VOWEL NORMALIZATION IN SOCIOPHONETICS: WHEN, WHY, HOW? Anne Fabricius Sociolinguistics Circle, Copenhagen University, September 16, 2008 1 Outline of today’s talk Part 1 Vowel Normalization: what is it? When and why normalize formant data? Typology of Normalization methods Normalising using the NORM website Part 2 Comparisons between The S-procedure and others Data Methods; Three test comparisons Results Discussion and Conclusions (This part was recently presented at ASA08, Paris with Dom Watt and Dan Johnson) 2 Vowel normalization: what is it? A process by which acoustic data (vowel formants) is made comparable across groups of individuals by the elimination of differences between individuals’ acoustic output due to the fact that we all have individual vocal tracts Men for instance have on average larger vocal tracts than women do, so the resonances they produce will be lower than those of most women 3 So when and why do you need to normalize? To eliminate acoustic variation in vowel measurements due to physiological differences among speakers (differences in head/vocal tract sizes). At the same time you want to preserve sociolinguistic/dialectal/cross-linguistic differences in vowel quality to find genuine variation (and perhaps evidence of change in progress) (To model the cognitive processes that allow human listeners to normalize vowels uttered by different speakers): this is more important for phoneticians than for sociophoneticians 4 Typology of normalization methods Intrinsic versus extrinsic methods (describes the range of information used, one only versus all in a system) Parameters of (Speaker), vowel, formant Methods in all combinations Some assume ’scaling’, some don’t... Adank (2003) tested a large sample of standard Dutch vowels from 8 regions in the Netherlands and used it to test 12 normalization algorithms 5 Typology of normalization methods Her most successful methods in terms of best performances at Linear discriminant analyses (eliminating different types of ’noise’ in the data and preserving sociolinguistic information) were speaker intrinsic vowel extrinsic formant intrinsic Lobanov Z-score, Nearey individual log-mean (CLIHi4 in Adank 2003) And (we could add) the S-procedure (Watt and Fabricius 2002) (more in a minute)... 6 First: NORMalizing made simple 7 The NORM form 8 And the NORM output... 9 To find out more about NORM Google ’NORM SUITE’ Uses Open source programming in R Presents 5 major methods with variants under some models Simple structured text files as input (model shown) Explains methodological drawbacks and advantages for each (Methods page) NB Plotting in NORM is mediated by another programme (whose effects can obscure what you want to see – other options are Excel/Plotnik -for Mac only, using numerical results) 10 Moreover.... Tyler Kendall happily fields questions about NORM! The system is easy to use once you get the hang of it but can be tricky to start off with.... Like Praat.... 11 Part 2: Introducing the S-procedure Watt & Fabricius (2002) published a description of vowel formant frequency normalization procedure based on DW’s work with British English vowel variation Based on estimates of F1 and F2 maxima and minima taken for each speaker in sample Calculates a centroid S (after Koopmans-van Beinum 1980) derived from these 3 corner points (cf Bigham 2008 using 4) all individual formant measurements then expressed relative to S 12 2 mW&F (F2 only) F2 (Hz) i S u' F1 (Hz) min F1, max F2 min F2 (= min F1) a max F1 13 Goals and Research Questions, Part 2 Road-test the S-procedure against other vowel- extrinsic/formant intrinsic methods Develop and refine some comparison procedures focussed on the visual comparison criterion relevant to sociophonetics, Q: How well does S-centroid (W&F) perform, compared to Lobanov and Nearey at Equalizing vowel space areas for multiple speakers Improving intersection of vowel polygons Preserving spatial relationships (juxtapositions) between vowel means compared to raw Hertz 14 Data RP data, 20 speakers from two independent sources Male speakers (Hawkins and Midgley 2005): 5 oldest group born 1928-1936, 5 youngest group born 1976-1981 Female speakers: Matching age groups, first 5 speakers in each group from Moreiras 2006 (dissertation UCL). Aberdeen data 6 speakers (3 male, 3 female) born between 1945- 1986 (Watt & Yurkova 2007) 15 Methods Normalization using NORM suite http://ncslaap.lib.ncsu.edu/tools/norm/norm.php Watt and Fabricius, Lobanov (speaker intrinsic) and Nearey (speaker-intrinsic) routines without ‘scaling factor’ Alteration to W&F, here mW&F coded by DJ Areas of individual vowel spaces calculated using R package gpclib (*) (‘http://www.cs.man.ac.uk/~toby/alan/software/). 16 Three Test Procedures Test One evaluated reduction of variation among vowel space areas. Used comparisons of Squared Coefficients of Variation (SCV) to derive each method’s proportional reduction of variation relative to Hertz SCV Pitman-Morgan’s test of homogeneity of variance between correlated samples, which tests whether the dispersions become significantly smaller across normalization methods 17 Three Test Procedures Test two evaluated improvement in vowel polygon co-extensiveness Co-extensiveness defined as intersection of two polygons divided by union of same polygons Paired t-tests comparing across methods 18 Three Test procedures Test three observed intra-speaker vowel juxtapositions across normalization methods Vowel space perimeter angles RP DRESS-LOT juxtaposition (relatively stable diachronically) RP TRAP-STRUT and LOT-FOOT juxtapositions (known to be changing over time, Fabricius 2007a and b) (mW&F not tested here; RP data only) To see how the various methods affect angles compared to raw Hertz data - exploratory 19 Results- Test one Improvement Nearey W&F mW&F Lobanov RP 0.071 0.350 0.389 0.923 Aberdeen 0.670 0.877 0.865 0.970 over Hertz Proportional Reduction of Area Variance 20 Results- Test one Hertz Nearey W&F mW&F Lobanov Hertz Nearey W&F mW&F Lobanov ** ** * * ns * ns * ns * * ns ns * ns ns ** ** ** ** - Pitman-Morgan test of significance of dispersion differences RP (N=20) Aberdeen (N=6) p<0.05 * p<0.001 ** 21 Results- Test two Hertz Nearey W&F mW&F Lobanov RP .380 .445 .452 .500 .564 Aberdeen .444 .583 .598 .618 .658 Average vowel space overlaps, RP and Aberdeen data 22 Results- Test Two Hertz Nearey W&F W&F1 Lobanov Hertz Nearey W&F mW&F Lobanov ** * * * * ns ns ** * ns * * ** ** ** ns ** * ** * - Paired t-tests, p<0.05 *, p<0.001 ** RP (N=20) Aberdeen (N=6) 23 Results- Test Three 20 RP speakers Hz Nearey W&F W&F/ Hz 49 2.12 (0.52) 195 1.00 (0.05) GOOSEFLEECE-KIT (Std Dev) FLEECE-KITDRESS 26 26 (Std Dev) 195 195 mW&F mW&F/ Hz 49 2.17 (0.52) 195 1.00 (0.05) Lobanov Lobanov /Hz 52 2.40 (0.75) 193 1.00 (0.05) Average Perimeter angle values across normalization methods, RP data 24 Results- Test Three DRESS-LOT Juxtaposition: Nearey-normalised and Hertz 40,00 30,00 Angle in Degrees 20,00 10,00 Nearey without scaling 0,00 Hertz without scaling -10,00 -20,00 -30,00 0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 18 20 Speakers 1-20, RP 25 Results-Test three Speakers Hz Nearey W&F W&F /Hz Lobanov Lobanov /Hz TRAPSTRUT Older 2,44 2,43 5,38 2,93 3,63 3,68 TRAPSTRUT Younger 40,81 40,82 66,44 1,76 67,31 1,78 LOT-FOOT Older 32,11 32,09 13,64 0,39 10,85 0,32 LOT-FOOT Younger 80,94 80,92 65,60 0,81 64,54 0,79 Angle juxtapositions across normalizations 26 Conclusions Test One- Area ratios Lobanov> W&F, mW&F > Nearey Test Two- Co-extensiveness Lobanov> mW&F > W&F, Nearey > Hertz Test One and Two Combined Lobanov > mW&F >W&F > Nearey Test Three - Angles Nearey> W&F> Lobanov 27 Conclusions Best practice choices of normalization methods for sociophonetics are neither straightforward nor unidimensional! Method choice should be grounded in a thorough knowledge of what each method achieves, and consideration of the aim of the investigation, as well as the nature of the data 28 Forthcoming publication BEST PRACTICES IN SOCIOPHONETICS MARIANNA DI PAOLO AND MALCAH YAEGER-DROR UNIVERSITY OF UTAH UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA Routledge, 2009 Including a chapter on normalization... 29 Acknowledgements Dominic Watt Daniel E. Johnson, both University of York Tyler Kendall, Duke University, NC. Caroline Moreiras and Bronwen Evans, UCL, for access to Moreiras’ (2006) unpublished RP vowel formant data, Jillian Oddie, UYork, for recording the Aberdeen data and carrying out analysis, Victoria Watt with help with the Aberdeen data, and Bernhard Fabricius for help with mathematical and programming tasks. 30 References 1 Adank, P. 2003. Vowel Normalization: A perceptual-acoustic study of Dutch Vowels. Ph.D. thesis, Katholieke Universiteit Nijmegen. Bigham, D. 2008. Dialect contact and accommodation among emerging adults in a university setting. Ph.D. thesis, The University of Texas at Austin. Cohen, A. 1990. Graphical Methods for Testing the Equality of Several Correlated Variances. The Statistician. 39, 1: 43-52. Deterding, D. Speaker normalization for automatic speech recognition. Ph.D. thesis, University of Cambridge, 1990 Deterding, D. 1997.The Formants of Monophthong vowels in Standard Southern British English Pronunciation. JIPA. 27: 47-55. Disner, S. 1980. Evaluation of vowel normalization procedures. JASA. 67:253:61. Fabricius, Anne. 2007a. Variation and change in the TRAP and STRUT vowels of RP: a real time comparison of five acoustic data sets. Journal of the International Phonetic Association 37:3: 293-320. Fabricius, A. 2007b. Vowel Formants and Angle Measurements in Diachronic Sociophonetic Studies: FOOT-fronting in RP. Proceedings of the 16th ICPhS, Saarbrücken, August 2007. 1477-1480. www: www.icphs2007.de/. Hawkins, S & Midgley, J. 2005. Formant frequencies of RP monophthongsin four age groups of speakers. JIPA. 30: 63-78. Kamata, Miho. 2008. An acoustic sociophonetic study of three London vowels. Ph.D. thesis, University of Leeds. Koopmans-van Beinum, F. 1980. Vowel contrast reduction: an acoustical and perceptual study of Dutch vowels in various speech conditions. Ph.D. thesis, University of Amsterdam. 31 References 2 Labov, William. 1994. Principles of Linguistic Change. Volume 1: Internal Factors. Oxford, UK/Cambridge, Labov, William, Ash, Sharon, and Boberg, Charles. 2006. The Atlas of North American English: Phonology, Phonetics, and Sound Change. A Multimedia Reference Tool. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Lobanov, B.M. 1971. Classification of Russian vowels spoken by different speakers. JASA 49(2B): 606-8. Moreiras, C. 2006. An acoustic study of vowel change in female adult speakers of RP. Unpublished undergraduate dissertation, University College London. Nearey, T. 1977/8.Phonetic feature systems for vowels. Dissertation, University of Alberta. (published 1978 by Indiana University Linguistics Club). Thomas, E. 2002. Instrumental Phonetics. In J.K. Chambers, Peter Trudgill and Natalie Schilling-Estes. The Handbook of Language Variation and Change. Oxford, UK/Malsen, MA: Blackwell. 168-200. Thomas, E. & Kendall, T. 2007. NORM: the Vowel Normalization and Plotting Suite. URL: <http://ncslaap.lib.ncsu.edu/tools/norm/index.php> Traunmüller, H. 1997. Auditory scales of frequency representation. Online at http://www.ling.su.se/staff/hartmut/bark.htm Watt, D. & Fabricius, A. 2002. Evaluation of a technique for improving the mapping of multiple speakers’ vowel spaces in the F1 ~F2 plane. Leeds Working Papers in Linguistics and Phonetics 9: 159-73. Watt, D. and Tillotson, J. 2001. A spectrographic analysis of vowel fronting in Bradford English. English World-Wide. 22(2):269-302. Watt, D and Yurkova, J, 2007. Voice Onset Time and the Scottish Vowel Length Rule in Aberdeen English. Proceedings of ICPHS 16, Saarbrücken, Germany. 1521-1524. www: www.icphs2007.de/. Wells. J.C. 1982. Accents of English (3 vols). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 32 Thank you for your attention (The Watt and Fabricius Silver Medal) 33
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