JAPAnese sAsHIko teXtIles mIcHele wAlker IntroductIon

JAPANESE SASHIKO
TEXTILES
MICHELE WALKER
Introduction
Patched sashiko coat, before 1950, cotton
© Ogi Folk Museum
Acknowledgements
I would like to thank Janet Barnes, Chief Executive of York
Museums Trust and Jennifer Alexander, Assistant Curator of Fine
Art at York Art Gallery for their collaboration in this project and
to the residents of Sado Island and the following individuals who
have made particular contributions: Ann French, HARA Reiko,
HASHIMOTO Yukiko, IKOMA Nakaba, IWAMIYA Aya, IZUMOYA
Tomoko, JIMBO Kyoto, MATSUMURA Toshiki, NARITA Akemi, OI
Kiyoko, SAKURAI Takeshi, SATO Chau, SUDO Reiko, TOKUNAGA
Miyoko, UTSUMI Teiko, WADA Kahori and YANAGIDAIRA Noriko.
I would also like to thank those institutions and individuals that
have lent work to the exhibition: Aikawa Folk Museum, Brighton
Museum and Art Gallery, Fukuoka City Museum, Hiroshima
Peace Memorial Museum, Japan Folk Crafts Museum, KODO
Village, Nuno Corporation, Tokyo, Ogi Folk Museum, REAL
Photography, TOKUNAGA Miyoko and The Whitworth Art
Gallery.
Michele Walker
Curator, Japanese Sashiko Textiles
In the West, we are perhaps more familiar with Japanese textiles
associated with the aristocracy. Sashiko originated from working
class communities. This study sets out to explore three aspects
of the work: the social and cultural context in which sashiko was
created; the spiritual significance, believed to be attached to the
patterns of stitching; and how sashiko is reflected in Japanese
contemporary textiles. Informed by her previous research into
British historical quilted textiles, Michele Walker recognised
similarities between those and sashiko. Both had arisen from
necessity and associated with women whose own lives were
marginalised and passed unrecorded. In Britain, bed covers were
made, whereas in Japan, sashiko was used for clothing and in
particular work wear. It was worn throughout Japan until the
1950s or later in remote communities.
The word sashiko means small stitches. It is a technique used
for hand sewing layers of cloth together. A geometric pattern
of white stitching on indigo coloured ground distinguishes
the work. Due to the low social status of the communities
from which sashiko arose, the people’s lives were restricted
by sumptuary laws that only permitted them to wear cotton
clothing. The blue indigo dye was hardwearing and thought
to repel snakes and insects. Sashiko evolved from a need
to conserve and repair garments at a time when cloth was
a precious commodity. Women from fishing and farming
communities made sashiko at home. It was an inherited skill,
taught at a young age and one in which women were judged
as to their suitability for marriage. Sashiko was also used for
making fire fighters’ uniforms until World War 2. They were
custom made in city workshops.
A notable difference of the work made in Japan and Britain
was that sashiko patterns were believed to offer both spiritual
protection to the wearer in addition to the practical one of
warmth and durability, provided by the layers of stitched cloth.
Preface
This online publication and exhibition of the same name has
developed from a practice-led three year Arts & Humanities
Research Council (AHRC) Fellowship, awarded to Michele Walker
as a textile artist in 2003. It was undertaken at the University
of Brighton. Additional research funding has been received from
the following institutions - Pasold Research Fund, The Daiwa
Anglo-Japanese Foundation, Arts Council South, The Great
Britain Sasakawa Foundation, the University of Brighton and
a Wingate Scholarship.
Japanese names are given with the family name first in capitals
followed by the given name.
Donza, celebration coat, © Fukuoka City Museum
Where the threads of the stitches cross over it is called me,
this means an eye. It was thought that these eyes had strong
powers. Many eyes cover this donza and protected the
fisherman when worn.
© Michele Walker 2009
1
To get an overview of the subject, Walker undertook extensive
field research in Japan. This focused on sashiko clothing worn in
communities from three different regions - farming, coastal and
the northern areas of Japan where, due to severity of climate,
locally grown hemp replaced cotton cloth. The tactile reading
of sashiko was fundamental to understanding the subject.
Occasionally, an unfolded garment retained remarkable proof
of the human being it had once wrapped, for example, the inside
layer was marked and eroded by the constant rub of the
wearer’s body. That evidence of a person had a profound impact
on both Walker’s own practice as a textile artist and research
approach.1,2 To understand the subject it was essential to study
the work within the context of its production.
Unrecognised at the beginning, this research, which focussed
on a rapidly diminishing group of elderly Japanese women who
once made sashiko out of necessity, was taking place at a critical
time. Today, the younger generation in Japan do not recognise
their grandparents’ past way of life and the natural landscape
that is fast disappearing and to which these now fragile lives
once belonged. Noticeable too are the disadvantaged conditions
of some smaller museums. In spite of their importance as
repositories of local customs and artefacts, many are
underfunded and face uncertain futures.
Japanese Folk Crafts
Through constant use, few work clothes survive. The majority of
sashiko textiles in museum collections today date from the late
19th century but records indicate that similar examples were
worn two hundred years or so earlier.3 An elderly woman who
grew up in a rural area of Yamagata during the 1930s remembers
that many local communities familiar to her as a young girl,
were poor and had neither the resources or time, to stitch
anything but the most basic rags together, the relics of which
would no longer exist.
Sashiko work wear are classic examples of Japanese folk
crafts called mingei.4 The word was coined in 1925 by YANAGI
Soetsu (1889-1961), formerly named Muneyoshi but widely
known as Soetsu. His mission in life was aimed at the public’s
understanding about true beauty that he believed was
embodied in functional craftworks, made by anonymous
makers for their everyday use. Items included furniture,
ceramics, domestic utensils and textiles. Mingei implied the
opposite to fine art that Yanagi considered as bourgeois.
One of the objects he chose to illustrate his beliefs was a
19th century farmer’s coat from northern Japan.5 In 1936 he
founded the Japanese Folk Crafts Museum (Mingeikan) in Tokyo.
1 SASHIKO IN CONTEXT
The small numbers of elderly women alive today who have
contributed to this study were born during the Taisho Period
(1912-26) or early years of the Showa Period (1926-89) –
a time of rapid change in Japan that had begun during the
Meiji Period (1868-1912) and accelerated, as Japan experienced
increasing influence from Western culture. The modern
developments that took place in the major cities were not
matched by conditions in rural communities. These remained
relatively unchanged until after World War 2.
As urban industries developed, an increasing number of
people travelled away from home to work, which in turn led
to decreasing employment in agricultural work. This, together
with the introduction of commercially made Western style
clothing and cheap imported cloth, saw a further decline of
locally produced sashiko and its associated skills.
Farmer’s coat, 19th century, cotton
© Japan Folk Crafts Museum
Yanagi, a life long friend of the British potter Bernard Leach
(1887-1979) came from a privileged class, in contrast to the
rural communities from which he collected. During the same
period, YUASA Hachiro began his compilation of mingei that
today constitutes the major collection of Hachiro Yuasa
Memorial Museum, Tokyo. Both men collected according
to instinct and personal taste.
Western style jacket, 1940-45, cotton © Aikawa Folk Museum
© Michele Walker 2009
An idyllic image of Japanese rural society arose at a time of
some concern for the country’s national identity and established
way of life, seemingly threatened by increasing industrialisation,
growing support for militarism and outside Western influence.
However, it seems the romantic association defined by the
rhetoric of the 1930s did not exist in the living conditions that
many rural communities were forced to endure. For example,
impoverished conditions caused by failed rice harvests and
famine during that time frequently led to the poorest families
being forced to sell their daughters as labourers to textile
factories or for prostitution in large cities.6 By the late 1800s
the silk industry had grown rapidly and was a major employer
of young girls.
2
Kesa (priest’s surplice)
Sashiko until recently has been noticeably absent in collections
of fashion history and underplayed as part of Japan’s rich textile
heritage. Exceptions are the Buddhist priest’s surplice called kesa
that also evolved from stitching together precious scraps of
leftover cloth. The meditative act of sewing itself, symbolised
a devotional pursuit. The foremost kesa is that once worn by
Emperor Shomu (701-756) and now forms part of the collection
of Shoso-in Treasures in Nara.7 Rarely on public display, this kesa
is understood to represent the earliest example of Japanese
sashiko. Due to the religious and noble associations of kesa,
these garments have acquired a cultural significance that
sashiko, with its honourable credentials, rooted in humble
communities and more mundane activities, failed to achieve.
previously considered among the poorest in society were given
the opportunity to purchase the land they worked and improve
their prospects. Futugami remembers that those who wore
sashiko out of necessity were all of a sudden ashamed to be
associated with it outside their homes. To these ordinary people,
sashiko represented earlier years of grinding poverty they
justifiably wanted to leave behind.
SHIO Yoshiaki, Sado Island, late 1950s © SHIO Yoshiaki
Sado Island
In 2004, Michele Walker visited Sado Island. Her continuing
association with the islanders, who still maintain many longestablished customs less evident in today’s modern Japanese
cities, provides a distinctive feature of this project. Due to
the island’s past as a place of exile for out of favour artists,
intellectuals and nobility, Sado has developed a unique culture
of folk crafts (puppetry), festivals, theatre and music. Today, it is
the home base for Kodo Village (Kodo is a group formed in 1981
by people who wanted to study taiko the traditional Japanese
drum). OI Kiyoko is a founder group member and also creates
sashiko textiles. Noticeably, she reuses the Kodo drummer’s
worn jackets and makes wrapping cloths called furoshiki that
are used to carry goods.
Kesa © International Christian University
Hachiro Yuasa Memorial Museum
Several years ago, FUTUGAMI Yuriko donated a large number
of Shõnai sashiko items to the Japan Folk Crafts Museum.
She described as a young teacher in the 1950s, her pleasure
at seeing a worker in the fields who was wearing sashiko work
clothing. That figure represented a reassuring sight in her rapidly
changing country. She immediately began collecting sashiko
before it all disappeared.
The decline of time-honoured customs in the 1950s was
alarming to the educated, urban dwelling Japanese. On the
other hand, among the communities linked with sashiko and
to a younger generation, these handmade work clothes were
regarded as a symbol of old-fashioned ideas. They readily
replaced sashiko clothing with new Western wear. This shift of
attitude followed World War 2 and an influx of American culture.
During 1945-52, Japan was under Allied Occupation. It was a
period of significant social and political reform. Women were
enfranchised in 1945. The Land Reform Bill of 1946 8, restricted
absent landowners on what they could own. Tenant farmers,
© Michele Walker 2009
Kodo drummer’s jacket hanten, 1999,
OI Kiyoko, Indigo-dyed cotton © Kodo Village
3
Sado Island is surrounded by the Sea of Japan and is 35
kilometres off the northwest mainland. It occupies an area of
855 square kilometres and today has approximately 67,000
residents – half the number that lived on the island during the
1950s. In the past, Sado was an important port of call on the
Kitamaesen shipping route that linked Osaka with Hokkaido.
This, together with the discovery of gold in the Aikawa district at
the beginning of the 17th century, led to the island’s commercial
and cultural development. Sado’s varying landscape and climate,
dictated interchangeable skills and employment across the
fishing, farming and forestry industries. Rice is still the main crop
but men were also employed in charcoal making, carpentry and
boat building. Before World War 2, it was usual to make and
wear sashiko or sakiori. The islanders’ clothing needed to be
tough and adaptable. Sashiko continued to be worn until
the 1970s.
SADO ISLAND, 1956-65, Laundry (Shukunegi), IWAMIYA Takeji,
Gelatin Silver Print © IWAMIYA Aya
Cotton was introduced to Japan in the 15th century but never
cultivated extensively on Sado. Local fibres, for example hemp,
nettles and wisteria were used until commercially made cotton
became available from around 1870. Women spun and wove at
home but men working in specialist shops called koya undertook
the indigo dyeing. Kakishibu-zome, a brown coloured dye made
from the persimmon fruit was common to the island and
interchangeable with indigo. Today the dye is still used for
preserving interior wood and to make paper waterproof.
Men pulling a boat, Sado Island, 1970s © Aikawa Folk Museum
Women’s place in society was subordinate to men but they
were equal in terms of work capability. HAMABE Sugi, a now
elderly woman, was once employed as a labourer on the island’s
post war road construction work and remembers her sashiko
coat being the warmest garment she wore at that time. She still
wears traditional work trousers called mompei and homemade
straw footwear but when asked recently what had happened to
her sashiko clothes, she pointed to the garbage bin.
Sado was above all else a working island where the people lived
close to the natural world. Their lives were by necessity driven
by a strong work ethic that is still evident in the elder islanders
today. SHIO Yoshiaki, an elderly resident whose relatives were
employed in the gold mines, recalls his life prior to World War 2.
A rare treat were the special cakes eaten at a gathering that
followed a funeral service. The only time he did not work was
either due to sickness or on New Year’s Day and Bon Festival.
Farmers were forced to sell their rice for income, meaning their
own families were left with a diet of meagre crops. Animals were
kept in pre war days. For the islanders to survive, they had to be
self-sufficient in food and clothing. Rice straw provided an extra
filling for a futon in winter and was also used for making
footwear, rain capes and aprons. Creating straw items was
considered a man’s job. Some of the houses had steps to the
river where clothes were washed by hand.
© Michele Walker 2009
Sakiori meaning saku tear and oru weave, is a densely woven
cloth. It was suitable for making heavy duty work garments and
often combined with sashiko. Sakiori was woven on a domestic
jibata loom. A full width of cloth measured approximately 35
centimetres. Cotton was used for the warp (vertical thread)
and fine strips, torn from worn kimonos and rags were used
for the weft (horizontal thread). Today, creating sakiori is still
a speciality of the island and now enjoyed as a pastime.
Sashiko sakiori coat, before 1950, wisteria fibre, linen and
cotton threads © Aikawa Folk Museum
4
Sashiko coat (detail) © Ogi Folk Museum
Sashiko sakiori coat (detail) © Aikawa Folk Museum
The island’s sashiko patterns were modest, compared with those
seen elsewhere in Japan. Stitching was done in parallel lines that
were sewn closer together across the shoulder areas. This made
the cloth denser and provided more protection. Characteristic
to the island was the band of vertical stitching on the lower
front facings. Similar to all working garments, the sleeves were
tapered towards the wrist to facilitate ease of movement.
A coat known as funaiwai zonza, was made specially to celebrate
a new ship but the short jackets worn by fisherman working at
sea, were weather beaten, worn and patched until they became
too ragged to wear and were recycled into dusters.
The forest industries in Japan were untouched by the country’s
post-World War 2 agricultural reforms. Women were employed
on Sado to transport logs until the 1960s. Given the steep
terrain, they were considered more efficient than any other
method. The carriers were known locally as oikos meaning a
carry person. Oikos were a particular subject for the Japanese
photographer, IWAMIYA Takeji (1920-89). During the years
1954-65 he recorded everyday activities and the customs of
Sado Island.9 His photographs provide a unique description of
sashiko clothing being worn. They also capture the group of
women’s cheerfulness. Despite their hard work, suggestions are
that they were happy to be independent and freed from the
restrictions of their domestic routine.
SADO ISLAND, 1956-65, Carrying (Tassha), IWAMIYA Takeji
© IWAMIYA Aya
Sashiko coat, before 1955, cotton © Ogi Folk Museum
SADO ISLAND, 1956-65, Chatting (Ogawa), IWAMIYA Takeji
© IWAMIYA Aya
© Michele Walker 2009
5
A number of women islanders were once employed to transport
logs. One now elderly resident described how with six or seven
other women she was employed by a carpenter to carry logs
from the forest to a house construction site. In 1945, a daily
wage of 500 yen, plus food and lodgings was considered a good
deal. Payment was dependent on the weight of the logs carried.
Journeys – maybe several a day – started about 6am depending
on the season. The women worked during daylight hours and
only in reasonable weather. Grandparents looked after the
children. A log measured 3 to 3.5 metres in length and several
were carried at a time. Cedar was considered the best wood but
was also the heaviest to carry. A bolster made from straw called
nidora was positioned horizontally in the crook of a carrier’s
back for protection against the load. Each woman held a
balancing stick in front of her. Many women carried logs
until they reached middle age.
SATO Chau, Sado Island, 2005 © Michele Walker
Reconstruction of log carriers, Sado Island, 1970s
© Aikawa Folk Museum
SATO Chau was born in 1916 and one of the few remaining
makers to be located for this study. Her indomitable story, gives
a personal insight of what rural life may have been like at a time
when sashiko performed a significant role. Chau still lives in her
traditional style wooden house, in the once thriving coastal
community of Shukenegi. Her father was a fisherman and she
had eight siblings. Large families at that time were normal but
infant mortality was common. Sons and daughters were
considered a necessity in maintaining a family’s workforce. Up
to four generations would live together. The education of girls
was regularly jeopardised by having to care for younger family
members. Women’s main duties at that time were to assist men
and childbearing. Today, Japanese women are the longest lived in
the world, averaging 86 years, compared with about 42 years in
the 1920s.
Chau’s husband was a carpenter and boat builder. He spent
most of his married life working in Hokkaido, northern Japan.
She described her village as having many ‘absent husbands’.
Like the other young women, she worked long hours and
was responsible for the home and her two surviving children.
Her marriage, according to the custom, was arranged. Although
she and her husband came from the same village, they were
unfamiliar to each other. Chau describes her wedding day
as ‘nothing special’. She does remember wearing a best kimono
bearing her family’s crest when she was first shown to her
prospective in-laws. A family viewed a potential daughter-in-law,
solely in terms of her domestic credibility and whether she
was considered sufficiently skilful and hard working to join
their workforce.
Children playing, Sado Island, 1910 © Aikawa Folk Museum
© Michele Walker 2009
6
There were certain essential items that a bride prepared in
readiness to join her husband’s family: a futon cover, mosquito
net, new wooden bucket and wrapping cloths for carrying goods.
In addition to these, about five new items of sashiko clothing
were specially made. A woman’s credibility for marriage was
judged by her needlecraft skills. As a young girl, Chau attended
local dressmaking classes and she learnt to make sashiko at
home. She recalls first wearing rubber shoes at eleven years old.
Unlike her parents whom had grown their own cotton, her cloth
was commercially produced which she bought with bundles of
rags from visiting traders. In Tokyo electricity became available
in the 1890s but the islanders worked by oil lamp until it was
introduced to Sado in the early 1930s.
Women were expected to resume toiling in the fields within
days of giving birth. A mother-in-law took charge of the infants.
Chau remembers it took her 12 days to plant a rice field by
hand. Planting was linked with fertility and regarded as women’s
work. If a child was not conceived within three years of
marriage, it provided sufficient reason for a husband to abandon
his wife. Young married women were allowed a few days annual
home leave. It was an opportunity to see their family, replenish
sashiko clothing and maybe earn some money for themselves
by making straw ropes. Sewing was otherwise confined to the
evenings after household tasks were completed or in the winter
months when bad weather forced women to stay indoors. A
sashiko garment in daily use lasted for about two years. Chau
remembers the job of having to repair the worn soles of her
husband’s split toed footwear (similar to socks) called tabis
when he was home on leave. After a day’s labour, she described
working late into the night plying threads for sewing.
Freed from the tyrannical rule of her mother-in-law and a
widow for many years, Chau’s daily routine is today still driven
by a strong work ethic. Summer mornings at something like
5.30am, she will push a trolley uphill to tend her flourishing
allotment a mile or so away. She is remarkably self-sufficient.
Many women of her generation can still be seen today labouring
in the fields and maintaining the natural landscape. They seem
to be the last generation to work in this way. She still makes
straw shoes for the local kindergarten children to wear but
sashiko is just a distant memory. Her son would prefer his
mother move and live with him in Tokyo. Chau whispers a
heartfelt request to spend her final years on the island she
has never left.
Hiroshima remembered
The first city to be a target for an atomic bomb was Hiroshima
on 6 August 1945. A second site was Nagasaki, 3 days later.
The Hiroshima explosion caused the death of approximately
140,000 people by the end of December 1945. Since then,
many more have died and will continue to do so from the after
effects of that devastating event. SASAKI Yuichiro, a Japanese
photographer, lost 13 members of his family. Later that August,
he recorded the miseries of war. Residents were returning to
the city, injured and suffering themselves, yet spending weeks
in trying to locate their homes, survivors and victims among
the ruins.
© Michele Walker 2009
An elderly resident of Hiroshima © Courtesy of SASAKI Yuichiro’s
son, SHIOURA Yugo
Remarkably, a number of personal items survived the blast and
where possible were returned to the surviving families. Some
of these articles have been donated to the Hiroshima Peace
Memorial Museum. Due to the lack of resources during World
War 2, clothing was made at home, including the type of padded
hoods that students wore while engaged in fire prevention work
under the Student Mobilization. KITABAYASHI Tetsuo was
12 years old at the time. He was exposed to the bomb at
the building demolition site where he worked. Although
later reunited with and treated by his parents, he died the
following day. His air-raid hood was discovered 600 metres
from the hypocentre.
KUBOTAKA Sonoe, as a young woman aged 23, was standing on
the platform at Hiroshima Station, 1,900 metres from where the
bomb was dropped. Her hood was with her and found later, but
apparently like that belonging to the young schoolboy, both are
thought to have been unworn at the time of the blast. She
escaped from the station minutes before it burst into flames.
The upper part of her body was badly burned and her hair was
completely destroyed. Due to the devoted care given by her
mother, she survived and is still living in the City today. Both
these air-raid hoods were among items donated to the museum
in Hiroshima by the owner’s families who in giving them
expressed, ‘an earnest desire that nobody on earth will ever
experience such tragedy, sadness and suffering again’.
7
2 SASHIKO IMAGERY
Sashiko patterns were coded messages that revealed the
complexities of Japanese society. The varied range of sashiko
was due to vast differences in location, environment, climate
and economic activities. Personal identity was expressed
through a repertoire of patterns.
Kendo is a type of martial art similar to fencing. A padded
kendo undergarment once worn by a member of the high-class
warriors called samurai, is a classic example of sashiko’s practical
use. A particular feature is the bold method of stitching using a
heavy thread. The denser patterns on the bodice provided the
wearer with extra protection to their chest.
Kendo undergarment, 19th century, maker unknown, cotton
© Japan Folk Crafts Museum
Sashiko clothing was worn by all members of working class
society. The garments were uniformly T-shaped for both sexes
of all ages. Sashiko was made using two or three layers of
preferably worn and already pliable cotton cloth stitched
together. Rags were graded and the best ones were kept for
making sashiko and the patched futon covers.
The basic sashiko technique was a small running stitch that
followed the grain of fabric. Horizontal rows of stitching were
regarded as stronger than vertical ones. Sashiko stitching was
done after all the pieces for a garment were cut and prior to
sewing them together. A width of cloth measured approximately
40 centimetres which was the size of a domestic loom. Clothing
for infants and children required a single width of cloth. For
adults, two widths were necessary and joined together along the
selvedge edge to form a centre back seam. The whole piece was
then folded over at the shoulder line to the front, where the left
side overlapped the right.
Sleeves were kept short and made from folded lengths of cloth.
They were added separately to the main body using a straight
seam. Like the collar and front facings, sleeves were replaceable
if worn out. All kimono style clothing was fastened with ties,
cord, rope or a narrow woven length of sakiori. When
constructing a garment the cloth was never cut unnecessarily,
any excess was folded back. This meant that a full length coat
could be folded at the waist and then worn as a jacket It was
customary for a garment to be unpicked prior to washing, each
section then laid out flat to dry on boards before being sewn
back together again using the same threads. The modular
construction of garments made them easy to fold and store.
Before the availability of underclothes, not commonplace until
after World War 2, men wore a type of loincloth and women
wrapped a length of fabric around the lower body. Some
evidence suggests that patched garments were also worn
beneath sashiko clothing. Women usually wore a loose fitting
waistcoat called sodenashi over a sashiko coat. They would wrap
a length of cotton cloth known as tenugui around their head.
Special hand and leg protectors covered bare limbs. Split toed
socks called tabi were worn together with footwear made from
rice straw. These were later replaced by the more resilient jika,
rubber-soled footwear still popular today.
Work pants (detail), before 1955, cotton © Aikawa Folk Museum
Patched sashiko futon cover (detail), about 1850-1950,
cotton rags © Japan Folk Crafts Museum
© Michele Walker 2009
8
Hand protectors, before 1960, HATSU Abe, cotton
© Aikawa Folk Museum
Patched rowing gloves worn in winter, before 1950, cotton
© Ogi Folk Museum
Leg protectors, before 1955, HONMA Ito, cotton with brass
clips © Aikawa Folk Museum
Straw boots © Aikawa Folk Museum
Patterns of Identity
Within a community, identity remained collective with each
person playing a recognised role. Historically, Japanese culture
was defined by a shogun in the top position, followed by
farmers, craftsmen and lastly the merchants.
Tabi, before 1955, cotton with brass clips
© Aikawa Folk Museum
© Michele Walker 2009
Shõnai sashiko originated from the Shõnai plain, a rice growing
area in the northeast called Yamagata Prefecture. Geometric
patterns were created from abstract images of everyday objects,
for example a repeat of diagonally set lined squares, said to
symbolise the wooden boxes called masu that were used for
measuring out rice. The size of the stitched squares indicated
labour output and social status of the wearer. The largest
ones signified the male head of a family or someone with a
responsible position in society. Medium size squares indicated
the younger men. The smallest square represented women and
girls whose productivity was rated the lowest. Some garments
were re-dipped in indigo dye after the sashiko stitching was
complete but before the pieces were joined together. This was
done to strengthen the garment.
9
Waistcoat, early 20th century, cotton, kasuri patterned collar
© Japan Folk Crafts Museum
Sledge-pulling waistcoat (sori-biki hanten), late 19th century
to early 20th century, cotton © Japan Folk Crafts Museum
Fire fighters’ uniforms were custom-made in city workshops.
Outfits consisted of a hood, gloves, coat called a hanten and
trousers. Each item was made using three layers of densely
stitched cotton cloth. Dousing the uniformed workers with
water to protect them against flames before entering a building
increased the weight of their garments.
Waistcoat (nizuri), 1900-1950, cotton
© Japan Folk Crafts Museum
The clothing’s exterior surface was generally undecorated
except for a symbol that identified the station where the wearer
worked. In contrast was the hand drawn heroic imagery on
the inside of a coat created using a resist dye technique called
tsutsugaki. Creatures such as dragons and tiger were symbols
that were believed to offer spiritual protection to the body it
wrapped.10 During festivals and New Year celebrations, the fire
fighters proudly paraded in their uniforms with the decorated
side facing outwards. These coats were similar to the ones worn
by the city merchants and officials who appropriated the heroic
imagery for their own celebratory garments.
Form followed function. The shape of a garment indicated the
type of task it was to be used for. A waistcoat called nizuri had
a longer length back and was made for women to carry heavy
loads and give protection to their body when leaning forwards.
During the severe winter months, goods were carried by sledge.
A sleeveless vest called sori-biki hanten had an elaborately
stitched protective shoulder pad and front detachable band to
reinforce the area that came into direct contact with the sledge
strap. This garment was specially made for a husband to wear
when he spread the fields with fertilizer. This event always
marked his first task of a New Year.
Fire fighter in uniform © Edo Tokyo Museum
© Michele Walker 2009
10
A fire fighter’s standard or matoi that the leader held high above
his head, acted as a signal for guiding his team. Fire fighters were
regarded as local heroes. A matoi was a symbol associated with
bravery. It became a popular image to decorate the inside of
their coats. Fires were a constant threat to the wooden houses
of the Edo and Meiji Periods. Attempts to gain control were
made by destroying the surrounding buildings in order to
prevent the fire from spreading. Fire fighting was first organised
by the Government in 1629. The style of fire fighters’ uniforms
can be traced back to samurai roots. Earlier coats were made of
leather (deerskin), a flame resistant material.
Fire fighter’s coat with a matoi image (hikeshi hanten),
1850-1899, cotton © Japan Folk Crafts Museum
Kogin stitching is a type of sashiko from the Tsugaru region,
western part of Aomori Prefecture in northern Japan – an area
that was too cold for the cultivation of cotton. Commercially
produced cloth was introduced in the 1880s but until the 1900s,
most clothing was made using locally grown hemp called asa.
The coarser texture of hemp cloth gave rise to a distinct type
of stitching, the density of which almost hid the indigo coloured
ground cloth. Kogin stitching strengthened and added warmth
to the bodice part of a garment. These bodices could be
then reapplied to a new base garment, when the original
one wore out.
In 1895, the northern region became accessible by rail and new
materials were introduced, for example the brightly coloured
woollen threads, used to create the special centre panel on an
apron called a maedae. These lozenge or wide diamond shaped
patterns are an example of stitching called hishizashi made in
the Nambu area, eastern part of Aomori Prefecture. Maedae
were made for special occasions and like the kogin bodices,
became cherished family heirlooms.
© Michele Walker 2009
Sashiko Hishizashi apron (maedare) detail,
early 20th century, hemp with cotton and wool thread
© Japan Folk Crafts Museum
Today, less than 15% of the Prefecture’s population are involved
with farming. The production of sashiko started to decline in
the 1920s but creating kogin work has seen a recent revival of
interest. TOSHIKO Mayama, a highly skilled local maker and
teacher, described how she and her pupils are still inspired by
the many time-honoured kogin patterns. Toshiko explained how
her designs evolve partly by instinct, according to the feel of
the cloth.11 A finer weave is more suitable for complex patterns.
According to TANAKA Chuzaburo, a folklorist, Tsugaru Koginzashi
researcher, the use of hemp cloth still retains a spiritual
influence in the region today. In the past, experienced
needlewomen could memorise several hundred basic groups
of stitches and sew directly on to the cloth. Today’s students,
diligently pre-plan their designs on graph paper. HARA Reiko,
curator at the International Christian University Hachiro Yuasa
Memorial Museum in Tokyo, has written in more detail on
the production of kogin. This is also available to download
on www.sashiko.org.uk
11
Patterns of protection
Fukuoka is a major southern seaport, described historically as
the gateway to Japan. Originally, it was one of 2 separate towns.
Fukuoka and Hakata were merged in 1889 but the name Hakata
is still used today. The wealth and history of Fukuoka is reflected
in their city’s fine collection of sashiko clothing, known as donza.
Many garments were worn at celebrations and festivals. It is said
that the men enjoyed showing off their wife’s skills when they
wore their specially made donza.
Fishermen and sailors were associated with many superstitions
in which sashiko stitching played a significant role. An example
of this is shown on a special garment that illustrates a stitched
outline of a rabbit running over the waves. This refers to a
narrative about a journey of a Buddhist priest returning to
Japan from China. His ship almost sank in a storm but when
the priest prayed, a rabbit emerged and calmed the waves
before it transformed into a dragon and flew away. The ocean
waves are a symbol of good luck.
Donza with Ebisu image, cotton © Fukuoka City Museum
Donza, before 1906, MATSUO Sono, cotton
© Fukuoka City Museum
Ebisu is honoured in fishing communities and one of the seven
gods of good fortune. He is shown on celebratory banners and
garments worn by fisherman. Ebisu wears a folded pointed cap
and holds a rod with a fish called a sea bream (a symbol of good
luck) hooked on to the end.
Donza, cotton © Fukuoka City Museum
Donza, cotton © Fukuoka City Museum
© Michele Walker 2009
12
Fishermen wore short, patched jackets for working at sea. More
special coats were kept for their rest days on land. Talismanic
patterns were stitched on the edges of sleeves to ward off evil
spirits. Circular shaped sashiko patterns appeared on many of
the garments. These patterns were thought to protect the
wearer against evil. Repeated semi circles and overlapping arcs
called seigaiha symbolised good luck. Interlocking circles called
takanomakura, similar to a decorative pattern called wineglass
used to decorate British quilts, were said in Japan to protect the
wearer against shipwrecks.
The parts of a garment that were in contact with specific areas
of the body notably, the chest, shoulders and neck, were given
extra protection by more densely stitched patterns. A linking
star pattern called hemp leaf, asanoha, was a symbol of strength
and also popular for decorating children’s kimono.
Wrapping cloth (furoshiki), about 2000, OI Kiyoko, cotton
© Brighton Museum and Art Gallery
Donza, a fisherman’s coat with an asanoha pattern (detail),
cotton © Fukuoka City Museum
Wrapping cloth (furoshiki), cotton © Whitworth Art Gallery
furoshiki (Wrapping cloth)
Furoshiki are representative of Japan’s unique custom of
packaging.12 A furoshiki is a square shaped cotton cloth once
used for the wrapping and transportation all kinds of goods
from food to large items of furniture. It was an essential
traditional household item. Special cloths decorated with
auspicious symbols were created for ceremonial occasions like
weddings. Modern furoshiki are made from a single square piece
of fabric. In the past, they were made from varying widths of
hand-woven, commonly indigo coloured cloth. These provided
a variety of sizes in order to match the object to be carried.
Sashiko stitching was an ideal technique for reinforcing the
corners that received most wear and tear. A favourite pattern
was that of a chrysanthemum, symbolising longevity. An
unfolding motif was said to represent future prosperity. The
motif stitched on the cloth created by OI Kiyoko is a stylised
copy of a knot called mizuhiiki. This knot was customarily used
to tie an envelope containing a gift of money. Today, there is
renewed interest in using furoshiki, motivated by the country’s
conservation policy to reduce the amount of plastic bags and
packaging waste.
© Michele Walker 2009
3 CONTEMPORARY JAPANESE SASHIKO
MIYAKE Issey (born 1938) is an internationally known Japanese
clothing designer. The first major publication of his work titled
ISSEY MIYAKE East Meets West, illustrates a collection he created
for Autumn/Winter 1973, called SASHIKO.13 He adapted
the hand sewn techniques used for sashiko quilted work
clothes and Japanese martial arts uniforms such as Judo and
Kendo and applied it to clothing and fabrics designed for
industrial production.
Throughout that decade Miyake was inspired by traditional
everyday work-wear. A pair of quilted trousers and hooded
coat he created in 1974, evokes the customary sashiko
firemen’s uniforms. Today, the work that remains from his
original SASHIKO collections is stored at the Issey Miyake
Foundation, Tokyo.
TOKUNAGA Miyoko is a fashion designer who was first inspired
to create sashiko by seeing the traditional fisherman’s coats.
Her own unique style of clothing reflects the Japanese kimono
style of dress by hand sewing simple unstructured garments
that freely adapt to the individuality of the wearer. These
garments contrast with Western fashions that tend to
emphasise the body shape.
13
Detail of sashiko shibori, TOKUNAGA Miyoko © Michele Walker
/ TOKUNAGA Miyoko
Sashiko stitched sleeveless dress, 2008, TOKUNAGA
Miyoko, cotton © TOKUNAGA Miyoko
Miyoko creates several distinctive styles of work. One uses
patched layers of indigo dyed Japanese paper and cloth. Another
combines sashiko with shibori, which is a technique more
commonly associated with dyeing. To make shibori, a piece of
cloth is gathered with stitches and tied or wrapped around an
object such as a stone, prior to immersing in a colouring bath.
This produces a crinkled type pattern and surface texture.
Miyoko achieves a similar effect by sculpting the cloth with her
stitching and knotting techniques. She uses natural and
synthetic threads like fishing line, strands of wool and ribbons.
Her past work, which has been described as echoing the
ceremonial robes of Japanese aristocracy,14 is reflected in a
recently made patched Japanese style coat using valued off cuts
from old cloth and silk.
Japanese style coat, 1993 (remade 2009), TOKUNAGA
Miyoko, old cloth and silk off-cuts © York Museums Trust /
TOKUNAGA Miyoko
SUDO Reiko, trained as a textile designer and together with
ARAI Junichi established NUNO textile studio in 1984. Since
1987, she has continued the company on her own.
Coat, 1995, TOKUNAGA Miyoko, Indigo dyed cotton and cord
© York Museums Trust / TOKUNAGA Miyoko
© Michele Walker 2009
NUNO (meaning cloth in Japan) is the country’s leading
internationally recognised textile company. A unique feature
of their production is the emphasis on practical research
undertaken by staff during the early stages of creating a new
cloth. At that point, traditional craftspeople are often consulted
to enable the work to go into production. For example, Bamboo
Basket relied on the expert knowledge of an elderly weaver.
A significant aspect to this method of working is that it
encourages the preservation of time-honoured skills. Much
of NUNO’s production still relies on the knowledge of small,
specialist companies combined with modern technology.15
14
Kasane and Tsunagi are ways of re-using leftover fabric that
would other wise have gone to waste. Kasane is made by tacking
the patches of fabric remnants onto silk organdie. The textile is
then machine sewn over the top to secure the patches to the
ground fabric. It is used for interior decoration and fashion.
Bamboo Basket, 2002, commercial woven textile designed
by SUDO Reiko, cotton and polyester © Sue McNab / NUNO
Corporation, Tokyo
Nuno Kasane, 2005, commercial stitched textile designed by
SASAKI Tomoko, assorted fabric remnants on silk organdie ©
Sue McNab / NUNO Corporation, Tokyo
IKOMA Nakaba (MA Design for Textiles Future) represents a
generation of young, innovative designers born in Japan but
choosing to study in the UK. Nakaba is a graduate from Central
St Martins College of Art & Design and has created a number
of sashiko inspired textiles. Specially created for the JAPANESE
SASHIKO TEXTILES exhibition is a bondage rope that uses
thread dyed with a thermochromatic ink that is intended to
change colour on contact with body heat and variation of
temperature.
Square Bricks, 2004, commercial woven textile
designed by SHIMODA Sayuri, cotton © Sue McNab /
NUNO Corporation, Tokyo
In 1985 Reiko created the company’s first cloth in a series
inspired by sashiko called Sashiko Stripe. She remembers it
was the darning stitches and re-use of cloth that initiated
her interest in sashiko, and in particular what these patches
personified. NUNO has continued to update this series
ever since.
Rope, 2009, IKOMA Nakaba, silk, leather, cotton rope, cotton
thread, thermochromatic ink © IKOMA Nakaba
Tsugihagi, 1998, commercial stitched textile designed by UENO
Kazuhiro, assorted fabric remnants © Sue McNab / NUNO
Corporation, Tokyo
© Michele Walker 2009
15
1
MEMORY STICKS, Fabrica, Brighton Festival 2005
2
S TITCHING FOR SURVIVAL, Brighton University Gallery,
Brighton 2007.
3
oshida Shin-Ichiro, Dai Williams, RICHES FROM RAGS. San
Y
Francisco Craft & Folk Art Museum, USA. 1994.
4
INGEI Two Centuries of Japanese Folk Art. Japan Folk Crafts
M
Museum, Tokyo, Japan.1999.
5
ernard Leach, THE UNKNOWN CRAFTSMAN see p.117.
B
Kodansha International, USA. 1972
6
ikiso Hane, PEASANTS, REBELS, WOMEN AND OUTCASTES,
M
see p.115. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, USA. 1982
7
S HOSOIN TEXTILES, see p. 84. Kyoto Shoin Co. Ltd. Kyoto
Japan. 1993.
8
J anet E. Hunter, THE EMERGENCE OF MODERN JAPAN An
Introductory History Since 1853, see p. 99. Longman, London
UK. 1989
9
P hotographs from the series SADO ISLAND by IWAMIYA Takeji
(1920-89) Originals: Gelatin Silver Prints
Hari kuyo, Temple Sensõ-ji, Tokyo © Michele Walker, 2005
Hari kuyo (Memorial service for needles)
The respect for needlecraft skills is observed in a special annual
ritual of thanksgiving for the services of worn sewing needles
and pins. The event occurs in Buddhist temples throughout
Japan on 8th February. This was New Year’s Day in the old
calendar and a time to rest. Hari kuyo brings to mind the past,
where women’s abilities and temperament were judged by
sewing skills and needles were important tools. The service
combines aspects of Buddhism with the traditional Shinto belief
that both living and inanimate objects have a spirit and soul.
Today, this ceremony is still regarded as special and an occasion
that brings women together. As the worn needles are laid to rest
in special trays of tofu, it is suggested that the user takes time
to console themselves and bury secrets too personal to reveal.
Patched dusters, about 1980, cotton © Aikawa Folk Museum
© Michele Walker 2009
10
ynthia Shaver, Noriko Miyamoto, Sacho Yoshika. SUMI
C
COLLECTION HANTEN and HAPPI Traditional Japanese Work
Coats: Bold Designs and Colourful Images, see p. 42. Shikosha
Publishing Co. Kyoto, Japan. 1998.
11
ayama Toshiko, Chuzaburo Tanaka, Tsugaru Koginzashi, see
M
p. 58 AXIS, May/June 2000. Tokyo, Japan
12
J oy Hendry, WRAPPING CULTURE Politeness, Presentation and
Power in Japan and Other Societies, see p. 32. Clarendon Press,
Oxford, UK. 1993.
13
ISSEY MIYAKE East Meets West, see p. 24. Heibonsha Ltd
Publishers, Tokyo, Japan. 1978.
14
isawa Kano, The World Of Miyoko Tokunaga, SA–SHI–KO
M
WORKS BY MIYOKO TOKUNAGA. Published by the
artist. 1999
15
121 THE TEXTILE VISION OF REIKO SUDO and NUNO, see
2
for example, Paper printing + burner-dyeing, p. 71. Published
by University College for the Creative Arts at Canterbury,
Epsom, Farnham, Maidstone and Rochester, UK. 2005.
For further information about traditional Japanese folk crafts
visit www.mingeikan.or.jp/english/
16