How to Teach the Segmental Structure of the Mandarin Syllable 普通话音节音段结构: 普通话音节音段结构:教学方法 Hana Triskova 廖敏 Czech Academy of Sciences, Oriental Institute, Prague lecture presented at the Institute of Linguistics, CASS, Beijing October 11, 2010 Introduction 引言 The aim of this lecture is to introduce some of the major conceptual points of my Ph.D. dissertation “Segmentální struktura čínské slabiky“ [Segmental Structure of Mandarin Syllable] defended less than two weeks ago (on September 23, 2010) at Charles University, Prague (Třísková 2010). The dissertation concerns itself with the isolated segmental syllable of putonghua, that is of Standard Chinese as codified in the P.R.C. (leaving aside the aspect of tone). It deals with all major topics related to the phonological and phonetic representation of the isolated Mandarin syllables (such as the zero initial, the phonological status of the alveolopalatal consonants, the phonological analysis and phonetic transcription of the diphthongs and triphthongs etc.), exploring the ways they are treated in broad literature – both Chinese and Western. The text is divided into five major parts: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. About Chinese The syllable structure The initials The finals The inventory of segmental syllables It is a commonplace that the treatments of the Mandarin sound system explain the syllable structure only after dealing with the initials and the finals. The reason why I adopted a different order will be explained soon. The dissertation approaches the subject with a special respect to teaching Chinese as a second language (TCSL). Out of the range of existing treatments of particular topics the solutions benefitial for the purposes of TCSL are chosen, while sticking to hanyu pinyin is recommended. Why is an adequate description of Mandarin syllable of a high importance in TCSL? Mandarin syllabary comprises of about 400 segmental syllables and 1300 tonic syllables. Mastering the basic syllabary is a crucial step in mastering the spoken language as a whole. Poor command of the pronunciation of the isolated syllables at the very beginning of studies can seriously inflict the student´s spoken language competence in the future. Consequently the subject is worth a profound study. The text is intended to serve as a guide to the university teachers dealing with Mandarin phonetics and phonology, as well as to the compilers of various teaching materials of the university level. The university students of Sinology may benefit from the text in particular. The phoneticians or general linguists may consult it as well. The dissertation introduces some new approaches and methodologies applicable to TCSL. I will attempt to acquaint you with some of them in today´s presentation. 1 Why hanyu pinyin ? 为什么要 为什么要用汉语拼音? 用汉语拼音 I did not strive to establish any new phonological interpretation of Mandarin syllable different from hanyu pinyin (although I made certain suggestions in this respect and reviewed numerous non-pinyin analyses). The reason is this: as mentioned before, the text should be utilizable for the purposes of teaching / learning Mandarin pronunciation in some way. I believe that for these purposes the only feasible phonological frame is hanyu pinyin. Why? First, studying Chinese is much more complex then studying any European language: – the student has to handle the complicated Chinese script – Chinese is a tone language – the student has to learn the tones of particular morphemes Second, to learn Mandarin pronunciation (as well as the pronunciation of any other language) satisfactorily, at least rough knowledge of the International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA) is inevitable. Further it goes without saying that every student has to learn hanyu pinyin (occassionally abbreviated as PY below). Let us suppose we have developed a specific system of phonological representation different from hanyu pinyin; such representation would be presumably based on the IPA. In such case there would be four forms to be learned for each morpheme. Let us take the monosyllabic word “electricity“ as an example: Chinese character hanyu pinyin 电 diàn phonological representation in the IPA /tian/4 pronunciation in the IPA [djn]4 That´s quite a lot to learn for a beginner; not to mention a danger of confusing the third form with the fourth one, as both of them are based on the IPA. Fortunately enough it appears that we can get along with hanyu pinyin quite well for phonological representation: Chinese character hanyu pinyin 对 diàn phonological representation in hanyu pinyin /dian/4 pronunciation in the IPA [tw]4 The second and the third form is conveniently identical. That´s the way it works for the majority of syllables. However, there are exceptions. Hanyu pinyin does not have the properties of a consistent phonological transcription, since it was not developed directly for the purposes of phonological analysis – it serves many other functions in the society. Consequently, there exists a number of phonological mismatches between the PY orthography and the phonological structure. For instance: 2 Chinese character hanyu pinyin 对 duì phonological representation in hanyu pinyin /duei/4 pronunciation in the IPA [tw]4 You can see the main vowel /e/ is missing in standard PY notation: duì. The authors of PY decided to spare one letter here. There are a few other cases of discrepancy between the standard PY orthography and the phonological structure (liu = /liou/, sun = /suen/, song = /sung/ etc.), yet these are rather sparse. One can cope with them without much troubles; it just takes a little explanation. Sticking to hanyu pinyin is actually a common practice in TCSL. Most of the authors just take hanyu pinyin as it, presenting the syllables in their standard PY orthography. They do not offer any underlying phonological representation whatsoever. Out of those authors who do only few introduce a phonological representation different from hanyu pinyin in their (text)books, e.g. Chao 1968, Dow 1972, Speshnev 1980, or Lin 2007. In spite of that it is useful to mention there may be other options next to hanyu pinyin; it should not be taken for granted. Syllable structure 音节结构 Nowadays the linguists accept the view that a syllable is not a linear sequence of segments chained together like the beads on a string, but rather a hierarchically organized structure. The structure of Mandarin syllable has certain specific features which make it different from the syllable of many European languages. To make a comparison let us introduce briefly a syllable of Czech, which is my mother tongue. – Czech abounds in consonant clusters – both in the onset (zvrat “a turn”) and in the coda (zábst “to feel cold”). – Czech has two syllabic consonants: /l/ (plst “felt”) and /r/ (trn “a thorn”) – Czech does not allow the velar nasal [ ] at the end of a phonological syllable. Thus the Mandarin syllables such as wang or song are difficult to pronounce for the Czech students. – Czech does not have any indigenous diphthongs except for one: /ou/. Consequently the Czech students often break the Mandarin syllables containing diphthongs or triphthongs into two or even three syllables, erroneously making up an extra peak of sonority (they pronounce mie as mi-je etc.). – Czech abounds in coda consonants. These are properly articulated in standard pronunciation, any drastic articulatory weakening not being acceptable. Thus the Czech students have troubles with the ending element /n/ in the syllables such as man, bian etc.: they are consistently trying to reach the articulatory target properly, which does not sound natural (while a “hypercorect” pronunciation with an explosion is overtly wrong). The same holds for the ending elements /i/, /u/, e.g. in the syllables mai, mao etc. For interest´s sake let us mention one important difference between a syllable in both languages concerning the domain of suprasegmental (not segmental) features: unlike Mandarin which is a stress-timed language, Czech is a syllable-timed language. In standard pronunciation of Czech nothing as considerable syllable shortening (and segmental reduction) happens in the unstressed syllables. This fact causes big problems to the Czech students 3 attempting to grasp the natural speech rhythm of Mandarin – they are reluctant to manipulate with the duration of the syllables freely to express the amount of stress. Note that short and long vowels are distinctive in Czech (dal “gave”, dál “further”). To sum up, Mandarin syllable is a rather unusual thing for both the ears and the mouths of the Czech students, as well for the ears and mouth of students speaking many other mother tongues. A lot of the perceived “syllable peculiarities” is rooted in a dissimilar syllable structure. Two major models of Mandarin Syllable There are two basic models of Mandarin syllable, that is two basic ways of looking at its structure (Li 1999:75): 声母—韵母样式 节首—韵基样式 a) Initial-Final model b) Onset-Rime model shēngmǔ – yùnmǔ yàngshì jiéshǒu – yùnjī yàngshì Let us take a closer look at them. Initial-Final model 声母—韵母样式 The Initial-Final model is the traditional one. It draws on the traditions of the medieval Chinese phonology. Hanyu pinyin is based on this model. It works with two major units: the initial, shēngmǔ 声母, and the final, yùnmǔ 韵母 In this model the syllable can be portrayed as an upside down tree of the following form (cf. e.g. Lin 2007; she does not accept it though, choosing the Onset-Rime model instead): σ syllable 音节 initial 声母 final 韵母 medial 韵头 rime 韵 σ = syllable C = consonant G = glide V = vowel X = consonat or vowel nucleus 韵腹 C s k G w w V a a ending 韵尾 X n i 4 The same model can be represented in a form of a table (Cheng 1973:11): tone final rime initial medial nucleus ending vocalic / consonantal At the level of segments four components can be found: C G V X 声母 韵头 韵腹 韵尾 shēngmǔ yùntóu, 介音 jièyīn yùnfù yùnwěi the initial the medial the nucleus, or main vowel, or central the ending, or terminal The English translation of the terms shēngmǔ and yùntóu is quite simple – the terms “initial” (or “the initial consonant”) and “medial” (or “the medial vowel”, glide) are broadly used. They are specifically employed in the description of the Chinese syllable. There is a problem with the English translation of remaining two terms, though – yùnfù and yùnwěi. The common translantions are “the nucleus” for yùnfù and “the ending” for yùnwěi. Let us take a closer look at them. • First, the Chinese term yùnfù is understood as a main vowel of the Chinese syllable. It has to be a vowel, and it has to be a single segment. Its English equivalent “the nucleus” has certain disadvantages. It is a general term used in a theory of syllable. It is not specifically related to the Chinese syllable, where yùnfù is understood as a single vowel segment. Yet a nucleus of a syllable in many languages does not always have to be a vowel – it can be a syllabic consonant. E.g. in Czech words krk, vlk. Furthermore, if a language has falling diphthong, such as /ai/, or /au/, they are usually analyzed as belonging to the nucleus of a syllable. In such case the nucleus contains two segments, not just one. To sum up, the correspondence between the general term “nucleus”, and the term yùnfù does not work unreservedly – “nucleus” is clearly a broader term. • Second, the Chinese term yùnwěi is translated as “the ending” into English. The term “ending” is o.k.: it does not specify whether the segment is a consonant (C), or a vowel, (V). This is exactly what is needed – recall that yùnwěi may be either C, or V. Yet it must not be confused with the term “coda”, yīnjié wěi 音节尾. This, again, is a general term used in a theory of syllable. A coda is regularly understood as a consonantal segment. Thus, some authors analyzing Chinese syllable allow only a nasal consonant to show up in a coda slot. What do they do with the falling diphthongs (for instance /ai/, /ei/) then? They place the whole diphthong into the nucleus of the syllable (which is a common “Western” solution). The coda is left empty. Consequently, we cannot posit a correspondence between “the coda” and yùnwěi, because for some syllables it simply does not work. The unspecific term “ending” is more advantageous, if we are looking for the most pertinent English translation of yùnwěi. The Russian phonologist proposed yet another option for the translations of the Chinese terms yùnfù and yùnwěi: 5 централъ, i.e. “the central” (as a noun) терминалъ, i.e. “the terminal” (as a noun) yùnfù 韵腹 yùnwěi 韵尾 These terms were coined by a Russian phonologist V. B. Kasevich in the 1960s. They have couple of advantages: they are clear, unambiguous, and they are language specific: they refer to the components of a Chinese syllable, not of a general abstract syllable scheme. The term “the terminal” seems to be quite handy, therefore I use it. The term “central” has a little disadvantage, though: it might be confused with a position of the tongue during the articulation of a vowel, as in the terms “central vowel” – “front vowel” – “back vowel”. Consequently I propose another term to be used for yùnfù: that is “the main vowel”. Let me remind another useful term: “a subfinal”. It corresponds with yùn 韵, or rime. It was coined as субфиналъ by another Russian linguist – A. A. Moskalev (also in the 1960s). Again – it is good that it is language specific, while “rime” is general. I accept it in my description of Mandarin syllable. All Russian terms I have mentioned appear for instance in the Russian textbook of Mandarin phonetics by A. N. Speshnev (published in 1972, 1980 and 2003). We can review the proposed English names of the components at the level of segments now: the initial, the medial, the main vowel, and the terminal. The second model of the Chinese syllable I have mentioned was the Onset-Rime model. Onset-Rime model 节首—韵基样式 It is much more recent, being accepted by many modern phonologists (e.g. Li 1989, Duanmu 2002, Lin 2007). It is showed in the diagram below: σ O = onset O R R = rime N = nucleus N Co Co = coda C = consonant G = glide V = vowel C G V X s w a n X = consonant or glide The major difference from the Initial-Final model introduced earlier is the following: in the the Onset-Rime model the glide belongs to the onset of a syllable. Consequently, there is no such unit as the final. You can observe the glide has its own slot within the onset. However, some authors are even more radical – they argue that the glide should not have a separate slot within the onset (Duanmu 1990, 2002, 2009): 6 σ O R O = onset (C or CG) R = rime N Co N = nucleus Co = coda = X (C or G) CG V X w a n s In this view, G still does have a status of a phoneme at the underlying level. However, on the phonetic level it is only a secondary articulation to C (e.g. [sw]). Thus the underlying combination of two phonemes CG is pronounced as a single sound. For instance suan is pronounced as [swan], not as [swan]; the lips are rounded already during the articulation of s. This is a different situation than in the English word “swan”. There is one more argument going on: the authors accepting the Onset-Rime model disagree about the coda part of the Mandarin syllable. This problem was already touched upon earlier. Let us deal with it in more detail. σ σ O R O N Co R N C G V C C G V V s w a n s w e i The ending elements (terminals) of Mandarin are four: the nasal terminals (bíyīn yùnwěi 鼻音 韵尾) /n/, / / (as in suan, huang), and the vocalic terminals (yuányīn yùnwěi 元音韵尾) /i/, /u/ (as in sui, hao). The analysis of the nasal terminals /n/, / / does not make a problem – they are basically always placed into a coda slot (see the left scheme). However, there is a disagreement about the vowel terminals /i/, /u/. Some authors treat them the same way as /n/, / /: they put them into a coda slot. This analysis goes along the lines of the Chinese phonological tradition (equalling the coda with yùnwěi). Other authors place /i/, /u/ into the nucleus of a syllable (see the right scheme). It follows that if the syllable contains a falling diphthong, the nucleus has two slots and the coda is empty. This analysis represents the Western phonological approach. An unreserved correspondence between “the coda” and yùnwěi does not work here. Also an unreserved correspondence between “the nucleus” and yùnfù does not work. 7 Which model is better? 哪一个样式好? 哪一个样式好? Now – which one of these two models, i.e. Initial-Final and Onset-Rime – is more useful for language teaching? In case we decide to accept hanyu pinyin, we actually have no choice: we are bound to accept the Initial-Final model. Fortunately there are many good reasons to stick to the Initial-Final model. Let us try to review them: The Initial-Final model works with the unit called the final. This unit has many advantages: It makes possible to accept the rising diphthongs and triphthongs. These concepts are quite useful – at least in language teaching. On the other hand, the Onset-Rime model can accept only the falling diphthongs (because the glide belongs to the onset of the syllable, the components of a rising diphthongs become split apart). The Initial-Final model makes possible to employ the traditional Chinese terms shēngmǔ (the initial), yùntóu (the medial), yùnfù (the main vowel), yùnwěi (the terminal). They are short, unnambiguous, specific for the Chinese syllable, they directly refer to a particular position of a segment within a syllable, and they do not signal a C or V character of a segment. On the other hand, the general terms such as “consonant”, “vowel”, “glide”, “nucleus”, or “coda” may be ambiguous or may cause various other problems in the analysis. The unit of final represents an important domain for various phonological and phonetic processes and phenomena which take place within the Chinese syllable. Using this domain, we can e.g. explain various kinds of assimilation – cf. Cheng 1973:18 and his backness rule: “A non-high vowel is assimilated in backness to the immediately neighboring segment, regressive assimilation being dominant over progressive assimilation”. For instance /ua/ [u], /uai/ [uai] (note that some authors do not except the first kind of assimilation). Cheng has only one exception to this rule: the mid vowel does not exhibit backness harmony with the nasal endings. Another phonological phenomenon which can be explained with help of the Initial-Final model are the phonotactic rules operating within a syllable. Four traditional categories of finals – sì hū 四 呼 can be employed to map out the combinatorics of the initial consonants with the finals (let me remind that sì hū categorizing is based on the first element of a final – be it a main vowel, or a medial glide). For instance the initials z, c, s cannot combine with qíchǐ hū 齐齿呼 and cuōkǒu hū 撮口呼, while the initials j, q, x cannot combine with kāikǒu hū 开口呼 and hékǒu hū 合口 呼. In other words, the two consonantal rows are in complementary distribution. With help of sì hū a basic pattern of the whole Mandarin syllabary can be outlined. It may be visualised as a table combining the particular initials with the particular finals. Such useful table of syllables appears in almost every textbook. (Recall that the Onset-Rime model cannot employ the notion of sì hū, as it does not accept the unit of final.) Further, the sì hū categories prove to be quite useful concepts in yet other respects. For instance they make possible to set up rules for the subtle modifications in pronunciation of the initial consonants according to the following final. E.g. let us take the aspirated consonants. Certain interval of friction following the closure release is characteristic for their articulation. We may observe that the source of this friction (mócā shēngyuán 摩擦声源) is different for the same consonant according to the hū of the following final. Let us take the aspirated stops p [ph], t [th], k [kh]: if they are followed by a kāikǒu hū or hékǒu hū final, the friction has a character of a velar fricative [x] (shégēn cāyīn 舌根擦音), of a uvular fricative [], or of a glottal fricative [h] (hóu cāyīn 喉擦音). The examples are pà 怕 “to 8 fear”, téng 疼 “to hurt”, tóu 头 “head”, kǔ 苦 “bitter”. However, if p, t are followed by a qíchǐ hū final, the source of the aspiration friction moves to the front, towards the place of articulation of the vowel /i/ (it may be also accompanied by the friction at the very place of articulation of the consonant). It can remind of the palatal fricative [] (ying´e cāyīn 硬腭擦 音), for instance in pí 皮 “skin”, or tiě 铁 “iron”. The main point I want to make is this: many phonologists nowadays prefer the Onset-Rime model. But in language teaching the hanyu pinyin (based on the traditional Inital-Final model and the traditional syllable components) is in use all along. If one possibly decides to give this type of analysis away in TCSL, such decision might have various negative consequences (Třísková 2008:537,540). In fact, there is not any real “danger” to fight against, as there are very few authors that suggest it – I know about the only one example: a textbook “The Sounds of Chinese” for the advanced students by Yen-hwei Lin 2007 (Lin uses the Onset-Rime model). Still I wanted to make this point clear, as hanyu pinyin is often taken as “gospel truth” with no alternatives. When to present the model of the syllable? 什么时候应该介绍 什么时候应该介绍音节结构 介绍音节结构? 音节结构? Now let us find out at which point of the curriculum is appropriate to introduce the structure of the Mandarin syllable to the students. The common practice in various treatments of the putonghua sound system (be it of Chinese or Western provenance, be it a textbook or not) is following. The introductory part of the book may chiefly contain a brief description of the speech organs and the production of speech sounds, an introduction to hanyu pinyin, and an overview of the putonghua segmental inventory (let me remind here that listing the vowel and consonat phonemes of a language is commonly the first step taken in the description of languages such as the European languages English, French, German, Czech etc.). After the introductory parts the authors usually jump right into the survey of initials, finals and tones. If you look for the information about the syllable structure, usually you can find it only later in the book. Let me name some foreign textbooks which adopt this arrangement: Dow 1972, Huang 1981, Ma 1999, Chin 2006, Lin 2007. One of the exceptions is a Russian textbook Speshnev 1972, which was already mentioned: the author introduces a syllable scheme at the very beginning (note that his treatment of finals is based on the interesting concept of Dragunov & Dragunova 1955). The same holds for the textbooks published in the P.R.C. Let me give an example: the organization of chapters in several textbooks: ...Initials – Finals – Syllable – Tones... (Wu 1992) ...Initials – Finals – Tones – Syllable... (Huang & Liao 2002, Wang et al. 2002, Cao 2002) ...Initials – Finals – Tones – Modifications of sounds – Syllable... (Ma 2004) As you can see, the explanation of the syllable structure and its components comes only later. Out of many Chinese textbooks I have seen the only one which puts the chapter about syllable structure before the chapters dealing with the initials and finals: ... Vowels – Consonants – Syllable – Initials – Finals – Tones... (Lin & Wang 2003) Yet in the majority of textbooks the student learns about the inner structure of the finals only after learning and exercising the whole inventory of syllables. Furthermore, the chapter Syllable usually does not offer a lucid hierarchical scheme of the syllable structure. There is usually some sort of a structured table (Wu 1992:128, Huang & Liao 2002:90, Cao 2002:103), or even just a a verbal explanation. We can conclude that the Chinese textbooks do employ 9 traditional concepts and a traditional view of a syllable, they do employ the components of initial, final etc., but – maybe surprisingly – the syllable structure is not the point of departure for them. Numerous important notions and concepts tend to be taken for granted, being employed sooner than explained (if they are explained at all). Are there any reasons for introducting the syllable structure much earlier? In my view there are. If a student has such preliminary knowledge, he/she is able to analyze correctly the final of each newly acquired syllable and consequently make important judgements about its pronunciation (the initals do not pose any “structural” problem, as they are single segments with a fixed position). Namely it is important to view the particular segments in a tight connection with their function within the final. The student should e.g. know that in the syllable kuai the letter “u” represents a medial, while the letter “i” represents a terminal. What is such knowledge good for? The function of a segment within the syllable fundamentally predetermines its pronunciation (see below). For instance the articulation of all four terminals is lax and frequently fails to reach the articulatory target: the terminal “i” in mai is pronounced as [] or even [e]. On the other hand the medial “i” in mie can be hardly pronounced this way: it sounds as [j] instead. Let us go to more detail now. The components of a Chinese syllable at the level of segments 音节音段 音节音段成分 音段成分 There are two basic options for interpreting the components of the Mandarin syllable at the level of segments. They may be viewed: – Either as the consonant and vowel phonemes; this means that the description of the Mandarin syllable has to begin with listing the segmental inventory. – Or as the traditional elements shēngmǔ, yùntóu, yùnfù, yùnwěi, which means that the description of the Mandarin syllable has to begin with explaining the syllable structure. The first approach leads to viewing the segments composing a syllable as a sequence of hanyu pinyin letters, or – to put it in another way – as “beads on a string”. The particular beads can be either vowels (V; let us mark them by a black dot ●), or consonants (C; let us mark them by an empty circle ○). For instance: /kuan/1 = ○●●○, /kuai/1 = ○●●● It seems that what matters in the first place is a consonantal or vocalic character of a particular segment (represented by this or that letter). All black dots look the same, all white circles look the same. Their position (function) within the whole arrangement may be examined only next, if at all. However, the reality is more complicated than the standard PY orthography (or the orthography of any language) suggests. The information about the function of a segment within the syllable is actually as essential as the information about its C or V character. Let us give a concrete example: As mentioned before, Mandarin has four terminals, or ending elements: two nasal – /n/, / /, and two vocalic – /i/, /u/. The nasal ending /n/, as in kān 刊, and the vocalic ending /i/, as in kāi 开, have quite a lot in common phonetically, regardless of the fact that /n/ is a consonant (○) and /i/ is a vowel (●). Both are lax, their articulation often does not reach the target, and both can possibly disappear completely in fast casual speech. Let us review their properties: 10 – In kāi the high vowel /i/ is more or less centralized to []; it may be sometimes pronounced as close-mid [e]; the whole diphthong /ai/ can even become a monophthong in fast casual speech if unstressed. – In kān the closure (bìsè 闭塞) for the terminal /n/ is very often incomplete; even if it is complete, it is never followed by an explosion (pòliè 破裂). The terminal can be drastically reduced: it may be realized only as a nasalisation of a preceding vowel /k han/ [kha]. Obviously the consonantal character of the terminal /n/ is severly eroded. Shi Xiangdong 2004:218 writes about it: 早已受到严重的侵蚀. In both cases, the syllable as a whole can be prolonged if it bears stress, the ending being prolonged adequately, too. The roots of the similar features of the /i/ and /n/ described above are related to the fact they share the same function in the syllable: both function as a yùnwèi, terminal. On the other hand, the same segmental phoneme may have very different phonetic features – depending on the position within the syllable. Let us compare the terminal /i/ and the medial /i/ to give an example: – The terminal /i/ (as in kāi 开) has the features described before: it is lax, imperfectly articulated, not reaching the articulatory target. It may even disappear. It can be rather long in the stressed syllables. – On the other hand, the articulation of the medial /i/ (as in miè 灭) more or less reaches the position of the cardinal [i], the space between the tongue and the hard palate being quite narrow. The tongue immediately leaves the position, making the sound very short. As a whole, the sound has a character of an approximant (tōngyīn 通 音 ) [j]. Note that the approximants are sounds which are considered to be consonants, not vowels. It works in a similar way e.g. with the initial /n/, as in nào 闹, and the terminal /n/, as in bàn 办. Their features are quite different, since they show up in a different position within the syllable. If the student gets no such preliminary structural information, he/she tends to apprehend the Chinese syllable mainly as a sequence of hanyu pinyin letters (i.e. of vowel and consonant phonemes). Yet as we saw, this “orthographic image” is able to give only limited cues to correct pronunciation. The students often go wrong while reading the PY notation. They erroneously assume that, for instance, the letter „i“ in mi, mie, mai is pronounced more or less the same. Another mistake arising from such assumptions is breaking one syllable in two, creating one more syllabic peak: one can for instance hear: mi-je, ma-ji (or even two more peaks: mi-ja-o). What I am trying to say is this: the students learning a foreign language which uses the Latin script often tend to assume wrongly that the sounds written by the same letter also sound moreless similar. This intuitive assumption is of course wrong. Let´s take the letter “a” in English words all, bat, ate, arrive. Its pronunciation is completely different in all cases. It works in a similar way in any written language using a phonetic script – the script can never mirror the phonetic reality faithfully. Hanyu pinyin (as a Romanization writing system) is no exception. Its orthography works with the vowel and consonant letters, representing (more or less pertinently) the vowel and consonant phonemes. Yet it does not reflect the “whole truth”. The phonetic information offered by standard PY orthography may be considerably amplified if supplemented with the information about the syllable structure. 11 Different sort of “emes” 另外一种“ 另外一种“位” We can think of establishing phonological elements different from the vowel and consonant phonemes; cf. chapter 2.4.3 in my dissertation (Třísková 2010) – I was inspired by the article You Rujie et al. 1980 where the following phonological elements are proposed: – shēngwèi 声位 – yùnwèi 韵位 – diàowèi 调位 can be translated as “the initialemes” can be translated as “the finalems” can be translated as “the tonemes” I tried to develop this concept a step further, suggesting the phonological analysis based on the traditional Chinese concepts of the initial, medial, main vowel (“the central“) and terminal. The following phonological elements, based primarilly on the function of a segment within the syllable, can be posited: “the initialemes” “the medialemes” “the centralemes” “the terminalemes” – 声母位 shēngmǔ wèi – 韵头位 yùntóu wèi – 韵腹位 yùnfù wèi – 韵尾位 yùnwěi wèi /p/, /ph/, /m/, /f/, /d/, /t/, /nI/, /l/ etc. /iM/, /uM/, /yM/ /a/, //, /iC/, /uC/, /yC/, /ï/, // /iT/, /uT/, /nT/, / / The segments which can occur in several position are marked by an index letter: namely I (an initial), M (a medial), C (a central) or T (a terminal). Let me give an example. The following table offers the analysis of the high front unrounded vowel: it compares the standard solution with the interpretation proposed above: 韵头 (the medial) i /i/ standard analysis suggested analysis 韵头位 [j] /iM/ [j] 韵腹 (the central) i /i/ 韵尾 (the terminal) i [i] 韵腹位 /iC/ [i] /i/ [] 韵尾位 /iT/ [] The standard analysis is rather economical: there is a single phoneme /i/ with three allophones [j], [i], []. On the other hand the suggested analysis has also an advantage: we can get rid of the allophonic variations of segments which are conditioned by the position within a syllable. There are three distinct phonological elements, each with a single allophone: yùntóu wèi (a medialeme) /iM/ with a single allophone [j] yùnfù wèi (a centraleme) /iC/ with a single allophone [i] yùnwěi wèi (a terminaleme) /iT/ with a single allophone [] The allophonic variations within a final which are left to solve are, of course, those caused by assimilation (tónghuà 同化), cf. man [man] vs. mang [m]. These do not concern us now, though. Of course the proposed model is difficult to combine with hanyu pinyin, which works with standard vowel and consonant phonemes. However, it might inspire a new insight into the complexity of Mandarin syllable, as it approaches the segments from a different angle – that is from the angle of their function within a syllable. 12 Conclusion 结论 Let me sum up now. The treatments of the Mandarin sound system commonly depart from the inventory of vowel and consonant phonemes. The syllable is chiefly presented as a string of segments arranged according to a set of phonotactic rules (these rules do not have to be explicitly mentioned, though). The syllable structure is usually explained rather late and briefly. The traditional components (initial shēngmǔ – medial yùntóu – main vowel yùnfù – terminal yùnwěi), although close at hand, are not systematically employed. Yet the knowledge of the syllable structure may prove to be a powerful instrument in teaching Mandarin pronunciation. I propose the following approach: First, the point of departure should be the explanation of the hierarchical syllable structure. Second, at the level of segments the major emphasis should be put on the traditional components of a syllable, defined by their function / position within the syllable structure: that is the initial, the medial, the central, and the terminal. The consonantal or vocalic status of a segment should not be taken as of an absolute importance. The third step is listing the inventories of particular segments for each position. The process of constructing the Mandarin syllable than takes choosing the particular phonemes from the inventories and inserting them into the four positions (while only the third component is obligatory – the main vowel). The fourth step is explaining the phonetic properties of the initial, the medial, the main vowel, and the terminal. The next step is giving an overview of the segments able to appear in more positions than one (i.e. /n/, /i/, /u/, /ü/). The account of the different phonetic properties of one and the same phoneme occurring in different positions should follow (e.g. the differences in pronunciation of /i/ in the syllables mie, mi, mai). This methodological approach to teaching Mandarin pronunciation is presumably able to bring good results in teaching the speakers of languages with a very different syllable structure, the Western students in particular. The structural knowledge may save the student lots of efforts: it helps to make generalizations about pronunciation of Mandarin syllables – instead of learning each new syllable as an entirely novel phonetic entity lacking inner logic. Such toil can be compared to the attempts to copy the complex Chinese characters lacking the knowledge of their inner composition and the basic strokes. It goes without saying that nobody without a preliminary structural instruction can write a character correctly, let alone finely. If we spend lots of time to teach the inner structure of Chinese characters, their basic strokes and the radicals to the students, why don´t we spend some time to teach the inner structure of the Mandarin syllable? It may prove to be equally benefitial. 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