motivations. Commitment, although described by these couples as desirable, was not a crucial requisite for choosing to engage in sexual intercourse. Another type of couple described in these studies reported thac they engaged in sexual intercourse for emotional reasons. These couples tended to view commitment as an important ingredient to their sexual behaviors. Both research teams also identified a type of couple who decided not to engage in intercourse in spite of a strong commitment. These couples saw love as an insufficient reason to decide to engage in sexual intercourse. Thus, the function of sexual intercourse and commitment varied for different couples. We are currently in the process of conducting an observational study of the relationship between adolescent couples' interactional processes and their sexual behavior. A key component of this study involves obtaining each member's subjective understanding of their interaction with their romantic partner. One goal of this project is to describe the processes that occur in adolescent romantic relationships and to relate these processes to adolescents' sexual behaviors. Another goal is to understand the meaning of these sexual behaviors to each member and to determine the degree to which these meanings are shared and negotiated by the couple. Some preliminary analyses suggest that adolescent dating partners differ in their perceptions of their communications with each other, especially their views of men's communications. Specifically, adolescent girls reported being more aware of communications that reflected a dimension of power in their male dating partner's interactions with them (Welsh, Galliher, Kawaguchi, & Rostosky, in press). Certainly, future research needs to examine the impact of this important context for the development of adolescent sexuality. ADOLESCENT GIRLS' DEVELOPliVG SEXUALl7Y Research o n adolescent girls' sexuality, although plentiful over the p;lst two decades, has focused on identifying factors associated with when girls engage in intercourse, whether they use conrraception, or how to intervene to prevent intercourse or promote the use of contraception. We have discussed the c ~ ~ l t u r context al and the underlying assumptions that have created a context which facilitated this voluminous, but narrow perspective o n the development of girls' sexuality. Recently, 11 small movement within the research community has begun that uses a wider lens with which to view this developmental pheno~nenon.In this chapter, we have articulated a framework with which rcscarchers can attempt rc) unJerstand adolescent girls' developing sexuality. Key components of this framework include ( a ) viewing the development of girls' sexuality as a normative, developmental process; ( b ) examining girls' subjective understanding of their sexual feelings, behaviors, and their sense of themselves as sexual beings; and ( c ) understanding the development of sexuality in context, including both personal characteristics and ecological variables. In addition, we encourage a broadening of our construction of sexuality beyond merely examining sexual intercourse. Our view of sexuality needs to encompass a wide variety of sexual behaviors and sexu;ll feelings and the subjective meaning that adolescents ascribe to these feelings and behaviors. LVe also musc broaden our construction of sexuality t o include the possibility of a relational component rather than viewing it exclusively as the property of the individual girl. A shift in perspective from viewing adolescent girls' scxual~tyas a social problem to viewing adolescent girls' sexuality as a n integral part of normal development has broad implications. Perhaps the most important ramification of this evolving perspective is that it highlights the critical need for research that examines rhe developmental trajectories of adolescent girls' sexn;llity. This examination must be sensitive to the complex interrelationships between girls' developing sense of their sexuality and their personal characteristics and ecological contexts. In other words, researchers need to ask how early adolescent girls experience their sexuality, how this experience changes for young women over the course of their adolescence, and how their personal ch;?racteristics and their ccological contexts impact on their sexual behaviors, feelings, and their understanding of themselves as sexual beings. Oncc we have a sense of the different developmental pathways char girls take in the development of their sexualities, policies and programs can be developed to facilitate healthy sexual development. These policies and programs aimed at fostering healthy sexual development would complement our current policies and programs that are aimed exclusively a t preventing or controlling the undesired sequelae of adolescenr girls' sexual behaviors. T h e facilitation of healthy exploration may require policymakers and care providers to focus o n creating safe environments for adolescents to explore and discuss their sense of themselves as sexual beings. These environments need to be sensitive to individual and cultural differences and must include the people who are most meaningful to adolescent girls such as their parents, clergy, teachers, counselors, and extended family. Adolescents benefit from the availability of appropriate role models with whom they can explore their feelings. Fear, generated by the existing problemoriented approach, inhibits this sort of exploration by making adults afraid to talk about sexuality with adolescents. Healthy exploration must extend beyond public programs and into the lives of adolescent girls, involving family members and other culturally significant people, and incorporate a n appreciation for diverse cultures and contexts. A normative perspective that views sexuality as a developmental process rather than exclusively a pathological symptom allows for researchers, policymakers, clinicians, teachers, and others concerned about adolescents, including adolescents themselves, to begin dialogues about the development of healthy sexuality. Such discourses in the professional literature and with adolescents themselves will facilitate healthier sexual development by not automatically pathologizing important aspects of girls' identity and experience. 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( [ 6 6 1 ) ' y '7 'qa\i~n>i ,sscg-hsssc>[ :oss!3urid u c s .usworn u! lu>utdoja.~apLl!~u~p!01 sianylvd :jjas~,.tlS ~ L ! ~ I'(~$61) IJ '8'u<)slassc)[ ' c- c* 1 - 1 t l 'ib 'rCl!ulnd 2y1 p ~ t va8oilinly j o lowno[ 'qs!l A3ucu2a~d01 ainsodxa ~us>sslopr:u o smuarlllu! > ~ J O M I S U1~130s PUP. 31pc.Ja '(0961) 'v 'g ' A ~ ~ J O J 9 . "1 'S' Z U ! ~"8 'S ' u ~ s u ~ % o [ .+-St-f Lt ' 1 j 'Woloy~Lsdlol~tautdola.~?a .am!] ia.\o ZUOUJL? v Aprils le3119c>lciys.is~l-l1:!21is :i{~rioA A I I U I ~ ~ I A U O U 01 h l ! u I ~ i !moy ~ UPIllSlll:l~'(5L61) '8 ' ~ O S S . ~ [ ''I'S 'JOSSJ[ '929-809 ' f b ' M o l o y ~ i II~!JCIS ~j ptm X I ! ~ C L L O S J ~Jo ~ ~z,~uno[ .hpn~sa.z!~xxiso~d v :as~no2iaiu!1s1q. .+nsuir_~ . ( [ g 6 1 ) '2 ' [ ' u r n o u o a 9 "S '~osssa[9 '3' r i s o 3 ' y 'ioss>[ '(LZ-99Z ' [ "na!.'.7~ ~tJl~"7ll"o~.7~la~ 'S33'JaJaJIF FalEl3J-X2S]O ,{~%llSJ.'qlU l SsnSS! li!3IZOlO[Y~~112~ '(1961 ) 'N'3'~!1q31:[ -1111 J . s ~ ! J I I uJ ~U~~! J .ssalC~A ] ! S J ~ A ! 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