Cognitive Development of Chinese Urban Only Children and Children with Siblings Shulan Jiao, Guiping Ji, and Qicheng Jing Institute of Psychology, Chinese Academy of Sciences JIAO, SHULAN; JI, GUIPING; and JING, QICHENG. Cognitive Development of Chinese Urban Only Children and Children with Siblings. CHILD DEVELOPMENT, 1996, 67, 387-395. 142 first- and 188 fifth-grade only children and children with siblings from the Beijing area were given 11 cognitive tasks to investigate the difference in cognitive abilities that may exist due to the special conditions resulting from the Chinese 1-child family planning program. Overall superiority of grade 1 only children over children with siblings appeared in cognitive abilities involving memory processes, language skills, and mathematics. No differences existed for perceptual tasks. However, the differences in cognitive abilities between only children and children with siblings at grade 5 were less prominent than at grade 1. The cognitive superiority of these younger Chinese only children over children with siblings may be explained by the fact that the fifthgrade only children were bom before 1980 when the 1-child family planning program was not strongly enforced. Parents may have tended to treat these children and children with siblings alike. Incontrast, the first-grade only children were born at a time of government policy intervention that resulted in special investment in these children by parents and elders, suggesting the possibility of a time-related cohort effect. In 1971, China initiated a one-child family planning program that claimed to be one of the most significant social experiments ever attempted (Ching, 1982). A State Family Planning Commission was established; legal and social measures were instituted to proinote birth control. However, this family planning program was not strongly enforced due to the chaos caused by the Chinese Cultural Revolution (1966-1976). The 1982 national census puts China mainland's population at 1.01 billion, amounting to 22.4% of the world's population. In view ofthe threat of China's population explosion, the Chinese government started a new campaign to strongly implement the one-child policy in the early 1980s. A new Marriage Law was enforced in 1981, setting the minimum legal marriage age to 20 for females and 22 for males. It also stipulates that both husband and wife have the obligation to take family planning into practice (Jing, Wan, & Over, 1987). Notwithstanding the success of China's family planning program, the 1990 national census still reveals a population at 1.13 billion, with an annual growth of about 16 million. It is expected that by 2050, China's population should increase to more than 1.6 billion people. It is estimated now that in Chinese cities approximately 98% of children in kindergartens (ages 3-6) are from one-child families. In the lower primary grades (ages 6-9) and the higher primary school grades (ages 9-12), approximately 90% and 70%, respectively, are only children. The one-child family movement has also drastically altered the traditional Chinese family structure, which favored many children in a family. Now the typical Chinese family is structured in a 4:2:1 fashion (i.e., four grandparents, two parents, and one child).^ With further implementation of China's population planning program, the number of one-child families is going to increase. The vast number of new-generation only children has become a primary concern of society. The psychology of only children is one of the most popular topics of discussion among parents in China. The questions; often asked are: Are only children intellectually better developed than children with siblings? What are the cognitive characteristics; This study was supported by grant no. 88-1196-88 from the William T. Grant Foundation. The authors wish to express gratitude to Professors Howard Gardner, Jinghe Liu, Paul Mussen, and Harold Stevenson, who served as advisors to this research project. Appreciation is also extended to Hongsheng Che and Zhuguang Er, who gave generous assistance in the carrying out of this research. Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Shulan Jiao, Institute of Psychology, Chinese Academy of Sciences, P.O. Box 1603, Beijing 100012, China. [Child Development, 1996,67,387-395. © 1996 by the Society for Research in Child Development Inc All rights reserved. 0009-3920/96/6702-0030801.00] 388 Child Development ofthese children? Policymakers are eager to know the developmental consequences of the state policy for decision-making purposes. Since the implementation of the onechild family planning policy, Chinese studies of only children are increasing in number. A survey conducted in Beijing (Yang, Kao, & Wang, 1980) on a sample of 1,741 children aged 3 to 15 years, 314 of whom were only children, showed that only children were superior to other children of the same age level in imagination, language ability, imitation, and productive thinking. In Zha's study (1983) on gifted children, among those gifted children studied, over one-fourth were only children. Yet there are also reports that no differences exist in the cognitive abilities of only children and children with siblings. In a comparative study of cognitive reasoning in only children and children with siblings, Zha (1985) analyzed the analogical reasoning of 400 3-6-year-old children. The results showed that there were no significant differences in pictorial and numerical analogy scores between only children and children with siblings, but there were differences related to different family and educational backgrounds. In another study by Jiao, Ji, and Jing (1986), 360 only children and children with siblings of different age levels rated their peers on eight sociobehavioral characteristics. The 4-6-year-old urban only children had higher average scores on independent thinking than did children with siblings, whereas among the 9-10-year-olds, the children with siblings had higher average scores. Falbo et al. (1989) studied the physical, achievement, and personality characteristics of Chinese children in Beijing and Jilin province. The results ofthe Beijing survey suggested that only children had significant advantages in mathematics and language scores, especially among those in the first grade. In recent years, although many articles on only children appeared in China, they were mostly published in popular magazines and newspapers. They offer mixed results, and it is difficult to draw conclusions from these publications. In general, welldocumented scientific research on this important problem is still lacking. Many studies in the West on intelligence have examined the effects of birth order and intelligence. Consistent and reliable results about the intelligence scores of only children are available (Falbo, 1984). The IQ scores of only children fall between firstborns from small families and secondborns from large families. Zajonc (1976) introduced the confluence model, proposing that as the family size goes up, the intellectual environment of the family goes down, because the progressively younger children receive less parental attention. Additionally, in large families, older children become pseudo-parents and thus become more intellectually developed. Only children do not score as well as firstborns because they lack a younger sibling to tutor. Recently, a metaanalysis of studies on the one-child family (Falbo & Polit, 1986) indicated that only children are in general not different from children with siblings in personality characteristics. However, only children had significantly higher scores in intelligence and achievement than children with siblings, but the only-chiid advantage diminished as the child grew older. It should be noted that in the Western research data, only children were more likely to come from parents with a history of marital disruption. Blake (1981) found that 66% of only children still lived with both parents by age 16, whereas in two-child families 79% lived with both parents. The parents of only children were disproportionately separated by death and divorce, leaving a higher percentage of only children with their mothers than was the case for any other birth order group. In contrast, Chinese only children almost exclusively come from two-parent families. Chinese only children are a special outcome of Chinese state policy in which unique political and social factors are involved. Due to the great cultural differences between China and Western countries, the results of Western studies might not be relevant to present-day China. Hence, one cannot be confident in generalizing Western research conclusions to the Chinese situation. In order to clarify the important issue of cognitive development of Chinese only children and children with siblings, there is a great need for additional studies of this problem. Our hypothesis is that the cognitive development of Chinese only children is more advanced than that of children with siblings. The difference, if it exists, may be due to intensive parental care, greater intellectual stimulation at home, and more interactions with adults. The present study is designed to test the above hypothesis by examining children's performance on cognitive and problem-solving tasks. Jiao, Ji, and Jing Method Subjects Sampling of subjects.—The study was conducted with 142 first-grade (average 8.1year-old) and 188 fifth-grade (average 12.3year-old) children in the Beijing area. Based on the Beijing census published in 1984, 12 schools were randomly chosen from eight districts in the Beijing area according to their population distribution. Because economic and cultural backgrounds of families vary in different parts of the city, this sampling procedure ensures a representative sampling of the Beijing population. Due to the fact that there is only a small number of children with siblings in grade 1, all children with siblings were used as subjects from several classes of grade 1 in each school. The samples of only children were randomly chosen from the same classes to match approximately the number and sex of children with siblings. The grade 5 subjects were randomly selected from one to two classes from each ofthe 12 schools, approximately six only children and six children with siblings from each class, approximately equally divided by sex. The birth category and sex of grade 1 and grade 5 subjects are shown in Table 1. Children who always failed in their school achievement tests, children rated by teachers as intellectually inferior, or children who were diagnosed as having some type of brain dysfunction were excluded from the samples. Children from families approved by authorities to have a second child were also excluded from the samples of children with siblings, since the first child usually was handicapped. About 1% ofthe children were excluded for these reasons. Composition of children with siblings.—The 68 first-grade children with siblings have three types of backgrounds. First, some children come from suburban areas where the one-child policy was not strictly enforced. These areas are now being included as districts ofthe Beijing municipality because of the rapid expansion of the Beijing municipal area in recent years. Some parents in these districts have laterborn children. Second, parents who had a firstborn girl but wished to have a second child in the hope that it would be a boy had a second child despite the possibility of receiving punishment. Parents of these children with siblings are generally nonprofessionals (i.e., factory workers or individual business people), Third, among the 23 firstborns, six are members of pairs of twins. The average age difference between firstborns and secondborns in families of grade 1 children is 1.8 years. Among the 92 fifth-grade children with siblings, the first- and secondborns in their families had an average age difference of 2.7 years. All ofthese children were born before the one-child policy was strongly enforced. Of all the children with siblings studied, there were only six third-borns. Educational background of fathers.—Before the children were tested, a questionnaire was distributed to their parents, including infonnation about family structure, parents' professions, economic and educational levels, and so on. In Chinese homes the father is more influential than the mother (Ji, Zhang, & Wan, 1990), so we therefore used the father's educational level to represent the educational level of the family. Table 2 shows the educational level of the fathers of the children. Most of TABLE 1 BIRTH CATEGORY AND SEX OF SUBJECTS BIRTH CATEGORY Grade I: Boys Girls Grade 5: Boys Girls 389 Only Firstborn Later-bom 34 (50.8) 40 (53.3) 12 (17.9) 11 (14.7) 21 (31.3) 24 (32.0) 51 (53.7) 44 (47.8) 11 (11,6) 13 (14.1) 33 (34.7) 35 (38.1) NOTE.—Numbers in parentheses are percentages. 390 Child Development the fathers had received a senior high school education; fathers of this educational level have more only children than children with siblings. The lower educational level (junior high school) fathers have very few only children and are more likely to have children with siblings. College level fathers had slightly less only children than children with siblings. The number of fathers in each grade is not the same as the number of subjects, because some fathers did not answer this item in the questionnaire. Cognitive Tasks A set of cognitive tasks developed by Stevenson and his co-workers was adapted to test the possible differences between only children and chiidren with siblings in Beijing. These tasks were developed to study the cognitive performance of Chinese, Japanese, and American children, and have proved to have high degrees of reliability. The reader may refer to Stevenson's paper (Stevenson et al., 1985) for details. A brief description of these tasks is given here. Verbal memory.—Two short stories were read to the subjects and questions were then asked about the content of the story. There were nine questions for grade 1 children, and 11 questions for grade 5 children. This test was developed to measure children's ability to comprehend and remember short meaningful text. Auditory memory.—This task involved memory for sounds of dijfferent durations. The examiner tapped out a pattem of sounds with a pencil shielded from the child's vi- sion. Patterns consisted of long and short intervals (approximateiy 1.5 sec and 0.5 sec) between taps. There were 13 patterns, from very simple ones such as short-iong-long (SL-L), to more complex ones such as S-L-S-SL-S-S-L-S-S. The child was asked to repeat the taps. If he or she failed on four successive items, testing was discontinued. memory for numbers.—Lists of randomly chosen numbers varying from four to seven digits were used. No digit was repeated in a list, and no successive numbers followed each other. Two lists of each ! e n ^ were presented. Practice trials were made using three-digit lists, then tests were made until errors occurred in two consecutive trials. The score was the number of successive digits reproduced correctly. Serial memory for words.—Lists varying from three to six words and four to six words were used for grade 1 and gr^le 5 children, respectively. The length of each successive Ust increased by one word. The words used for first graders were nouns of objects such as pencil, rabbit, and airplane. Two lists of abstract nouns, such as peace, curiosity, and satisfaction, were added for the fifth graders. TTie test started with the shorter series, and the length increased until the child was unable to repeat two consecutive lists correctly. The score was the total number of words in each list recalled in the correct order. Coding.—The code consisted of nine paired elements; one element was a number from 1 to 9, and the second, a simple figure TABLE 2 EDUCATIONAL BACKGROUND O F FATHERS BIRTH CATEGORY Grade 1: Junior high school Senior high school College Grade 5: Junior high school Senior high school College Only Firstborn Later-born 1 (9.1) 58 (58.6) 9 (41.0) 6 (54.5) U (11.1) 5 (22.7) 4 (36.4) 30 (30.3) 8 (36.3) 4 (22.2) 64 (56.1) 25 (47.2) 3 (16.7) 14 (12.3) 6 (11.3) 11 (61.1) 36 (31.6) 22 (41.5) NOTE.—Numbers in parentheses are percentages. Jiao, Ji, and Jing consisting of straight and curved lines. Nearly all figures required the detection of spatial differences involving up-down or left-right relations. Each test item consisted of a symbol, below which the child was to write the associated numeral. After being guided through seven practice items, the child was allowed 2 min to complete as many of the test items as possible. General information.—This test assessed general knowledge the child had acquired through everyday experience. Emphasis was on factual knowledge rather than inferential reasoning. For example, questions such as "why oil floats on water" were asked. The test ended when the child was unable to answer four consecutive questions correctly. Vocabulary.—Children were asked to give definitions of a list of 25 words taken from readers in elementary schools and popular books for children. The test ended when the child was unable to define four successive words correctly. Spatial relations.—The task was adapted from the Thurstone Primary Mental Abilities Battery. For each item, the child was asked to select one of four figures that fits into a target figure to complete a square. Test figures for the first graders were simpler than those for fifth graders. The first graders' test consisted of two practice items and 12 test items. The child was asked to complete as many figures as possible in 2 min. For fifth graders, there were three practice items, and the children were given 4 min to complete as many of 21 figures as possible. 391 Mathematics test.—Items were constructed to tap concepts and skills used at comparable grade levels. Test items included both computational and word problems typical of those found in children's textbooks. For example, the foiiowing text was read to the child: "There were nine houses in a row; Zhang's house is the third from the left. What order is it from the right?" The test contained 70 test problems. Procedure The experimenters were university students from Beijing Normal University who spoke Mandarin, the standard dialect in China, and had experience in psychological measurement. They were carefully trained in the administration of the tasks. Each experimenter was supervised during practice trials until he or she was sufficiently skilled to administer the tests correctly. The tasks were administered individually in a classroom at the children's schools. Before the testing began, the subject was instructed clearly about the requirements of each task. Testing started only after the child fully understood each task and had been given practice trials. Tasks that involved language materials were read to the child to avoid the possibility that failure to solve the problems was due to poor reading ability. The 11 tasks were presented in one of four different random orders. A double blind procedure was used in the testing. The testers were uninformed about the birth category of the children, and the children were not told the aim of the study. Results Following directions.—The child was asked to add new lines or figures on different positions of test figures according to directions given by the experimenter. For example, the child was instructed to draw a circle on the right side of the line. This test assesses a child's ability to judge directional spatial relations. We first conducted a multivariate analysis of covariance with father's education as a covariate in order to test the hypothesis that the cognitive development of only children is more advanced than that of children with siblings. In our analysis, the dependent variables were the scores on each of the cognitive tasks. Perceptual speed.—This task was also adapted from the Thurstone Battery. There were 18 test items. The child was asked to select one of four figures that would match a target figure. The first graders' test items consisted of line drawings of common objects and simple shapes. Test items for the fifth graders included line drawings of more complex shapes. First graders were given 1.5 min to complete as many items as possible, while fifth graders were given 2 min. The results are shown in Table 3 with adjusted means for father's education. The multivariate analysis yielded three significant main effects and two significant interactions. At the multivariate level, significant main effects were found for birth category F(22, 598) = 1.98, p < .05; grade, F ( l l , 298) - 135.55, p < .0001; and sex, F(ll, 298) == 2.95, p < .001. These main effects were qualified by interactions involving birth category and grade, F(22, 298) = 1.80, p < .05, and grade and sex, F{11, 298) = 2.16, p < .05. 392 Child Development TABLE 3 ADJUSTED MEANS OF ONLY CHILDREN AND CHILDREN WITH SIBLINGS ON COGNITIVE TASKS TH CATEGORY GRADE AND TASKS Grade 1: Verbal memory''''' Auditory memory''''*'^ Serial memory—numbers^'''''^ Serial memory—words^''' Coding^'<^ General information*'''^ VocabulaiyW Spatial relations''''^'^''*'^ Following directions'" Perceptual speed^'' Mathematics'' Grade 5; Verbal memory^^ Auditory memory''-^-" Serial memory—numbers*'''^ Serial memory—words*'' Coding'"' General information^'''^ Vocabulary'-'f Spatial reiations^-''''''^-^ Following directions^ Perceptual speed'^'' Matbematics'' Only irstborn Laterborn 14,94 6.37 38.50 21,61 29,94 27.92 23.70 8.72 27.10 10.96 25.89 14.30 5.12 34.41 17.86 29.16 20.81 23.10 8.00 26.66 10.87 25.52 14,16 5.18 35.23 18.89 28.16 21.09 23.48 8.10 26.54 10.79 23.24 18.66 8.73 40.75 29.17 50.51 51.88 53.17 15.51 32.32 14.53 51.91 18.54 8.77 40.58 27.26 50.09 49.98 49.24 19.30 30.73 12.85 51.82 18.01 9,12 40,63 26.67 50.35 50.49 52.22 16.46 30.83 13.70 51.83 NOTE.—Figures in table are means adjusted for father's education. ' Indicates significant main effect of birth category. '' Indicates significant main efFect of grade. '• Indicates significant main effect of sex. ** Indicates significant interaction of birth category x grade. ^ Indicates significant interaction of birth category x sex. f Indicates significant interaction of grade x sex. Subsequent univariate analyses indicated that the birth category x grade interaction was found for auditory memory, F(2, 308) = 3.83, p < .05; serial memory for numbers, F(2, 308) = 3.21, p < .05; spatial relations, F(2, 308) = 4.67, p < .01; and general information, F(2, 308) - 2.62, p < .07. Scheffe contrasts among the means for fifth graders indicated that for auditory memory, serial memory for numbers, and general information, the three birth category groups were not significantly different from one another. However, for first graders, the only children had significantly higher scores than firstborns and iaterborns on the three cognition tasks. In contrast, among fifth graders, for spatial relations, the firstborn children had significantly higher scores than only children and Iaterborns; for first graders, the three birth category groups were not sig- nificantly different from one another (see Table 4). An interaction between grade and sex was found for vocabulary, F(l, 308) = 6.29, p < .05, Among first graders, for vocabulary, boys (M = 26.03) had significantly higher scores than girls {M ^ 20.72); however, for fifth graders, no significant difference was found between boys (M = 52.21) and girls (M = 52.88). Additionally, in the univariate analyses, a significant birth category x sex interaction was found for spatial relations, F(2, 308) = 3.21, p < .05, and a marginally significant birth category X sex interaction was found for auditory memory, F(2, 308) = 2.76, p < .065. Scheffe contrasts among the means indicated that for spatial relations, the three birth category groups {only children, M -^ 7.74; firstborns, M = 7.48; Iaterborns, Jiao, Ji, and Jing 393 TABLE 4 MEAN SCORES FOR SIGNIFICANT INTERACTIONS BETWEEN BIRTH CATEGORY AND GRADE BIRTH CATEGORY TASKS Auditory memory: Grade 1 Grade 5 Serial memoiy for numbers; Grade 1 Grade 5 General information: Grade 1 Grade 5 Spatial relations: Grade 1 Grade 5 Only Firstborn Laterborn 6.27" 8.76 5.00'' 8.74 5.16*' 9.15 38.70'' 40.76 34.35'' 40.39 35.55'' 40.70 27.7P 52.20 20.17'' 49.30 21.37'' 50.59 8.67 15.57'' 7.87 19.30^ 7.92 16.51'' NOTE.—Means with different superscripts are significantly different from each other at the p < .05 level. M = 7.16) were not significantly different from one another for girls; however, for boys, the firstborns {M = 17.20) had significantly higher scores than Iaterborns (M ^ 11.81), with only children (M = 13.19) not significantly different from either group. The univariate analyses also revealed main effects for birth category on verbal memory, F{2, 308) = 5.61, p < .01; serial memory for numbers, F(2, 308) = 3.43, p < .05; serial memory for words, F(2, 308) ^ 3.26, p < .05; general infonnation, F(2, 308) = 6.24, p < .01; and spatial relations, F(2, 308) = 3.90, p < .05. The main effects for serial memory for numbers and spatial relations were qualified by the interactions discussed above. Planned comparisons of the mean scores for the birth category main effects not involved in the interactions indicated that only children (M = 17.04) were significantly higher than firstborns (M 16.17) and Iaterborns {M = 16.39) in verbal memory; only children {M = 25.96) were significantly higher than firstborns (M = 22.41) and Iaterborns (M = 23.82) in serial memory for words; only children (M 41.59) had significantly higher scores than firstborns (M = 34.74) and Iaterborns (M ^ 38.71) in general information. Univariate analyses also indicated that the main effect of sex was due to the girls (M = 42.13) having higher scores than boys (M = 40.33) in coding, F(l, 308) - 5.19, p < .05; boys (M = 41.19) having higher scores than girls {M = 37.84) in general in- formation, F(l, 308) - 6.43, p < .01; and boys (M = 41.7) having higher scores than girls (M - 38.82) in vocabulary, F(l, 308) 5.32, p < .05. The latter effect was qualified by the grade x sex interaction discussed above. It can be seen that boys showed better scores on some tasks that involved language ability. There was also a significant effect of sex on spatial relations, F(l, 308) --^ 6.18, p < .05, but this effect was qualified by the aforementioned birth category x sex interaction. Finally, a main effect of grade was found for each of the variables, ail Fs(l, 308) > 30, p > .001, but some of these effects were qualified by the interactions discussed above. Discussion The most striking result of this research was that only children fared markedly better in cognitive abilities than their sibling peers for first-grade children, but the difference between only children and children with siblings is not very prominent for fifth-grade children. The superiority of intellectual development of Chinese only children may be regarded as an outcome of the Chinese family environment. Chinese children live in a specific time in Chinese history marked by the implementation of a state family planning program. The Chinese only child is an outcome ofa policy intervention that results in a context that is quite different from the 394 ChUd Development one in which the Western only child is born and raised. Within the present sample, the parents of Chinese only children generally had more education than parents of children with siblings. The Chinese only child occupies a dominant place in the home, becomes the center ofthe family's attention, and is under psychological pressure from parents and elders who fear that their only child may not be successful in the future. The only child is provided with better learning conditions. For example, parents buy more books for them and give them intensive tutoring. Adults spend more time with thear only child, and hence the child participates in more interactions. Such attention and stimulation tend to advance the development of language abilities, which may be seen as a key to the development of other cognitive abilities. In our study, we did not find birth order differences for children with siblings. The greater difference in cognitive abilities between only children and children with siblings for first graders relative to fifth graders may indicate a transient superiority of younger only children. As children grow older, the superiority of only children is attenuated by the process of schooling. This has been shown in the quantitative review of the only child literature by Falbo and PoUt (1986). The only children's advantage as measured by standardized IQ test scores diminished as children grew older. To confirm this interpretation in our sample, one would have to conduct a longitudinal follow-up study of our first-grade children when they enter higher grades. From a sociohistorical perspective, a more plausible explanation of this phenomenon may be that the fifth-grade children were born before 1980, while the first-grade children were born after 1980, that is, before and after a time when the Chinese one-child family planning policy was strongly enforced. Few parents of the pre-1980-bom children expected that their first child would be the only and last child; most parents expected to have a second or diird child, which was never realized. These only children were probably treated in their early years by parents and others in ways similar to children with siblings. This may explain the smaller difference between the fifth-^ade only children and children with siblings. The cognitive superiority of younger Chinese only children over their sibling peers as compared with older only children and children with siblings may indicate a timerelated cohort effect. China has a long cultural history, and Confucian ideology is deeply rooted in the minds of Chinese people. It was considered a fortune for a Chinese family to have many children, particularly many sons. The ancient traditional Chinese patrilineal family structure stressed the succession ofthe family by the male child. If one or more daughters were bom, the family still longed for another son. From our questionnaire, 80% of Chinese urban parents hoped to have two children in the family, and some even hoped for three or four children. The current onechild family planning program runs contrary to this traditional belief. The parents of the post-1980-bom children are fully aware that their first child is their only and last child. Many of these parents are holders of the One-Child Certificate requiring them not to have a second child and entitling them to special benefits frorn the government. The conflict between political and social norms may have led parents to pay extraordinary attention to Aeir only children and to provide them with an enriched environment that greatly facilitated their cognitive development. It should be noted that the fifth-grade children's parents have an average age of 42.29 years for fathers and 40.24 years for mothers, meaning that the parents were born in the early 1 9 ^ s . Thus it was at the time of China's Cultural Revolution (1966-1976) when these parents should have been attending senior high school or college. However, most Chinese students were deprived ofthe opportunity of having a proper education during the Cultural Revolution. This may have caused parents of this generation to compensate for their lost aspirations by devoting more attention to their children in the hope that they, whether only children or children with siblings, may have a better education. In our questionnaire to the parents of the flfth-grade children, 78% of the 95 only children's parents and 70% ofthe 92 sibling children's parents had expectations that their children should have a college education. To realize this goal, it is important for Chinese children to enter one of the "key" schools in the early years. Once a child has entered a key school, it means that he or she may eventually enter a key university, which in turn is important for the person's future career. Hence, parents may view it as necessary to strengthen individual tutorship at home, to send children to partic- Jiao, Ji, and Jing 395 ipate in extracurricular activities, or even to employ teachers for special lessons at home to promote their children's academic achievements. This may be another social reason why fifth-grade only children and children with siblings had similar scores. In closing, we would like to offer some final comments on the sex differences that were revealed in our study. The results showed that boys obtained higher scores in general information at both grades and vocabulary in the first grade. Western studies have shown that boys obtain better scores than girls in tests of mathematics and spatial ability, and girls obtain better scores in vocabulary (Hoffman, Paris, Hall, & Shell, 1989). None of the studies has successfully demonstrated a biological basis for a sex difference in cognition. We maintain that the sex differences in our study were mainly caused by the family and social environment. In modern China, the implementation of the one-child family planning policy has placed the son in a special position to be the hope of the family and the carrier of progeny. Undoubtedly, parents and grandparents in the family are concerned more about the academic success of boys than girls. This may explain the superiority of boys over girls in general information at both grades and vocabulary in the first grade. References Blake, J. (1981). The only child in America: Prejudice versus performance. Population and Development Review, 7, 43-54. Ching, C. C. (Jing, Q.). (1982). The one-child family in China: The need for psychosocial research. Studies in Family Planning, 13, 208-212. Falbo, T. (1984). The single child family. New York: Guilford. Falbo, T., & Polit, D. F. (1986). A quantitative review of the only-child literature: Research evidence and theory development. 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