EARLY LANGUAGE DELAYS IN THE UK EARLY LANGUAGE DELAYS IN THE UK Save the Children works in more than 120 countries. We save children’s lives. We fight for their rights. We help them fulfil their potential. Authors James Law,1 Liz Todd, Jill Clark, Maria Mroz, Julie Carr Published by Save the Children 1 St John’s Lane London EC1M 4AR UK +44 (0)20 7012 6400 savethechildren.org.uk First published 2013 © The Save the Children Fund 2013 The Save the Children Fund is a charity registered in England and Wales (213890) and Scotland (SC039570). Registered Company No. 178159 This publication is copyright, but may be reproduced by any method without fee or prior permission for teaching purposes, but not for resale. For copying in any other circumstances, prior written permission must be obtained from the publisher, and a fee may be payable. Cover photo: Clare and her six-month-old son, Kai, at their home in Slough. (Photo: Anna Kari/Save the Children) Typeset by Grasshopper Design Company Printed by Page Bros Ltd. contents Forewordiv Glossaryvi Executive summaryviii 1Background1 2 Do children living in poverty in the UK suffer disproportionately from early language delay? 7 3 How does early years language delay affect school readiness and later life chances?10 4 What policy changes could help to solve the problem of early years language delay?12 5 What practice changes could help to solve the problem of early years language delay?17 6 Next steps24 Conclusions25 Appendices26 References29 Endnotes33 foreword Between birth and the age of two years, babies and toddlers develop their communication skills. Not only do these skills allow children to start speaking their first words and making simple sentences, they also equip them with the ability to express feelings and understand the world around them. Early language skills underpin subsequent reading and writing skills; therefore, children’s early language development has a significant impact on future school performance. Without language and communication skills, children are unlikely to reach their full potential. Early language development is rooted in the interactions children have with their parents, childcare providers and peers. These early social exchanges both foster developing language skills and provide a vital foundation for children’s school readiness and academic achievement. However, studies indicate that poverty can seriously hamper parents’ ability to adequately respond to their child’s early language needs and provide a home learning environment which is best suited to enhancing language and communication skills in the early years. The aforementioned link between children’s early language development and subsequent school performance highlights the serious impact which poverty is having on children’s ability to thrive in childhood and later life. In 2012 Save the Children’s UK Programme Innovation Impact and Learning team recognised the need for further investigation into this important area of childhood development and began to carry out internal desk-based research. This scoping work revealed a significant need in terms of children living in poverty lagging behind their peers in language skills, including developing vocabularies at a slower rate, having less phonemic awareness and lower reading ability. However, much of the research was outdated and used small sample sizes. iv The most significant studies were also not UK-based. A decision was therefore made to commission an external report which would provide up-to-date information on the prevalence of language delay in the UK, and examine the strength of the relationship between a child’s family income and their ability to develop early language skills. After receiving a number of expressions of interest, our internal procurement process identified Professor James Law and colleagues from the School of Education, Communication and Language Sciences, Newcastle University as the best suited for carrying out this work. The report highlights the significance of communication for fostering life chances in early childhood. It also demonstrates the key role that is played by everyone in the child’s environment, showing that what families do is far more significant for a child’s early development than who they are. The report makes recommendations for the need to scale up and roll out interventions that have been shown to work and to test their value across whole populations and over an appropriate length of time. Save the Children UK has an opportunity to work in this space and add real value by developing and robustly evaluating an intervention which aims to support low-income families to give their children the best start in life through the development of appropriate language and communication skills that will set them up for school and ensure they have the same chance of achieving their potential as their more well-off peers. The decision to tackle this issue is timely, given the growing recognition of the need to focus on early years (Frank Field’s Independent Review on Poverty and Life Chances, which recommends intervening early; Graham Allen’s Early Intervention Foundation; the Department for Education’s Early Intervention Grant and free early education places for disadvantaged children). Save the Children will use this report as evidence for the need to develop a programme, based on evidence and existing effective practice, which works to ensure that children living in poverty have an appropriate home learning environment, offering them the opportunity to develop the language and communication skills which will equip them to arrive at school ready to learn and achieve and break the cycle of poverty for good. foreword Momentum is also building for a focus on children’s early language and communication skills. In 2008 the government published the Bercow Report into services for children with speech, language and communication needs, and in 2012 Ofsted revised its framework for the Early Years Foundation Stage (EYFS). This placed strong emphasis on communication and language as one of three prime areas considered to be crucial for igniting children’s curiosity and enthusiasm for learning, and for building their capacity to learn, form relationships and thrive. Communication and language is described in the EYFS framework as “giving children opportunities to experience a rich language environment, to develop their confidence and skills in expressing themselves and to speak and listen in a range of situations”.2 Gemma Bull Head of Innovation, Impact and Learning Emily Rayner Development Officer v glossary Educational psychologist (EP) Language impairment Professional with responsibility for monitoring children’s progress in school and for developing school achievement A term used to describe children with pronounced and persistent language learning difficulties Language disorder Executive function An umbrella term for cognitive processes that regulate other cognitive processes, eg, planning, working memory, attention, etc A term used to suggest that a child’s language is developing differently from that of typically developing children NEET EYFS Early Years Foundation Stage – term used in England for the assessment of children at school entry Government acronym for ‘Not in education, employment or training’ Non-specific language impairment Expressive language Vocabulary, grammar and morphology (small changes to words, ie, plural ‘s’) Term used to describe language learning difficulties in conjunction with other developmental difficulties Pragmatics Environmental factors All external influences on the child’s language development, ie, factors which are not genetic, including the child’s experiences of language from parents, wider family and education Heritability The extent to which a skill or characteristic is inherited from the child’s parents Index of Multiple Deprivation (IMD) A composite measure of relative socio-economic deprivation used in the UK Intelligence Quotient (IQ) Tested indication of a child’s overall intelligence – often separated into verbal and non-verbal IQ Language delay Expressive and receptive language skills significantly below expectations vi The way in which the context determines meaning Receptive language Comprehension of spoken and/or written language Semantics Meaning as conveyed through language SIMD Scottish Index of Multiple Deprivation – scale of deprivation used in Scotland SEIFA Socio-Economic Indexes for Areas – scale of deprivation used in Australia SEN Special Educational Need SEND Special Educational Need and Disability SSLP Generic term used to describe characteristics of a child’s social environment – commonly refers to parental employment or educational status Sure Start Local Programmes – interpretation of Sure Start at local level glossary Socio-economic Status (SES) Syntax Specific language impairment Term used to describe language learning difficulties without any other developmental or learning difficulties SLCN Speech, Language and Communication Needs – generic term used in England to describe the full range of communication difficulties in children. Language delay would fall within this category SLT The meaningful combination of words to represent complex ideas TOTT Talk of the Town – an integrated community intervention designed to promote language development in schools TNS BMRB UK social research agency that “helps the government, private sector and third sector plan and care for society” Speech and Language Therapist – professional with specific expertise in identifying and ‘treating’ children with language learning difficulties, including language delay vii Executive summary In the early years, children whose language skills develop more slowly are often described as having a ‘language delay’. While many of these children catch up with their peers, those who do not can experience difficulties in school – for example, in learning to read or in contributing effectively in the classroom. There are signs that such early difficulties may be associated with lower adult literacy, a poorer record of employment and even mental health difficulties. A variety of factors affect the extent to which children’s early language and communication skills develop. Recent research has shown that both genetic and environmental factors have a role to play, environmental influences playing a stronger part in the early years – this is especially true of verbal comprehension, or the child’s ability to understand what is said to them. Genetic factors play an increasing role as the children reach middle childhood. In terms of environmental factors, there is strong evidence that the degree to which the child is spoken to and the way in which they are spoken to makes a difference, but there are various other related factors that contribute, including the type of positive language learning experiences to which the child is exposed. Children who are under-stimulated are more likely to have language delay, although by the same token they may be more likely to respond well to nursery or early-years input. It is important to acknowledge that while language delay may be the only difficulty that a child experiences, in practice many such children have other difficulties as well. When we look at studies of whole populations, we see a clear ‘social gradient’ for language, with children from the most disadvantaged groups having lower language skills than those in the least disadvantaged groups. Importantly, it is not just that the lowest group performs poorly in comparison with the others; viii there is a gradual decrease in performance across social groups. Neither is it simply a case of all children in the lowest groups performing poorly – many are doing well. It is rather that the average for the group is lower. Similarly, the numbers of children that one would expect to have scores falling below average at school entry are higher in the more disadvantaged groups. The precise figures vary according to the measures used and the populations sampled. If we look at the longer-term impact of language delay, all studies appear to tell the same story – namely, that those from the most disadvantaged backgrounds are the least likely to catch up. We know a lot about what can be done for these children and interventions range from broad-based programmes intended to stimulate language, along with a wide range of other skills, to programmes carried out with individual children or groups of children which are specifically intended to stimulate language development. Although such programmes have been developed and evaluated, they are not necessarily widely available. They can be expensive to implement and rely heavily on local focus and commitment. Nevertheless, there is evidence for positive economic benefits from such interventions through into adulthood. There have been a number of convergent initiatives in recent years suggesting an increasing policy interest in early development in general and in language delay in particular. As a result of the recent initiatives following the Bercow Report into services for children with speech, language and communication needs, the Communication Trust, an umbrella group of national charities, has been set up to promote the importance of language development, to provide relevant materials for practitioners and parents, and to lobby for better services for children with language delays and other children with speech and language needs. Also in response to this report the Better Communication Research Programme published We can agree on four general principles with regard to early child development which have been developed by the US National Scientific Council on the Developing Child. General principles Principle 1: Each of us is the product of an ongoing interaction between the influence of our personal life experiences and the contribution of our unique genetic endowment, within the culture in which we live. Principle 2: Human relationships are the ‘active ingredients’ of environmental impact on young children. The key understanding in this report is that all policy should be developed from the research evidence, that it should emphasise the whole child, their family and their community, and that there should be an emphasis on emotional wellbeing in addition to early cognitive skills. At one level such principles are non-contentious, but how they play out in a policy context depends on the nature of that context. It is relevant that similar messages are being developed in the UK, where we have seen a series of reports over recent years emphasising the need to address early cognitive differences in the context of the family. To these messages we would add a series of supplementary principles that specifically relate to language development. Executive summary a series of research reports in December 2012 to help underpin the future development of services for these children. Campaigns to encourage a focus on communication skills have been organised by the Communication Trust (the Hello campaign) and the Royal College of Speech and Language Therapists (the Giving Voice campaign). The All-Party Parliamentary Group on Speech and Language Difficulties will also be reporting on the links between speech, language and communication needs (SLCN) and social disadvantage in spring 2013. The Healthy Child Programme in England and comparable initiatives in Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales include reference to the identification of early language delays. There have been a number of initiatives to raise the profile of oral language development in the early years and primary school curriculum. While there has been pressure on education services in recent years, the government has introduced the Pupil Premium, which is specifically designed for the needs of children from disadvantaged families. Such initiatives are welcome, but sustainable changes to attitudes and practice are the key measures of success. Language-specific principles Principle 5: Communication is key to the fostering of life chances in early childhood. Everyone in the child’s environment has a role to play in fostering the child’s communication skills. This starts at birth and includes immediate and extended family, and potentially a wide range of professionals, health visitors, speech and language therapists, early educators, teachers, psychologists, etc. Principle 6: The importance of early communication skills and their implications for the child’s social and educational development across the early years and beyond need to be understood by all parents. Principle 7: All professionals need to be aware of how to identify early language delays and confident about what they can do to enhance language skills. Principle 3: The development of intelligence, language, emotions and social skills is highly inter-related. Principle 8: We need to scale up and roll out interventions that have been shown to work, and test their value across whole populations and over an appropriate length of time. Principle 4: Early childhood interventions can shift the odds towards more favourable outcomes, but programmes that work are rarely simple, inexpensive, or easy to implement. Principle 9: We need to sustain the pressure on policy-makers to improve services for the child who is language-delayed, especially in the very early years (ie, before three years). ix EARLY LANGUAGE DELAYS IN THE UK NEXT STEPS • After 40 years of research, a great deal is known about what needs to be done for children who experience early language delays. • Much of what can be done to promote children’s early skills is not exclusive to language, but a focus on language, given its importance to modern society in terms of school achievement and employability, is important for any intervention programme. • There is a need to make sure that all professionals are aware of what is needed and that their input is monitored through the most appropriate means available. • Parents, teachers and specialists need to be actively involved in subsequent developments. • The picture is muddied by the fact that many children who are late talkers go on to have reasonable language skills. We need to know more about the developmental pathways that children follow and what it is about some children that makes them more resilient than others. Nevertheless, it is clear that there is a risk of later difficulties, for which society needs to take a responsibility. • In the current economic climate, services will only develop if they are underpinned by a strong evidence base. Any steps to develop interventions need to be supported by effectiveness research built into the design of the intervention, not bolted on after the intervention has been started, as is too often the case in government policy. x • It is relevant to develop interventions at any age, but given the genetic evidence and the evidence about the role of specific environmental features that make a difference to language development in the first three years of life, there is a strong case for developing and robustly evaluating interventions targeting early language before the age of three years. • One of the features of such an intervention should be the involvement of different agencies and professional groups with an interest in these children. There is a potentially strong role for the charitable sector to take a lead in catalysing this type of activity. • The evidence base is developing, especially in light of the recent Better Communication Research Programme. The priority is more and better evaluation of promising interventions that can be delivered in a sustainable manner. • There is much to be learned from the Sure Start experience in terms of both the specificity of the interventions and the way in which the interventions were evaluated. • While clinic- and school-based interventions are important, the role of the family and neighbourhood are central to developing interventions for young children. 1 background What is ‘language delay’? Our capacity to communicate is one of the most important features of our lives, and it is in young children that we are most aware of it. We watch with amazement as two-year-olds start to master their language skills and we marvel at their capacity to let people know what they mean, to share a joke, etc. To some extent this process appears to be biologically driven, and it has even been called an instinct (1), yet anyone who has watched their child mimic those around them, copying words, phrases and intonation, will know that the context in which they start speaking is very important. Children acquire language under widely differing circumstances, and a number of factors have been shown to be associated with language development. It is widely reported in the literature that the child’s environment is associated with language development, but this is not the whole story, as heredity and other factors also play a part. Experience tells us that most children learn to express themselves in the first two or three years of life without too much effort, yet some do not, and in the early years at least these children are commonly said to have a language delay or be language-delayed.3 This means that their language skills are developing significantly more slowly than those of other children of the same age. Children who have language delay are slower than other children to start to use words, and are then slower to put simple sentences together by the age of two or three. This has a knock-on effect on their ability to express themselves more generally, and they are likely to have difficulty responding to questions or telling stories. While the language development of most other children develops very quickly over the first three or four years of life, the language skills of children with language delays may continue to lag behind and can affect early reading skills, classroom performance and the ability to make friends. Language delay is commonly distinguished from speech delay and other communication difficulties which can occur without affecting language. It can occur in isolation but is commonly associated with other conditions. Thus, the language of children who have a hearing loss or a learning disability is often described as delayed, especially when they are very young. The term is not normally used to describe the English language skills of children whose first language is not English, unless it is clear that their skills in their family language are also delayed. The use of the word ‘delay’ suggests that the sequence of the child’s language development is following the normal pattern, and it is sometimes contrasted with language ‘disorder’, where the pattern of development is said to be unevenly disrupted. Similarly, a distinction is commonly drawn between language delay and ‘specific language impairment’, where a child’s language is slow to emerge but there are no other associated difficulties. In practice, these distinctions are not always easy to make, and there are no clear criteria for the level at which a child is considered to be delayed rather than within the normal range of language development. Practitioners commonly talk about children falling below a certain threshold – for example, below -1 standard deviation of the mean for a given test or below -1.5 or -2 standard deviations, suggesting that the children are in the bottom 16%, 7% or 3% of the population. But other researchers have sought to describe what children are not able to do at a specific age and given a particular developmental milestone (2). The term ‘language delay’ tends to be used to refer to relatively young children, perhaps up to the end of the ‘early years’ period. It is much less common to hear it being used to describe, for example, a 12-year-old. Although there is plenty of evidence that for some children difficulties persist, the assumption is sometimes made that by this stage their language will have caught up and be indistinguishable from that of their peers. We use the World Health Organisation (3) definition of early years, which covers the range from “pre-natal development up to eight years of age”. Although designed to capture the point at which children generally enter the education system, earlier in some countries, later in others, 1 EARLY LANGUAGE DELAYS IN THE UK it has the advantage of including access to national assessments in the UK system, where children start school relatively early. Language delay is thus a description that may be applied to many children in the first few years of life. As such it can be of concern to parents, practitioners and more recently policymakers. In this report we look at the literature related to language delay and ask four key questions: • Do children living in poverty in the UK suffer disproportionately from early language delay? • How does early language delay affect school readiness and later life chances? • What policy changes could help to solve the problem of early language delay? • What practice changes could help to solve the problem of early language delay? In addressing these questions we focus on literature that has been published in the past ten years or so, although much of this is built upon earlier work. We begin with a discussion of the importance of language delay in 2013 and what we know about what causes it. Why is language delay important? Language delay is important in its own right because it affects the child’s experiences at home and at school. It is important because it raises anxiety among parents and teachers when it is first identified, but increasingly it is becoming important because of what it may tell us about the child’s future potential. In recent years it has been proposed that children with delayed language development may also be experiencing delays in the development of symbolic thought, delays which may have consequences later on in school and for future employability. And this is occurring in the changing context of the modern workforce, where the nature of employment has fundamentally changed over recent years. As Hart and Risley (4), two of the most outstanding researchers in the field, have said, language is key to the development of symbolic thought. They also state, “The economic importance of intellectual, symbolic and problem solving work has increased (over recent years) and that of blue and white collar work has decreased.” The more sophisticated, the better educated and the more automated or digitalised the society becomes, the greater this shift from blue-collar manual employment towards white-collar ‘communicationfocused’ jobs, something which creates particular challenges for the less advantaged, particularly in 2 times of economic downturn. This makes it difficult for a young person lacking in communication skills to break into and progress within the job market: The shepherds, seamstresses, plowmen, and spinners of the past did not require optimal communication skills to be productive members of their society, as they primarily depended on their manual abilities. Today a fine high-school athlete – a great “physical specimen” – who has no job and suffers from poor communication skills is not unemployed, but, for the most part, unemployable. On the other hand, a paraplegic in a wheel chair with good communication skills can earn a good living and add to the wealth of the society. For now and into the 21st century, the paraplegic is more “fit” than the athlete with communication deficits. (Ruben (5), p 243) Acknowledgement of the significance of communication competence is also reflected in the recently released Industry Skills Council of Australia report No More Excuses (6), in which Australian Federal Member of Parliament John Dawkins states, “There is undeniable evidence to demonstrate that poor communication skills adversely affect productivity in the workplace and productivity suffers, as does our global competitiveness.” (p. 3) Early child development and the factors that influence it have also been linked to subsequent health status: Socio-economic gradients in health across the life course begin as socio-economic gradients in early child development. Thus, the social environment is a fundamental determinant of early child development and, in turn, is a determinant of health, well-being and learning skills across the balance of the life course. (p 627) (7) Clearly, child development goes beyond language development, but the child’s capacity to use language effectively is a key feature of that development. The antecedents of language delay It is sometimes assumed that all children have the same intact language potential, but recent evidence from the field of genetics (and specifically twin studies) has suggested that the playing field is not as level as has been suggested. In early childhood, shared environmental factors account for most of the variance in early language, and as children move into middle childhood and adolescence the genetic factors play an families. Yet this finding has not gone unquestioned. Other researchers have suggested that there may be significant interaction effects for verbal ability with family chaos, instructive parent–child communication and informal parent–child communication, and have concluded that there was greater group heritability in high-risk environments and that this relationship was particularly true in the most disadvantaged groups (17). Genetic influences can emerge over the course of a child’s development, and this relationship can differ for children from different socio-economic backgrounds (13). One of the key issues is whether heredity plays a greater role in children from families with lower or higher socio-economic status (SES). Here the interpretation of the data differs. Some studies have suggested that heredity is stronger for less disadvantaged children, at least as far as IQ (14), vocabulary (15) and reading (16) are concerned. Children who live in higher SES families have stronger genetic influences on cognitive ability (language and developmental intelligence) than those from more disadvantaged families (lower SES). At two years of age, genes accounted for 50% of variation in high-SES families, compared to 5% in children from low-SES Although the role played by genetics is clearly important, that played by the environment has received more attention. In the most commonly cited study describing the relationship between how parents speak to their children and the level of their children’s subsequent language development, Hart and Risley (4) recorded in detail and on a monthly basis the way that 42 parents from different social groups in the USA talked to their children between 10 and 36 months of age, and studied the relationship between the amount of input that such children receive and their language development at three years. The cumulative language experience, measured in terms of the number of words heard, of children from three groups (professional, working-class and ‘welfare’ families) is summarised in the figure below. 1 BACKGROUND increasingly dominant role (8–10). The effect of genetic factors remains relatively constant thereafter. Genetic and shared environmental influences contribute to low expressive language ability in particular (11). As increasingly severe cases of expressive vocabulary delay were identified, the heritability of low expressive vocabulary and the influence of shared environmental factors increased (12). Figure 1: Amount of language (in words spoken to children from different social groups (Hart and Risley 1995) (4)) 50 Estimated cumulative words addressed to child (millions) Professional 40 30 Working-class 20 Welfare 10 0 0 12243648 Age of child (months) 3 EARLY LANGUAGE DELAYS IN THE UK The number of words directed towards a child over a given year ranged from 11 million in the ‘professional’ families to 3 million in a ‘welfare’ family. This pattern was reflected in parenting style and in the amount of encouraging feedback that the children had experienced, and also in the non-verbal IQ and tested vocabulary scores that they achieved. Hart and Risley concluded: The social distinctions between professional and working class have increased. In our small sample of American families we saw virtually all the professional families preparing their children for symbolic problem solving from the very beginning of their child’s lives. We saw them devoting time and effort to giving their children experience with the language diversity and symbolic emphasis needed for manipulating symbols; we saw them using responsive and gentle guidance to encourage problem solving; we saw them proving frequent affirmative feedback to build the confidence and motivation required for sustained independent effort. We saw how strongly related the amount of such experience was to the accomplishments of children from working-class families. But we saw only one third of the working-class families and none of the welfare families similarly preparing their children. (p 204) Numerous studies have supported Hart and Risley’s broad conclusions about the way that parents talk to children and the potential impact that this can have on language. Depending on the criteria used, SES identifies attributes of the home environment, such as reading frequency and cultural activities (18), and it is the home environment which is associated with early language acquisition (19, 20). Low parental educational level is a risk factor for speech and language impairment (21–23), as mothers with a low level of education tend to talk to their children in fewer utterances and with poorer vocabulary than mothers who have higher education (24), although it should be recognised that this is not always found to be a significant factor (25), and there always remains the question of whether the parent’s low educational attainment may be related to their own language and cognitive skills. Other specific aspects of the child’s early environment which have attracted attention are television watching, childcare arrangements, what are known as ‘neighbourhood effects’, and schooling. The effects of watching television depend upon what is watched, with positive relationships noted if the 4 chosen programme is appropriate to the age of the child (26). There is evidence that children who are heavy television users have lower language scores, yet children’s entertainment television can provide opportunities for verbal interaction and talk (27). The issue is about how children watch television rather than the length of time for which they are exposed to it. While the emphasis is often placed on the television itself, it is more important to focus on the child’s wider communication environment. Children’s environments also vary according to childcare arrangements and where the child spends their time during the day. A review of social context support and language development (26) reports that the amount of language directed at children in the childcare setting is a positive predictor of their language development at 15, 24 and 36 months (using standardised tests and maternal reports), although childcare experience only accounts for 1.3–3.6% of the variance. Broadly speaking, the impact of integrated childcare and education is beneficial for children, especially those from multi-risk families (28). As we have seen, social interactions with others provide a framework through which young children learn forms and features of language (26). Children whose social experience provides more communicative opportunities and richer input build their vocabularies at a faster rate than children with less communicative experience and less rich input, indicating that the language acquisition mechanism makes use of the communication experience and language data. But such interactions are not solely the responsibility of the parent. Peers can provide opportunities to engage in joint planning, negotiating conflicts and telling stories and may be an important source of input for language acquisition, although not sufficient alone, as children must get input from expert speakers in fairly substantial amounts (26). Language experiences at school can differ from those at home, and there may be a discontinuity between these environments for children from disadvantaged backgrounds (26). Being in school is associated with more rapid language development than not being in school, and it has been noted that children’s language skills progress more rapidly during the school terms than over the summer holiday (26). Research suggests that training in language practices for early-years teachers can have a positive effect on the vocabulary of the children in their class, and the amount and quality of language input has effects on children’s language development (26). Neighbourhood influences Although the emphasis in most of the above studies is on the parent–child relationship and its implications for language development, it is also important to consider the impact of the wider social environment or neighbourhood in which the child grows up. The neighbourhood, village or local community will vary in its cohesion and the extent to which values concerning children and the way that they should be cared for are shared. Although such factors have not been explicitly examined in relation to language delay, it has been suggested that family characteristics “buffered the neighbourhood effect of school-readiness more for toddlers than for older children” (p 631 (7)). The range of contributing factors, and the degree to which they may be associated with outcomes in young people, depends on what exactly is measured and reported. Children in minority, poorer and less educated families in at-risk neighbourhoods spend fewer days per week engaged in activities such as reading, singing and being taken on family outings (33). Neighbourhood factors probably become stronger direct influences on child development around the time of transition to school (34). In all age groups investigated, the quality of the home environment is positively associated with test scores on Peabody Picture Vocabulary Test (PPVT) (4–5 years: r2 = 0.42, 6–9 years: r2 = 0.53, 10+ years: r2 = 0.43 (34), compared with 0.29, 0.44, 0.27 respectively, when only neighbourhood deprivation and age were taken into account in the model). Family effects generally overshadow neighbourhood effects in the early years, and the difference depends on how disadvantage is measured. Recent research supports these findings where the child- and family-level characteristics account for more variance than the neighbourhood level (33) in the early years. Nonetheless, neighbourhood factors (safety, cohesion and crowding) may influence family practices – for example, children may not be allowed to play in the neighbourhood park if the area is not deemed to be safe by the parents, which then reduces the number of experiences the child is exposed to (7). So the neighbourhood effects on language development may be indirect in critical early stages of development. 1 BACKGROUND Various other factors are also likely to be associated with early delays. For example, a family history of language delay has been shown to be an important predictor (21, 22, 25). First-born children experience an early social and language environment which is different from that experienced by later-born children, with greater possibilities for communicative interaction with an adult (26). Birth order has been shown to be a risk factor for vocabulary delay in two-year-old children (22, 25, 29). Results of recent research with children under two years of age have suggested that biological trajectories are the primary drivers of early communication and vocabulary development (25), and social and environmental factors have a minimal effect (explaining less than 7% of the variance (30). However, it can be argued that the environment has an important role to play, as there are associations between a child’s earliest experiences and their preparedness for school (19). It is also important to add that early language delay has been identified as a feature of the profiles of children who have been abused, and especially those who have been neglected in the very early years (31, 32). Potential mechanisms Given the number of factors associated with early language delay, it is worth pausing to reflect on the mechanisms which result in slow language development (35). It is one thing to say that such factors are associated with early delays, but another to determine the precise nature of such a relationship, especially for the individual child. Hart and Risley (4) suggest that early parent–child interaction makes a difference in relation to how much or how the parent talks to the child. It may be that reduced input has a disproportionate effect on the lowest SES groups – “child-directed talk not only enables faster learning of new vocabulary – it also sharpens the processing skills used in real-time interpretation of familiar words in unfamiliar contexts, with cascading advantages for subsequent learning” (p 91) (36) – and this may make them less likely to respond effectively to intervention. There may be differential effects on specific aspects of language development: for example, vocabulary development and semantic development more generally may be much more sensitive to environmental input than syntax or what might be considered to be the heritable and developmentally driven aspects of language development. There is also the question of whether there is an underpinning difficulty with executive function (memory, attention, etc) which disproportionately affects low-SES children. Similarly, care has to be taken not to over-interpret 5 EARLY LANGUAGE DELAYS IN THE UK the evidence. For example, if we return to television watching, there does appear to be evidence that the more children watch television, the more likely they are to have poor language skills, but television watching is not an activity separate from other factors such as parenting, and the child may be driving some of these relationships. Likewise, we can assume that low parental input is related to child performance, but some children are simply less responsive to parents, and this may create a reciprocal rather than a unidirectional relationship. Exploring this relationship, Gutman and Feinstein (37) concluded that, although the role played by children in this process was identifiable, it was much less strong than that from parent to child, although this idea of bi-directionality may be more clearly defined in the relationship between parental input and child behaviour than it is for language development (38). One of a number of outstanding questions is whether composite measures of SES, such as the Index of Multiple Deprivation (IMD) (39), really account for the softer social characteristics (parent-child interaction, enriched social experiences, etc), and is it sufficient to use such measures to establish whether the child is at social risk. In a recent phase of the Avon Longitudinal Study of Parents and Children (ALSPAC), Roulstone and colleagues asked just this question, looking at a variety of predictors of language delay at two years and then school readiness at five years (40). There was a strong association between a child’s social background and their readiness for school as measured by their scores on school entry assessments covering language, reading, maths and writing. Children from more disadvantaged backgrounds perform more poorly than those from more privileged backgrounds. Children’s understanding and use of vocabulary and their use of two- or three-word sentences at two years is very strongly associated with their performance on entering primary school. They then looked at features of the child ‘communication environment’ such as the number of books available to the child, the frequency 6 of visits to the library, parents teaching a range of activities and the number of toys available, which are all important predictors of the child’s expressive vocabulary at two years, and found that they all predicted language performance at this age. The amount of time television was on in the home was also a predictor: as this time exposed to TV increased, so the child’s score at school entry decreased. When they looked at the relationship between these factors and language development at two and five years, they found that these specific environmental factors were more significant than a composite measure of disadvantage at two years, and while these features of the child’s communication environment remained significant predictors at five years, the effect of a composite measure had become stronger. At two years the communication environment was especially important irrespective of the social background of the child, a finding that is potentially very important for early intervention. In summary, twin studies tell us that, like other aspects of cognition, language development is more a function of environmental factors in the very early years, but that heritability becomes increasingly important with age. There is clearly a wider range of other factors that have been shown to be associated with different rates of language development, the most significant of which is probably parent–child interaction. But it is important that any of the models that have been developed only account for a relatively small proportion of the variance in the child’s language skills in any given study, which means that there must be a number of other factors which have yet to be accounted for. Care also needs to be taken in interpreting the direction of the evidence. Limited parental input may be important, but it may reflect communication difficulties in the parent as much as a lack of understanding of how best to promote language development. There is clearly a great deal more that we need to find out about how children come to be language-delayed. 2 DO CHILDREN LIVING IN POVERTY IN THE UK SUFFER DISPROPORTIONATELY FROM EARLY LANGUAGE DELAY? Summaries of prevalence data regarding the number of children with language delay have been notoriously difficult to interpret, because they are so sensitive to the age at which the question is asked, the way that the need is identified, and who says whether the child has a need or not. The figure that has been most widely cited throughout the 1990s and the first decade of the 21st century is Tomblin’s (41) 7.4% for children with specific language impairment, based on a carefully constructed way of measuring the level of children’s difficulty across a whole population. Other recent studies are reported in Appendix 2. With two exceptions, the most recent studies have not sought to identify the level of need in the more socially disadvantaged populations. Locke and colleagues reported up to 50% in a population of children in nursery in very disadvantaged areas of Sheffield at four years of age, all of whom were in the lowest IMD quintile, a figure which dropped to 30% by five years (42). Law and colleagues reported similarly high figures for a population in a school in Edinburgh where all the children’s postcodes fell within the lowest quintile (43). Although taken together these studies give a sense of the range of prevalence estimates, we are still left with uncertainty as to the extent to which it is a phenomenon that affects all but the most socially disadvantaged equally, or whether there is a social gradient, ie, those that are most disadvantaged have scores lower than the next group up, and so on. To establish this we need to look at large populations of children at the same age, using the same measure of language development for all. Fortunately, there are now a number of representative cohorts which allow us to do just this. In Figures 2–4 below we see this relationship in three cohorts in the UK, Scotland and Victoria, Australia, at five years of age. The first is the Millennium Cohort Study4 in the UK, using the Naming Vocabulary Scale of the British Ability Scales; the second uses the same measure in the Growing Up in Scotland study,5 which, as the name suggests, relates only to the population of Scotland. The third is the Early Language in Victoria Study (ELVS)6 in Melbourne, Australia, using the core score from the Preschool Vocabulary Scale. The data were all collected between 2005 and 2010. The measure of social disadvantage varies across studies. The IMD and the SIMD (Scottish Index of Multiple Deprivation) differ from one another and from the SEIFA (Socio-Economic Indexes for Areas), but the elements within each scale are similar. In each case the five quintiles for disadvantage are presented across the bottom of the graph, with the lowest quintile (the most disadvantaged) on the left. On the vertical axis of the graph we have the language level on the measure concerned. The grey line represents the average score for the test. The box-and-whisker plots show the median (the line in the middle of the box), and interquartile range plus the overall range for each of the social groups. The pattern of results broadly remains the same. Three conclusions may be drawn from these data. The distribution of language scores for each social group is very wide, and to all extents and purposes they overlap. This means that many children in the most disadvantaged groups have perfectly acceptable language skills. That said, we see a clear social gradient in each graph: the median for each group declines with social quintile. These differences tend to be statistically significant, but the sample sizes are large. The difference at least for the MCS and ELVS cohorts appears to be more pronounced at the more disadvantaged end of the distribution. 7 80 BAS naming vocabulary at 5 years (T-score) EARLY LANGUAGE DELAYS IN THE UK Figure 2: Data from England – the Millennium Cohort Study (MCS)7 60 40 20 Lowest IMD quintile 2 3 4 Highest IMD quintile Figure 3: Data from Scotland – the Growing Up in Scotland Study8 80 60 40 20 1 – most deprived 2 3 4 5 – least deprived excludes outside values Figure 4: Data from Australia – the Early Language in Victoria Study (ELVS)9 ELVS 5YO CELF-P2 Core Score 140 120 100 80 60 12345 8 Although the figures differ, we see a relatively consistent pattern, especially in the lowest quintile, where the rates are higher than anticipated (18–23%). It is interesting to compare the much higher figures reported above. It is possible that the Sheffield and Edinburgh populations included relatively extreme groups within the lowest quintile. In summary, the answer to this question is that while there is a clear social gradient to the children’s language scores, there is considerable overlap in each quintile. In terms of the proportion of children with difficulties, the figure is disproportionately elevated in the lowest social group, although it is not as high as two recent estimates have suggested. Table 1: Prevalence of language delay (%) at five years with a threshold of -1 standard deviation below the mean Cohort Quintile 1 Quintile 2 Quintile 3 Quintile 4 Quintile 5 Millennium Cohort Study 18 10 7 5 3 Growing up in Scotland 23 18 15 11 10 Early Language in Victoria Study 21 16 7 12 6 2 DO CHILDREN LIVING IN POVERTY IN THE UK SUFFER DISPROPORTIONATELY FROM EARLY LANGUAGE DELAY? Finally, in Table 1 we ask to what extent the prevalence rates vary across social groups. Recall that these are not referred populations, and we establish whether a child is or is not described as languagedelayed by their performance on the relevant language test at five years. Here we use the same threshold in the three studies – namely, one standard deviation below the mean for the test. This corresponds to a prevalence of 16.6% in a ‘normal’ population. 9 3 HOW DOES EARLY YEARS LANGUAGE DELAY AFFECT SCHOOL READINESS AND LATER LIFE CHANCES? We have seen how early environmental factors can affect early language development, but it is also important to see whether early language delays affect other aspects of development. One of the most important of these is ‘school readiness’. School readiness includes the readiness of the individual child, the school’s readiness for children, and the ability of the family and community to support optimal early child development. An individual’s school readiness is determined largely by the environment in which they live and grow (44). Some children experience marked increases and decreases in ability in comparison with their peers in the pre-school years, and it is hard to identify who will go on to have language impairment (45). Facilitating smooth transition between home and school, including cultural sensitivity, and striving for continuity between early care and education programmes and later schooling can help ensure a child’s readiness for school (44). We also need to be careful to acknowledge that language skills are a key element in most measures of school readiness (32), which inevitably increases the likelihood that early language skills and school readiness will be related. Nonetheless, there is evidence that language competence is critical scaffolding for readiness to learn (46), as well-developed communication and word skills are fundamental to a good start in the early years at school (47). It is well established that learning to read builds upon oral language skills. Language and phonological skills are the foundations of literacy development (48). Children with poor comprehension are often characterised as having a hidden difficulty because they decode well and, on the surface, are fluent readers. It is only when they are asked questions 10 about what they have read that their difficulties are revealed (48). This emphasises the importance of language as a precursor to subsequent literacy and academic achievement. It is important to foster the development of oral language skills as a foundation for literacy development (48). Adult outcomes While the links with school readiness and early literacy are probably unsurprising, one of the key determinants of the importance of language delay to society is the long-term sequelae. If children do genuinely ‘grow out of it’, we might question the value of providing services. A number of such studies have attempted to do this, and they broadly fall into two types: those that have followed up a group of children who had been in receipt of services because they had been identified as having developmental language impairment, and those that have examined a large cohort of children across time, irrespective of their service use, but whose early performance was known. Fortunately, two other large-scale representative studies following children identified with early delays have reported adult outcomes for their populations. The first of these is the Ottawa-Carleton study in Canada, which has been reported at 5, 12, 19 and, most recently, at 25 years (49). In this case the children were identified as ‘cases’ if their language or speech scores fell more than one standard deviation below the norm for the test. In the most recent follow-up study, 112 young people’s outcomes (with this history of speech and language difficulty) were analysed against a comparable group from the original sample who did not. The young people differed significantly on all objective measurements of communication behaviour. In each case those with The second study comes from the 1970 British Cohort Study (BCS70), one of Britain’s richest research resources, for the study of 17,196 persons living in Great Britain who were born in one week in 1970, of whom two groups were identified as having delayed vocabulary development at five years of age (38). Children in one of the groups also had other general difficulties. These were compared with children whose vocabulary was within the expected range at school entry on three domains at 34 years – namely, literacy, mental health and employment. Adult literacy difficulties were predicted by the five-year-old child being in the group with more general difficulties (odds ratio (OR) 4.35) and the group with difficulties specific to language (OR 1.59) after controlling for demographic and other variables. Adult mental health difficulties were associated with the child being in the group with specific language difficulties in all but the final model, whereas being in the group with the more general difficulties continued to be strongly associated with adult mental health, irrespective of what else was included in the analysis (OR 2.9). Being in either of the delayed vocabulary development groups was significantly associated with low employment. Language delay and the criminal justice system One rather special case which has attracted recent attention is the young offender and prison populations. According to the Royal College of Speech and Language Therapists, it is estimated that more than 70% of young people in the justice system have a communication disability; other research shows that around 60% of young people in contact with youth justice services in Scotland have SLCN (50, 51). These needs have the potential to influence every aspect of offenders’ experiences of the justice system, making it more difficult for the individuals concerned to access rehabilitation services and respond to those services when they are available and, thus, to break the ‘cycle’. It has also been reported that 50% of the UK prison population has literacy difficulties, compared with 17% of the general population, and 35% of offenders have only basic-level speaking and listening skills (52). Vulnerable young people with communication problems may be unable to express themselves effectively, resulting in disruptive and aggressive behaviour (53). The high number of young offenders with speech and language difficulties (54) has serious implications for the way justice is done and for their rehabilitation (55). This is particularly important given that most offending behaviour programmes – such as Thinking Skills programmes – are structured in such a way that participation requires high levels of literacy and oracy (56). There is not much evidence of interventions taking place within prisons to address this (57), but research has been cited which found that offenders gaining oral communication skills qualifications were 50% less likely to re-offend in the year after release than the national average. Children and young people with speech and language difficulties are particularly at risk of poor outcomes which are multiple (58). Research indicates that an inability to interact with others and to access the curriculum can, in some cases, lead to behavioural problems in children and young people with SLCN (59, 60). Children with primary language difficulties are at higher risk of developing behavioural, emotional and social difficulties (61). This increases the risk of their exclusion from school and, in the most extreme cases, can lead to young people entering the criminal justice system. Leaving education at the age of 16 and acquiring ‘not in education, employment or training’ (NEET) status has been linked to later criminal activity, early parenthood, long-term unemployment, and substance misuse (62). In summary, the answer to this question is that even when a variety of associated social and other developmental factors is taken into consideration, language delay at five years is associated with poorer adult outcomes not just in literacy, which might be predicted, but also in broader social outcomes such as mental health and employment. This does not mean that all children with early language delays are necessarily likely to have persistent difficulties. But it does suggest that the risk is much higher for those who are more socially disadvantaged and if their language difficulties are reflected in other skills. In other words, the impact is greater if the difficulties are not confined to language. 3 HOW DOES EARLY YEARS LANGUAGE DELAY AFFECT SCHOOL READINESS AND LATER LIFE CHANCES? early language difficulties were different from both the typically developing comparison group and the early speech delayed group, suggesting that the outcomes for those with language difficulties are much more pronounced than for those with early speech difficulties. The types of occupations differed markedly across the groups, with the comparison group most commonly going into sales and retail, and those with early speech and language difficulties going into trades and construction. 11 4 WHAT POLICY CHANGES COULD HELP TO SOLVE THE PROBLEM OF EARLY YEARS LANGUAGE DELAY? A number of policy documents have highlighted the critical role played by child development in the early years. With the exception of the Bercow (58) report, these do not focus specifically on communication or early language delay, but language is commonly considered to be a key feature of these early developmental skills. The Marmot Review (64), probably the single most important document on the relationship between social inequalities and health, highlighted the key role played by the transition to school and the potential problems that can arise when children do not have the pre-requisite skills or ‘school readiness’ to make this transition satisfactorily. It also observed that early school difficulties are associated with a variety of negative outcomes. Those from disadvantaged backgrounds often struggle with the move to a more formal approach to learning, and even the best primary schools find it difficult to cope with an intake of children who lack ‘school readiness’. The review proposed the introduction of an indicator of readiness for school to capture early-years development, on the basis of information collected at age five from the Early Years Foundation Stage (EYFS). As we have seen, school readiness must include communication skills if children are to have the best possible learning experience. The role that language delay can play in accentuating social exclusion was also picked up in a policy document produced by the charity I CAN (63). The Centre for Social Justice report Early Intervention: Good parents, great kids, better citizens emphasises the importance of the first three years of life (64). The authors suggest that there are ‘sensitive windows’ in child development when specific learning takes place, 12 and if it doesn’t those skills may never fully develop. The report suggests that the solution was an all-party approach to tackle the causes underlying social deprivation, including teenage pregnancy, anti-social behaviour, low educational attainment, drug and alcohol abuse and poor parenting. The authors highlight the importance of early intervention, which they argue is cheaper, and more effective, than what they consider the current and more expensive option of intervention introduced once a child has started to fail. Their long-term plan for early intervention is designed to break the intergenerational cycle of underachievement evident in many inner- and outercity estates by helping all 0–18-year-olds become good parents, and to optimise impact on the 0–3 age group, which is where the authors believe positive nurturing has its greatest impact. The authors recommend early intervention should start with a pre-natal package and move on to a post-natal family nurse partnership. They also recommend use of Sure Start children’s centres to promote parents’ ability to play and communicate with their children and aid the development of language and readiness to learn. Primary school follow-on programmes should offer support for parents and focus on the development of language, literacy, numeracy and social competencies. Finally, like Marmot, they also recommend ‘school ready’ assessments and programmes that support the young people and their parents through to secondary school. The Allen Reports (65, 66) took this one stage further, emphasising the need for early intervention to promote social and emotional development and thus significantly improve mental and physical health, educational attainment and employment opportunities, and the importance of working The Field Report (68) also encouraged a focus on the early years: “We have found overwhelming evidence that children’s life chances are most heavily predicated on their development in the first five years of life” (p 5). It established a set of life chance indicators to measure how successful the UK is in making life outcomes more equal for all children. It identified that language and communication development at age three is number one in these indicators. The report also suggested that schools should teach parenting and life skills throughout the whole of their children’s school life, in order to encourage good parenting of future generations and to help break the poverty cycle. Given the emphasis placed by the earlier reports on school readiness, it is important that the approach to measuring school readiness has also been under review. The Tickell report (69) reviews the EYFS and sets out recommendations for improvement to the framework. The updated EYFS was published in March 2012, for implementation in September 2012, and it made a number of improvements, including simplifying the statutory assessment of children’s development at age five, reducing the number of early learning goals, and having a stronger emphasis on the three prime areas which are most essential for children’s healthy development. These three areas are: communication and language, physical development, and personal, social and emotional development. The current government recognises the need to address issues associated with social disadvantage, and, to this end, it has introduced the Pupil Premium (70) as a mechanism for directing funding to schools with high levels of social need. The Pupil Premium is part of an overarching government strategy to improve support for children, young people and families, focusing on the most disadvantaged. It takes the form of additional funding allocated to schools on the basis of the numbers of children entitled to free school meals (FSM) and of children who have been looked after continuously for more than six months. The expectation is that this additional funding will be used to support actions which improve the outcomes and life chances of pupils experiencing disadvantage. The funding is approximately £600 per pupil in 2012–13, and an increased sum in 2014–15. Schools are free to decide how they spend the additional funding, but they are expected to report to parents and to Ofsted on how they have used the Pupil Premium. New measures have been included in performance tables to capture the achievement of disadvantaged pupils. Ofsted will put questions to head-teachers in separate meetings concerning the amount of the school’s Pupil Premium, what it has been spent on and the impact that this has had. There is little current information on the use of Pupil Premium. The expectation is that it will be mostly directed to educational support for pupils in literacy and numeracy. However, there is one mention in the recent Ofsted report on Pupil Premium (71) of a small amount of funding used to support EYFS language development (p 29). A consortium led by TNS BMRB with Newcastle and Manchester Universities is conducting an independent evaluation on behalf of the Department for Education and is due to report in the spring of 2013. Since individual schools are in very different situations in terms of the composition of their pupil population, they are likely to make very different decisions. Moreover, schools will need to determine their use of Pupil Premium within the context of their existing forms of provision for tackling educational disadvantage and the often complex funding streams through which that provision is supported. It seems likely, therefore, that very different patterns of use for the Premium will emerge in different places. 4 WHAT POLICY CHANGES COULD HELP TO SOLVE THE PROBLEM OF EARLY YEARS LANGUAGE DELAY? together effectively to reap the benefits of early identification (65). The reports highlighted the need for interventions to help break the intergenerational cycle of deprivation and listed interventions considered to give the best value for money in tackling the problem. One of the gaps in this work is its failure to identify the role played by communication or the interventions available to meet this need. Although the Allen report looks at intervention in early childhood, it missed the opportunity to identify cost-effective ways of improving life chances, increasing social mobility and reducing crime by enhancing communication skills (67). The second of Allen’s reports sets out how the government will pay for the programmes and recommendations made, such as setting up Early Intervention Foundations to provide advice and support to local commissioners on evidence, and building a strong evidence base on what works in early intervention in the UK (66). He recommends that some of the investment should come from outside the public and charitable sectors, in order to ensure financial sustainability. As far as we are aware, the question of funding for such programmes has yet to be resolved. 13 EARLY LANGUAGE DELAYS IN THE UK Policy and health Although many of the policy-related documents cited above are education-related, the fact is that many language-delayed children are initially identified and managed through the health system. In particular, they fall within the child health surveillance agenda through which children are identified by public health professionals, specifically health visitors, and are often referred on to speech and language therapists, the majority of whom work within the National Health Service (NHS) in the UK. With the prevalence rates described above and the overwhelming picture that early development and support are critical for subsequent attainment, it is tempting to suggest that the solution is to put in place a systematic programme of population screening to identify children who can then be treated or at least provided with the necessary support to redress the balance in relation to their peers. Until the late 1980s this was the preferred option in the UK, where health visitors screened children’s development at various points. An evidence-based report, Health for All Children (72), which became known as the Hall report, questioned the accuracy of many of these procedures. This was found to be true for language delay (73), not so much because no screens existed (there were 78), but because our limited understanding of the ‘natural history’ made it difficult to predict which children would be likely to have persistent problems (and would thus be most in need of support). The Hall report (supported in the international literature (74)) recommended health surveillance and latterly health promotion as methods of engaging with parents, but without formally screening children. This position remained in place through the 1990s as a specific screening procedure dropped away. This has changed somewhat in recent years – the Healthy Child Programme (HCP) (75), as it is now called, has made specific suggestions for assessments that health visitors might wish to use (76), and there are similar recommendations in the USA (77). In addition, in the UK we now have (since autumn 2012) a measure to be carried out between 24 and 36 months by those working in early years settings, as recommended by the Tickell report (69). This is not a screening procedure as such, but the intention is to use it to identify children for whom additional attention, if not additional resources, is needed within that setting. 14 The HCP is the NHS’s framework for provision in the foundation years. It is the early intervention and prevention public health programme and provides an invaluable opportunity to identify children at risk of poor outcomes, in order to provide them with additional support. It aims to build the HCP team across general practice and Sure Start children’s centres, with an increased focus on vulnerable children and families. Every child has a health and development review at various stages in their development, and speech and language is one part of this assessment. At six months to one year, health visitors are recommending book sharing and giving invitations to groups for songs, music and interactive activities, to promote speech and language development. Similar groups are recommended at the two- to two-and-a-half-year review, along with other relevant signposting to additional support. Health visitors also encourage early years education to promote child development. At the two- to two-and-a-half-year review, Bookstart is also shared to promote books and shared reading. One of the aims of HCP is to narrow the gap in educational achievement between children from low-income and disadvantaged backgrounds and their peers. Indeed, this has been the focus of the articulation of the care pathway for managing families and children in the first three years of life, which has just been developed: Health Visiting Programme: Supporting implementation of the new service model: No. 1: Health visiting and midwifery partnership – pathway for pregnancy and early weeks (78). Policy across the UK All the parts of the UK with devolved government (75, 79–81) have addressed the issue of the early identification of developmental difficulties in general, and language delays in particular, but they do so in slightly different ways. They all recognise the importance of early identification in relation to later outcomes. All aim to identify difficulties as early as possible, and health visitors and early-years practitioners can direct parents to the relevant additional support, such as Sure Start, or speech and language therapy, if language is a particular concern. Wales has a programme (82) which is delivered in targeted areas to families where particular concern has been addressed. This enables families to access parenting programmes, childcare, and enhanced health visiting, as well as language and play programmes. The Bercow Report The above policy-related documents highlight the policy priority attached to early child development in general. The Bercow Report (58) addressed some of the issues related to language delay as part of a broader category of SLCN. Funded by the Department for Education, the report was based on ten months’ extensive gathering and analysis of evidence, as well as consultation with a wide range of stakeholders. It made recommendations to the government about the steps it should take to transform the provision for, and experiences of, children and young people with SLCN and their families. The report emphasised the importance of early identification and intervention and argued that joint working by the different professional groups with a responsibility for children with SLCN is critical. It also reported a need for a continuum of services designed around the family. The report set out 40 recommendations to improve services for children and young people with SLCN, and many of these were accepted in the response. This review led to the Better Communication Action Plan, which recommended setting up the Year of Communication in 2011 and creating the post of a Communication Champion to promote change and improvement, which after two years saw measurable improvements in language skills of children in the early years (84). Finally, the review commissioned a programme of research, the Better Communication Research Programme (BCRP) (85), which was to look at how services are delivered for children with SLCN. The reports from this programme were published in December 2012.10 The programme was not intended to address the issue of language delay and social disadvantage directly, but it did show that the numbers of children identified with SLCN in schools have increased, from 0.94% to 1.61%, although it is noteworthy how far short of the prevalence figures discussed above this falls. More disadvantaged children are likely to be labelled as ‘SLCN’. More than a quarter of those with SLCN were eligible for FSM. The likelihood of being identified as having SLCN was 2.3 times greater for pupils entitled to FSM and living in more deprived neighbourhoods (15). Interestingly, those with statements of educational need as a result of SLCN are not as socially disadvantaged as those without statements (19% versus 24%). Social disadvantage predicts performance on school measures and change between five and seven years, early communication skills predicts performance at Key Stage 1, and children whose attainment is below the nationally expected level in reading at the end of KS1 are typically characterised by delayed development of Communication, Language and Literacy. But when the programme looked at what else predicted the rate of change between five and seven years it found that gender, whether the children’s mother tongue was English, whether they received FSM and the extent to which they came from deprived postcodes were all important. There was a strong association between deprivation and attainments at the end of Key Stage 1. The proportion of children scoring above the national expectation (at level 3) increased from 42% in the most deprived homes (deprivation ranks 1 and 2) to 70% in the least deprived homes. Similarly, 17% of children from the most disadvantaged backgrounds were failing to show expected progress in reading, 25% in writing and 12% in mathematics. The research also showed that social disadvantage is associated with behaviour problems, which in turn are associated with SLCN and particularly autistic spectrum disorders (70). The All-Party Parliamentary Group on Speech and Language 4 WHAT POLICY CHANGES COULD HELP TO SOLVE THE PROBLEM OF EARLY YEARS LANGUAGE DELAY? This is similar to the provision in the other parts of the UK but targets families with particular needs. In Scotland, the Early Years Collaborative (81) aims to improve child and maternal mental health and reduce the percentage of children (at 24 months) with difficulties in early language and communication, by recording and addressing needs at the 24- to 30-month review. The policy environment has also been expanded by the role of the All-Party Parliamentary Group on Speech and Language, in the UK parliament, which in early 2012 opted to focus its energies on a consultation regarding the relationship between SLCN and social disadvantage. The group undertook this consultation under the chairmanship of Lord Ramsbotham over the summer of 2012, and its report (86) was launched in the House of Commons on 27 February 2013. It is to be hoped this will be discussed along with the findings of the BCRP in parliament. 15 EARLY LANGUAGE DELAYS IN THE UK 16 Campaigning and the role of the independent sector Underpinning the recognition of the importance of early communication skills is the need to ensure that the messages, widely acknowledged by practitioners for many years, reach a wider audience. The Bercow Report acted as a catalyst for two campaigns related to communication. The first, the Hello campaign (87), was co-ordinated by the umbrella body for voluntary sector organisations with a specific interest in communication skills, the Communication Trust. The Communication Trust also hosted the national year of communication, 2011. Hello produced and distributed a large range of resources to improve the communication skills of children, and many of these are still available online for people working with children. Hello supported three strategic projects to test ways of supporting children, young people and their families, which would continue past the year of communication (88). The Communication Trust has set out a five-year strategy to “ensure that every child and young person is enabled to communicate to the very best of their ability” (89). The second campaign, Giving Voice, was co-ordinated by the Royal College of Speech and Language Therapists, the professional organisation representing speech and language therapists in the UK. Giving Voice aims to raise awareness and demonstrate the effectiveness of the SLT profession specifically, and is an ongoing campaign. Speech and language therapists provide training to the wider workforce as an integral part of their role, as outcomes for children are improved when the whole workforce can contribute to care pathways (90); they also work with the wider workforce, contributing to the public health agenda by promoting health and wellbeing. In summary, there are already a great many convergent policy recommendations suggesting that the focus on early child development and language in particular is an important societal priority. This clearly raises awareness of the issues, but it does not necessarily lead to an improvement in the evidence base or to a focusing of resources to address the issues concerned. Indeed, the rolling back of Sure Start facilities demonstrates the effect that financial stringency, which is currently such a feature at local government level, can have on such services. Policy is a necessary but not a sufficient condition for developing services for young children with developmental needs. We need the growth of evidence-based interventions to meet the needs of these children. And in particular we need to evaluate interventions and demonstrate improved outcomes, especially for those from more socially disadvantaged backgrounds. 5 WHAT PRACTICE CHANGES COULD HELP TO SOLVE THE PROBLEM OF EARLY YEARS LANGUAGE DELAY? Considerable attention has already been paid to developing, evaluating and providing interventions for very young children. Most of these interventions focus on fostering the child’s emotional wellbeing and resilience. They rarely focus on the child’s language skills, although there is no reason why this could not be the case, given the relationship between (a) the parents’ engagement with the child and their early language development and (b) the importance of early language as a bridge to school readiness. Nevertheless, since some of these interventions have been evaluated and are used locally in the UK, we highlight below some of the more signficant ones which have already been evaluated or for which formal evaluations are currently underway. It is important to note that this is not intended to be comprehensive; the reader is referred to Allen (65) for the most up-to-date list. Sure Start In the UK we have seen the Sure Start programme develop in England over the last decade. The programme was supported by a number of key principles: • To co-ordinate, streamline and add value to existing services for young children and their families in local communities. • To involve parents. • To avoid stigma. • To ensure lasting support. • To be sensitive to local families’ needs. • To promote the participation of all local families. Sure Start also, however, focused on early language development and on specifically recognised interventions that are aimed at compensating for the developmental and educational impact of poverty (91). Such recognition is made explicit in the measurement of language skills in evaluations of Sure Start. Sure Start was a government-led initiative aimed at giving every child the best possible start in life, by offering a broad range of services focusing on family health, early years care and education and improved wellbeing programmes for children aged four and under (although the age range was subsequently extended). The Sure Start programme was formally evaluated, although without the use of a randomised controlled methodology. Relatively few differences were found between children who received the Sure Start intervention and those in comparable areas that did not (92). Concern was raised about the lack of a consistent curriculum, the fact that the different elements of the intervention had not been previously evaluated under optimal conditions, and the lack of differentiation between the groups served. Some populations within Sure Start areas may be in need of different levels of help. Interestingly, there was a strong language focus in many Sure Start Local Programmes (SSLPs), and the language skills of children in programmes in England were audited on three occasions (93). Family Nurse Partnership Programme The Family Nurse Partnership (FNP) (94, 95) is a preventative programme which offers intensive and structured home visiting for young first-time mothers and is delivered by specially trained nurses (family nurses). It has been tested in England since 2007, with 17 EARLY LANGUAGE DELAYS IN THE UK more than 6,000 families having been involved so far. It is currently being tested in Scotland in NHS Lothian. The home visits take place from early pregnancy until the child is two years old, with 22 visits taking place in toddlerhood (fortnightly for nine months when the child is aged 12–21 months, and monthly until the child is two) (96). The FNP is often delivered through Sure Start Children’s Centres, and family nurses encourage clients to use these services, particularly in preparation for when the children reach the end of the programme, aged two. Randomised control trials (RCTs) are being carried out in 18 locations in England to assess whether the FNP benefits families over and above universal services and provides good value for money (the results of the RCTs are due to be reported in 2013). A report from the Audit Commission (97) states that the FNP has a positive impact on some aspects of early years support (eg, improvements in smoking cessation and breastfeeding prevalence). This report states that a 2009 evaluation showed that issues with the programme still remained, such as the fact that 14% of the women involved dropped out during pregnancy, difficulty in the sustainability of the pilots and ongoing service, a need for better integration into children’s centres, and the fact that the FNP is targeted at a specific population group (first-time parents under 20). The Audit Commission also reports that health outcomes for under-fives on the whole changed only marginally between 1999 and 2008. In a recent report (65), Allen examined the quality of evidence on a number of early interventions and their cost-effectiveness. The FNP was one of these interventions and was reported to meet many of the criteria he was looking for. He also reported that the benefit-to-cost ratio ranges from 3:1 to 5:1 (based on data in the USA). No specific language outcomes are reported for the FNP. Positive Parenting Programme (Triple P) Triple P is a multi-level behavioural family intervention delivered on a whole-population basis with additional use on a targeted level. A large amount of research has been carried out to assess the effectiveness of Triple P, and a recent systematic review and metaanalysis has looked at this in more detail (98). Results from the review suggest that a group-based Triple P intervention may be effective in the short term (according to parental reports of child behaviour), 18 but given the high risk of bias in parental reporting, studies do provide evidence to support the view that Triple P provides other benefits to children. For maternally reported outcomes the summary effect size was a moderate 0.61 (95% CI 0.42, 0.79). Paternally reported outcomes following Triple P intervention were smaller and did not differ significantly from the control condition (effect size 0.42 [95% CI –0.02, 0.87]). The review suggests that there is a lack of convincing evidence to support the cost-effectiveness of Triple P, but that some benefit may be achieved if interventions are focused on the families of children with more severe problems. Allen (65) reports that Triple P had an overall score of ‘good enough’ when he applied the evidence criteria (it met 16 out of 22), and that clinical changes have been noted in behaviour. No specific language outcomes are reported for Triple P. Mellow Babies Mellow Babies (99) is a specialised version of Mellow Parenting and has been developed for parents and vulnerable babies under one year. The programme incorporates adult mental health, childcare skills, child protection, and activities suitable for parents and babies. The Mellow Babies programme has undergone a randomised waiting list controlled trial with clinically and statistically significant effects on maternal depression and mother–child interaction (100). The trial reports statistically significant differences in positive interactions between the intervention and control group (p=0.015). No specific language outcomes are reported for Mellow Babies. Other relevant interventions With the exception of Sure Start these interventions do not include the explicit promotion of language skills. Yet they all foster parent-child interaction skills, which, as we have seen above, are often closely associated with the development of early language. There are also examples of targeted interventions that have a primary focus on interaction. One such approach is Video Interaction Guidance (VIG) (101), an intervention that usually involves a client and a practitioner (ie, a parent and an SLT, or a teacher and an educational psychologist) reviewing short clips of successful interaction in order to achieve goals to do with communication, interaction, relationship or attunement. It is an intervention that Language interventions Bookstart has been widely used and was supported by many staff groups, including early-years librarians and health visitors, although in some cases the latter had insufficient time to model the optimal use of books with very young children. Some SSLPs were aware of the importance of developing rhyme awareness but there was much less evidence of other pre-literacy work. In some SSLPs there was close collaboration between early-year’s library workers and SLTs. Many parents were grateful for the advice and information offered by the early-years librarians, and those who had rarely used libraries before found their support helpful and encouraging. In some SSLPs, SLT support for Ready for Nursery Groups had focused on a speech, language and literacy link between schools and Sure Start programmes. There were variations in the ease with which different agencies could collaborate and focus on speech, language and literacy development or give priority to speech, language and literacy practice in their communication with parents. Evidence from a number of well-designed intervention studies focusing on speech and language skills has shown a variety of interventions to be effective for children with primary speech and language difficulties (106), but these studies rarely focus on children from disadvantaged backgrounds. However, a recent meta-analysis of the effects of vocabulary intervention on young children’s word learning showed not only that this skill was very responsive to intervention but also that the effects were greater for more advantaged rather than for less advantaged children (107). In the light of Hart and Risley’s findings about the marked differences in vocabulary across social groups before children go to school, one might have hoped that this would have gone the other way. So although both more and less advantaged children benefit, there is little sense that the less advantaged groups catch up in any meaningful way, although it is important to point out that the intensity and duration of the interventions described were relatively limited, and this may be an important issue as far as intervention for low-SES children is concerned. In view of the need to identify interventions which have been developed for very young children with language delay, it is important to flag up the experience of the Ward Infant Language Screening Test, Assessment, Acceleration and Remediation (WILSTAAR) (108). WILSTAAR was designed to provide a tool for the early identification and treatment of children at risk of developing language and cognitive difficulties. It is a structured reactive programme used to promote the language skills of children who have been identified as ‘at risk’. The WILSTAAR screening assessment was administered at eight to ten months of age to assess whether the infant is showing age-appropriate, pre-linguistic listening and babbling behaviours (109). Following the screening assessment, research has filmed interactions between parents and their infant to observe the social interaction and play in this situation (110). Children deemed to be ‘at risk’ following the screening test were indeed found to have less focused attention, with lower levels of communication between mother and child (109). Children were then provided with intervention by a team of SLTs in their home with their parents. The intervention was trialled, but the results were somewhat inconclusive (111–113). Interventions in the BCRP Current best practice in terms of children with delayed language development (114) was reviewed as part of the BCRP (85), mentioned on page 15. This report brought together the experience of practitioners with the best available intervention evidence. It identified 58 interventions either currently in use or published in the research literature. It also identified two other interventions which it called ‘Up and coming’ because they were under development and there was insufficient evidence to judge their value. Of those identified, three (5%) were found to have a strong level of evidence, 32 (56%) had moderate evidence and 22 (39%) had indicative evidence. Seventeen (30%) of the interventions were specifically relevant for improving a child’s speech, 22 (39%) targeted language, and the remainder were aimed at a combination of speech, language, communication, and complex needs. Five were Universal or Tier 1 interventions, 13 were 5 WHAT PRACTICE CHANGES COULD HELP TO SOLVE THE PROBLEM OF EARLY YEARS LANGUAGE DELAY? has demonstrated impact in improving mother– child relationships and is recommended in National Institute for Health and Clinical Excellence (NICE) guidelines on social and emotional wellbeing in the early years (102). There is convincing, good-quality experimental evidence of the value of VIG (103), and there are meta-analyses (104, 105) looking at effects of VIG-related interventions on the relationship between infants and care givers, although it has not yet been shown to improve language skills. 19 EARLY LANGUAGE DELAYS IN THE UK Targeted or Tier 2, and 16 were specialist or Tier 3 interventions. The remainder were considered likely to be used across waves, adapted to meet the needs of individual children. The report concluded that there was a sound emerging evidence base with relative strengths in some areas. It said there have been too few large-scale intervention studies to draw firm conclusions about how services should be delivered, but there was plenty of positive evidence about individual techniques. Nevertheless, it identified two specific interventions which showed promise, and a third, ‘Talk of the Town’, where some of the better evaluated elements of interventions had been woven together into a programme in response to demands from head-teachers in one specific locality in northern England. The Grasping the Nettle report (52) summarised a range of evidence for early-years intervention. It outlined some examples of effective local practice. For example, the charity ICAN’s programme ‘Early Talk’ has been used in Kent as a targeted, multi-agency approach to supporting young children with severe SLCN so that they could participate in everyday activities and attend their local primary school. The programme was delivered to 37 children at a project cost of £46,300, indicating a social return on investment of £1.37 for every £1 invested. The main findings of Grasping the Nettle are that early intervention clearly works when it is appropriate and applied well. It identified a clear need for more research into the effectiveness and the relative cost-effectiveness of early intervention strategies. Recent research has begun to explore the possibility that the effects of neighbourhood disadvantage are multigenerational (115), with a family’s exposure to neighbourhood poverty over two consecutive generations reducing the average child’s cognitive ability by more than half a standard deviation (SD .61), and potentially influencing developmental trajectories (115). Talking Time (116–118) Talking Time is an interactive oral language intervention package designed to support language and to foster communication with and between pre-school children. The programme aims to develop children’s language before they reach primary school, so that they are at a level where they can make the 20 best use of language for learning and socialising when they start school. Talking Time supports the goals of the English foundation stage curriculum by providing opportunities for children to communicate their thoughts, ideas and feelings and to share stories and experiences. It targets three key language skills – namely, vocabulary development, the ability to make inferences and the ability to recount a narrative (eg, describe a recent event or retell a simple story). An evaluation of the programme in nursery schools demonstrated that it was effective in improving oral language skills when children exposed to Talking Time were compared with those exposed to an alternative intervention (117, 118). Children in the Talking Time intervention made significantly more progress than children in the alternative intervention in terms of both their understanding and use of vocabulary; they understood and produced more words than the comparison children did. Talking Time also improved children’s development of expressive language, with significantly more progress in the Talking Time children’s ability to repeat increasingly complex sentences, and to say longer sentences when they were talking. Thus, there was evidence that the building blocks of narrative skill were beginning to be put in place, although the children’s oral language skills remained a cause for concern. The Nuffield Early Language Intervention Programme (119) A recent research study (120) aimed to test the efficacy of language intervention in the early years and found that a 30-week intervention produced gains in reading comprehension mediated by gains in oral language. The 30-week intervention was delivered by teaching assistants, and the oral language programme aimed to improve children’s vocabulary, develop narrative skills, encourage active listening and build confidence in independent speaking. The intervention appeared to be good at teaching vocabulary in weeks 11–30 (effect sizes 0.83–1.18) and letter-sound knowledge in weeks 21–30 (effect size 0.41). At a six-month follow-up, the intervention group showed higher scores in reading comprehension than the control group. This research has been the driving force behind the Nuffield Early Language Intervention Programme (119), which spans the pre-school and reception class age range. Talk of the Town (TOTT) (see case study below) was set up following discussion with senior educational leaders in a specific area in the UK, who were keen to take a strategic, sustainable view of what could be done to improve the language skills of the children in their area, with a long-term view of this issue and emphasis on its sustainability. In Figure 5 we provide an approach to conceptualising TOTT. For sustainability, all elements of the programme need to be included. Each element of the programme is tied to specific elements of the evaluation literature. Key to this programme, and unlike many of the interventions that have been carried out with regard to language development particularly, is the conceptualisation of the programme at population and neighbourhood level and its inclusion of workforce development as an intrinsic element of the programme. The role of teachers While it is possible to provide children with specific interventions such as the type covered in the BCRP review or the VIG model described above, in the end it is clearly the practice of teachers themselves which is key to what happens in the classroom. Where teachers are concerned that a child’s language development is below what is ‘normal’ for the year group, this could result in the child being placed at ‘School action’ on the Special Educational Needs (SEN) Code of Practice or possibly at ‘School action plus’. The latter of these would require some external agency’s involvement such as speech and language therapy, language support services or educational psychology. It is important to acknowledge that language delay per se is not specifically identified as a priority area within SEN and that the needs of children with delayed language would be addressed under general policy related to children with Special Educational Needs and Disability (SEND). A number of reports published over the last decade have sought to improve the education of children with SEND and to promote inclusion (130, 122, 123), which may affect teacher education and the development of the profession, the availability of appropriate resources, the inspection framework and the school curriculum. However, the standards most relevant to meeting the needs of children with delayed language are standards three and five. Standard three requires that teachers “demonstrate good subject and curriculum knowledge” and “demonstrate an understanding of and take responsibility for promoting high levels of literacy, articulacy and the correct use of standard English”. It is teaching standard five (“adapt teaching to respond to the strengths and needs of all pupils”) which most fully allows teachers to demonstrate how children with language delay are taught. The standard stipulates that teachers “demonstrate an awareness of the physical, social and intellectual development of children, and know how to adapt teaching to support pupils’ education at different stages of development; have a clear understanding of the needs of all pupils, including those with special educational needs… and be able to use and evaluate distinctive teaching approaches to engage and support them”. Practising teachers will be subject to the revised Ofsted framework for school inspection (124), which includes new judgements on “how well teaching enables pupils to develop skills in reading, writing, communication and mathematics” (p 15) and “how well pupils develop a range of skills, including reading, writing, communication and mathematical skills, and how well they apply these across the curriculum” (p 14). The inspection framework also ensures a focus on different groups of pupils, including those with SEND, and reports “how well gaps are narrowing between different groups of pupils in the school and compared to all pupils nationally” (p 14). This emphasis ensures that teachers will be required to make appropriate provision for all pupils with SEN to make enhanced progress. There is also a focus in inspection on the progress of the lowest-attaining 20% of pupils in each school. New measures in the performance tables will provide information on the progress of disadvantaged pupils and the lowestattaining 20% of pupils. 5 WHAT PRACTICE CHANGES COULD HELP TO SOLVE THE PROBLEM OF EARLY YEARS LANGUAGE DELAY? Talk of the Town (TOTT) (121) Within education there is ongoing pressure to adhere to the standards agenda – ie, where concerns are expressed about current standards most references are made to maths and literacy. Within literacy, reading has been identified as an issue summarised by a deficit model of all that needs to change concerning the reading skills, attitudes and habits of pupils in England. The emphasis on reading is important for children with language delay, as evidenced in the Cambridge Primary Review’s statement that “language 21 EARLY LANGUAGE DELAYS IN THE UK development, along with perceptual and spatial development, underpins children’s progress in reading” (125). Robin Alexander, the key editor of the report, also proposed that each primary school should have an oracy expert who would be responsible for the development of teachers’ classroom interaction skills and pupils’ oracy, affording both a high priority. The review of the National Curriculum for England (due for completion in 2014) may have an impact on children who are languagedelayed, as it reiterates that speech and language should play a key role across the curriculum (126). A recent publication (127) from the Communication Trust outlines the importance of giving speech, language and communication a central role in policy and practice in schools, and aims to bring together evidence to substantiate this. It highlights the gap between national policy and local practice and outlines the Communication Commitment resource, which will provide schools with a userfriendly route to develop a whole-school approach to communication. The document highlights concerns about the number of children in schools with unidentified SLCN and about the fact that Talk of the Town (121) has identified more children with SLCN. CASE STUDY: TALK of the TOWN (121) The principles TOTT is supported by a series of guiding principles: • A focus on prevention and early identification (at whatever phase). • Service co-ordination (shared vision) and strategic long-term planning. • Evidence-based models, approaches and interventions are used wherever possible. • Embedded strategies, building on current practice and provision, are fundamental and would include: – a communication-supportive environment – appropriate and timely interventions at all three tiers. • Tracking, monitoring, evaluation. • Planning and implementation of systematic workforce development. • Inclusion and partnership with parents, children and families. • Use of ‘Talking Time’ nursery intervention (117). • Teaching children to listen (132). At a targeted (Tier 2) level A range of evidence-based interventions have been put into place to support the large numbers of children with language delay, for example: • A narrative intervention by Becky Shanks. • Talk Boost (134): a ten-week wave 2 intervention to support the speech, language and communication skills of children aged between four and seven years with delayed language. • Focused stimulation techniques (135). • Comprehension monitoring approaches within mainstream classrooms (136). Elements of colourful semantics programme (137) and shape coding (138). Language for thinking for children in key stage 2 (139). • I CAN secondary talk (140). Provision and interventions A range of interventions have been implemented, where possible, all with a solid evidence base – for example: • Across all levels, use of a range of visual approaches (128) (see intervention No. 54 below). At a universal (Tier 1) level • Elements of ‘Thinking Together’ at the universal level (129). • Audit of practice using the BCRP Communication Supporting Classrooms Observation Tool with guidance on developing best practice (130). Use of Living Language/ Teaching Talking vocabulary approaches (131). 22 At a specialist (Tier 3) level • A speech and language therapist supports the programme at all levels and provides some support for children at the specialist level, in collaboration with the local speech and language therapy team. • Makaton training for staff to use with pupils with SLCN (141). • A psycholinguistic framework to support phonological awareness (142). • Support and interventions from relevant charities. Overcoming early language delay is the province of a wide range of professionals working with the parents at home and with the children in early-years settings and schools. As indicated earlier, language delays are linked to many other aspects of a child’s profile and, with the possible exception of the SLT, no one professional specialises in language on its own. The key is that all those working with young children need to be aware of these issues and prioritise the development of the child’s language skills, something to which everyone should contribute. While there may be value in assessing the children individually at certain points in their development, most of the work with language-delayed children will take place in groups and in early years centres, mirroring their natural environment. This issue of collaborative working has been picked out by virtually all the above reports aiming to promote early child development. Teachers, educational psychologists, health visitors and SLTs need to work closely together with common aims. In practice this tends to happen where considerable energy has been devoted to building teams of the professionals concerned. Costing services for children with language delay Much has been made of the claims in Nobel laureate economist James Heckman’s statement drawn from his work on prospective data from Head Start and other early intervention evaluations (143): The highest rate of return in early childhood development comes from investing as early as possible, from birth through age five, in disadvantaged families. Starting at age three or four is too little too late, as it fails to recognize that skills beget skills in a complementary and dynamic way. Efforts should focus on the first years for the greatest efficiency and effectiveness. The best investment is in quality early childhood development from birth to five for disadvantaged children and their families.11 The potential for interventions to promote early language skills is rather less clear, primarily because so few studies have specifically addressed this issue (144). A recent study looking at the longer-term costs and benefits of enhanced speech and language therapy (145, 146) suggests that certain interventions could deliver six-fold in terms of lifetime savings. Such studies are often based on models in which data from a number of studies are fitted together to identify future impacts. In the absence of goodquality comparative research evidence, assumptions are sometimes used for some parameters. The lower the availability of good-quality comparative evidence for these models, the less sure one can be that the savings or monetary benefits identified by the model will actually appear. In summary, much is known about what constitutes good practice for promoting child development in schools and nurseries, and much has been done to change practice over recent years, although we know less about how well such interventions are distributed over the UK. The best evaluated early interventions which have been used in community settings show promise but rarely include language development as an outcome. There is a case for addressing this. Language interventions have often been developed for ‘clinical or referred’ populations, and there is relatively little evidence for their use in more disadvantaged populations. By the time children reach school age, programmes may be less important in the classroom, and the training and support of teachers to encourage them to specifically work on enhancing the more vulnerable children’s language development becomes a critical issue. Language development has, as we have seen, received increased prominence in recent years, but the body of evidence available to make judgements about what interventions to roll out remains relatively weak. While many interventions have been shown to ‘work’ at some level, the fact remains that interventions need to accelerate language development, not just improve it, if the intervention is to genuinely narrow the achievement gap (107). Again, we know too little about the costs in relation to the benefits of most of the interventions currently in use to be clear about what provides the best buy as far as public investment is concerned. 5 WHAT PRACTICE CHANGES COULD HELP TO SOLVE THE PROBLEM OF EARLY YEARS LANGUAGE DELAY? Professional roles and collaborative working 23 6 next steps • After 40 years of research, a great deal is known about what needs to be done for children who experience early language delays. • Much of what can be done to promote children’s early skills is not exclusive to language, but a focus on language, given its importance to modern society in terms of school achievement and employability, is important for any intervention programme. • There is a need to make sure that all professionals are aware of what is needed and that their input is monitored through the most appropriate means available. • Parents, teachers and specialists need to be actively involved in subsequent developments. • The picture is muddied by the fact that many children who are late talkers go on to have reasonable language skills. We need to know more about the developmental paths that children follow and what it is about some children that makes them more resilient than others. Nevertheless, it is clear that there is a risk of later difficulties, for which society needs to take a responsibility. • In the current economic climate, services will only develop if they are underpinned by a strong evidence base. Any steps to develop interventions need to be supported by effectiveness research built into the design of the intervention, not bolted on after the intervention has been started, as is too often the case in government policy. 24 • It is relevant to develop interventions at any age. But given the genetic evidence and the evidence about the role of specific environmental features that make a difference to language development in the first three years of life, there is a strong case for developing and robustly evaluating interventions targeting early language before the age of three years. • One of the features of such an intervention should be the involvement of different agencies and professional groups with an interest in these children. There is a potentially strong role for the charitable sector to take a lead in catalysing this type of activity. • The evidence base is developing, especially in the light of the recent Better Communication Research Programme. The priority is more and better evaluation of promising interventions (both universal and targeted) which can be delivered in a sustainable manner. • There is much to be learned from the Sure Start experience in terms of both the specifics of the interventions and the way in which the interventions were evaluated. • While clinic- and school-based interventions are important, the role of the family and neighbourhood are central to developing interventions for young children. conclusion Early communication skills have implications for the child’s social and educational development across the early years. There is evidence that language competence is critical scaffolding for readiness to learn, as welldeveloped communication and word skills are fundamental to a good start in the early years at school. Children with primary language difficulties are at higher risk of developing behavioural, emotional and social difficulties. This increases the risk of their exclusion from school and, in the most extreme cases, can lead to young people entering the criminal justice system. Communication, therefore, plays a key role in fostering life chances in early childhood. This report draws on evidence which suggests that environmental influences, particularly human relationships and interactions, play a strong role in the early years, and that this is especially true of verbal comprehension, or the child’s ability to understand what is said to them. There is strong evidence that the extent to which the child is spoken to and the way in which they are spoken to makes a difference, alongside related factors such as the type of positive language learning experiences to which the child is exposed. This starts at birth and includes immediate and extended family and the wider community around the child. Studies of whole populations reveal a clear social gradient for language, with children from the most disadvantaged groups having lower language skills than those in the least disadvantaged groups. However, there is clearly a great deal more that we need to find out about how children come to be language-delayed. A number of early intervention programmes have been developed and evaluated, but they are not necessarily widely available, particularly interventions which specifically tackle both social disadvantage and language development as an outcome. There is therefore a need to scale up and roll out interventions that have been shown to work, and to test their value over time across whole populations. Any programme that is developed should be supported by effectiveness research built into the design of the intervention and should emphasise the whole child, their family and their community and be focused on the early years. There are already a great many convergent policy recommendations suggesting that the focus on early child development and language in particular is an important societal priority. The time is right, therefore, to sustain pressure on policy-makers and commissioners to direct resources towards effective practice and to improve services to meet the needs of children from more socially deprived backgrounds – who are at a greater risk of having limited skills in language and communication. We know what can make the most difference to enabling young children to learn and develop to their full potential. We have a joint responsibility to work together more effectively than ever before to ensure that all children have a fair chance of succeeding at school and in life. 25 Appendices Appendix 1: Measuring social disadvantage Social disadvantage (or more recently ‘socio-economic position’) is defined in a number of ways. One of the most commonly used composite measures is the Index of Multiple Deprivation (IMD), constructed by the Social Disadvantage Research Centre, University of Oxford (UK Department of Communities and Local Government, 2011) http://webarchive. nationalarchives.gov.uk/+/http://www.communities.gov. uk/communities/neighbourhoodrenewal/deprivation/ deprivation07/. The IMD consists of seven separate “deprivation domains”, of which one (Health deprivation and disability) was excluded, since this study aims to examine the effect of “social factors” on (child) health. The remaining six deprivation indices comprise the range of factors to be considered in this review as the “social factors” in which a child grows up/develops: (1) parental income, (2) parental employment, (3) parental education, skills and training, (4) access/barriers to housing and services, (5) crime, (6) the living environment. It is important to note that the application of these terms varies across the UK. For example, there is a separate Scottish Index of Multiple Deprivation. In practice, studies employ different techniques according to their different objectives. The most common consistent measure used is parental, or 26 more specifically maternal, education. This is especially relevant for early language development because it operates as a proxy for parent–child interaction. A current review of the relationship between social factors and child development has laid out the different techniques that have been used in cohorts across 31 countries in Europe (149). In a report to the Centre for Research on the Wider Benefits of Learning, which draws on data from the Avon Longitudinal Study of Parents and children, Gutman, Feinstein and colleagues (37) concluded that “Maternal education had a particularly marked effect on the relationship between parenting behaviour and child development. In general the effect of parenting was stronger (i.e., more positive) for children of mothers with low levels of education.” p 7 (37). It may be useful to use more ‘distal’ measures such as SES or IMD, which combine a wide range of information. Some of these can only tangentially be seen as related to language development, such as car ownership, others are more ‘proximal’ to the child, such as provision of communication opportunities or book reading, which may stand on their own or be seen as more naturally associated with parental education levels. 27 USA 18–23 months 5–12 years mean 107.2 months 3;01–4;08 median 3;06 Horwitz et al (2003) (150) Law, McBean & Rush (2011) (43) Locke et al (2002) (42) All the nurseries were in areas of social and economic deprivation UK South-East Scotland Rotterdam Netherlands 18 and 30 months Henrichs et al (2011) (23) 240 children recruited on entering four nurseries 138 children 1,189 30 m: 3,759 18 m: 5,289 Language delay (LD) Language delay Expressive language delay Early expressive vocabulary development British Abilities Scales II CELF-P BPVS; ERNNI; CCC; CNRep; TOWRE; WASI; SDQ (teacher report) Parenting stress index – short form; CES-D; BAI ITSEA; Social-Emotional competence domain; Measured by the proportion of children receiving free school meals 96.9% of children in this region are in 1st quintile of SIMD Severe LD 2SD below norm Moderate-Severe LD 1.5–2SD below norm Moderate LD 1–1.5SD below norm Severe LD 2SD below mean continued overleaf Total – 55.6% Expressive – 48.3% Receptive – 49.3% 10% severe language delay Moderate-Severe LD 1.5–2SD below mean SES and maternal education effects at 24 months 39% any language delay 18% (30–35 months) 15% (24–29 months) 12.5% (18–23 months) Persistent early vocabulary delay – 2.6% Moderate LD 1–1.5SD below mean Children with productive vocabulary scores in the lowest 10% for their age and sex group were considered to have delayed productive vocabulary Parents answered questions on their socio-demographic status MCDI – short form (parent reported productive vocabulary) Late onset vocabulary delay – 6% Large diverse population study – PARCA – non-verbal ability Score <10th percentile Parental education, family income CDI-N receptive and expressive vocabulary Study Age Population Number Impairment Measure Measure of SES Threshold Normal Prevalence in prevalence low SES Appendix 2: Most recent prevalence data summarised 28 *Low language status 1,596 1,766 Victoria, Australia Australia 4 years 24 months Reilly et al (2010) (151) Zubrick et al (2007) Late Language Emergence *SLI (for analysis – excluded if ≤86 on KBIT2, from nonEnglish-speaking background, diagnosis of ASD or permanent hearing problem Late talkers 1,720 Victoria, Australia 24 months Reilly et al (2007) (22) – LDS – ASQ – family characteristics – 42-item DASS – Parenting scale – Maternal characteristics Matrices subtest of Kaufman Brief Intelligence Test 4 years: CELF-P2 (receptive and expressive) 2 years: Words and sentences version of MacArthur-Bates CDI MacArthur Bates CDI CSBS – SEIFA disadvantage quintiles SEIFA disadvantage quintiles Maternal Education SEIFA disadvantage quintiles – Maternal characteristics (age, educational level, employment) CELF-P2 composite score >1.25 SDs below the mean (receptive or expressive) Late talkers if scores <10th percentile <10th centile for vocabulary production 1SD below the mean on LDS 19.7% classified as Late Talkers 13.4% classified as late language emergence 17.2% met criterion for SLI ≥1 of receptive and expressive modalities 20.6% low language results for ≥ 1 of receptive and expressive composite score. 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A Bryan, ‘Colourful Semantics: Thematic Role Therapy’, in Language Disorders in Children and Adults: Psycholinguistic approaches to therapy [Internet], Whurr endnotes Address for correspondence: Professor James Law, School of Education, Communication and Language Sciences, Victoria Road, Newcastle University, Newcastle-upon-Tyne NE1 7RU, UK. 1 E: [email protected] http://media.education.gov.uk/assets/files/pdf/e/eyfs%20statutory%20 framework%20march%202012.pdf 2 A wide variety of terms is used to describe the skills of children who are slow to start speaking. Language delay is probably the most common term for young children, but we also hear the term ‘late talker’ being used. If difficulties persist, the terms ‘language impairment’, ‘specific language impairment’ or ‘language disorder’ are used. A distinction is sometimes drawn between language delay and speech delay or even communication delay, although not always clearly. Most recently the term ‘Speech, Language and Communication Needs’ (SLCN) has been adopted after the Bercow Report, to describe the whole range of children whose communication skills are affected across childhood. 3 http://www.cls.ioe.ac.uk/page.aspx?&sitesectionid=851&sitesectiontitle= Welcome+to+the+Millennium+Cohort+Study 4 5 http://www.crfr.ac.uk/gus/index.html 6 http://www.mcri.edu.au/research/research-projects/elvs/ With thanks to Tom King, statistician, School of Education, Communication and Language Sciences, Newcastle University, UK. 7 8 With thanks to Paul Bradshaw from Scotcen, Edinburgh, UK. With thanks to Professor Sheena Reilly and Dr Eileen Cini, Murdoch Children’s Research Institute, Melbourne, Victoria, Australia. 9 10 http://www.education.gov.uk/researchandstatistics/research 11 http://www.heckmanequation.org/ 33 COVER Photo: anna kari/save the children EARLY LANGUAGE DELAYS IN THE UK A child’s first few years are when their communications skills develop. It’s a time for first words and sentences, and when children begin to express feelings and understand the world around them. However some children’s language skills develop more slowly than others, and while some catch up, others may experience difficulties learning to read or contributing in the classroom – it can even impact their long-term futures. This report highlights the importance of addressing ‘language delays’ in the early years and rolling out effective interventions to help more children reach their full potential. cover photo: hildren savethechildren.org.uk
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