1. technology and computing
2. software
3. databases

THIRD TONE PATTERNS IN MANDARIN CHINESE: A NEW PERSPECTIVE*
Vera Lee-Schoenfeld & Jason Kandybowicz
[email protected] [email protected]
Swarthmore College
WCCFL 27
May 17, 2008
GOALS:
•
•
•
•
Provide a non-derivational Optimality Theoretic account of Third Tone Sandhi (T3S).
Capture the facts with a simple toneme-deletion analysis and an independently
motivated hierarchy of tonal markedness constraints.
Point out and explain the lack of T3S in prosodically prominent positions.
Establish and confirm T3S patterns directly by means of F0 measurement.
1.
INTRODUCTION
•
Mandarin tones (Chao 1948, 1968):
– T1: high-level (55)
– T2: high-rising (35)
– T3: low-dipping (214)
– T4: falling (51)
•
T3S:
– The first of two adjacent third tones is realized as a second tone (categorical tone change).
– Rule in derivational accounts: 3  2 / __ 3
– Cyclic application: (33)3  2(33)  223
•
Innovations and contributions of this research:
a)
–
–
b)
–
–
–
Revisiting the facts:
The result of T3S is not always T2 (see also Chen 2000).
“Canonical T3S”: T3 becomes high-rising before another T3.
“Half T3S”: T3 becomes low-falling or level at a prosodic boundary and elsewhere.
Toneme deletion analysis:
Underlying (lexical) form of T3: Not low (cf. Yip 2000), but its complex citation
form /M(id), L(ow), H(igh)/ (see also Lin 1993, Chen 2000, and Yin 2003).
“Canonical T3S”: L deletes; /MLH/  [MH] (= high-rising, but magnitude of F0 rise
is lower than in true T2s (Chen & Yuan 2007, Lin 2007), so no categorical change)
“Half T3S”: H deletes; /MLH/  [ML] (= low-falling or level).
___________________________________________
*
We are deeply indebted to our native speaker consultants, without whose involvement this project would
not have been possible: Shizhe Huang, Xiaorong Li, Xianghua Tu, Jiahong Yuan & Changchun Zhang.
Thanks also to Joan Chen-Main, Masayuki Gibson, Dorothy Kunzig, Rolf Noyer and Keren Rice for
invaluable input and assistance.
THIRD TONE PATTERNS IN MANDARIN CHINESE: A NEW PERSPECTIVE
WCCFL 27
May 17, 2008
Vera Lee-Schoenfeld & Jason Kandybowicz
c)
A new observation: T3s generally do not undergo sandhi in prosodically
prominent (e.g. contrastively stressed) positions.
d)
Sandhi domains: largely coincide with syntactic constituents (see also Shih 1986,
Chen 2000 and Duanmu 2004)1
–
–
–
–
–
2.
(3 3)
(3)(3 3)
(3 3)(3)
(3 3)(3 3)
(3 3)(3)(3 3)
=
=
=
=
=
e.g. [Adj N]NP
e.g. [N]NP [V [N]NP]VP
e.g. [Adj N]NP [V]VP
e.g. [Adj N]NP [V [N]NP]VP
e.g. [Adj N]NP [[V] [Adj N]NP]VP
ANALYSIS
2.1 Two-Word Utterances
Starting with sequences of two underlying T3s, the constraints in (2) and the ranking
given in (3) account for the facts in (1)2.
(Notation: & = underlying T3; CAPS/underscore = contrastively stressed element)
(1)
a. La&o Li &
(MH ML)
‘Old Li’
[Ch.1.2]
b. LA&O Li &
(MLH ML)
‘OLD Li’
[J.2.1b]
1
Two-word utterances consisting of elements that do not form a sub-sentential syntactic constituent, e.g.
[N]NP [V]VP, are obligatorily parsed into a single sandhi domain. It seems that Mandarin sandhi domains
must be binary if possible.
2
We elicited data from five native speakers, four of whom we recorded and analyzed using Praat
(Boersma & Weenink 2007).
2
THIRD TONE PATTERNS IN MANDARIN CHINESE: A NEW PERSPECTIVE
Vera Lee-Schoenfeld & Jason Kandybowicz
WCCFL 27
May 17, 2008
c. La&o LI &
(MH MLH)
‘Old LI’
[Sh.4.1]3
d. Ha&o ji&u
(MH ML)
‘Good wine’
[Ch.2.1]
e. HA&O ji&u
(MLH ML)
‘GOOD wine’
[Sh.5.2]
f. Ha&o JI&U
(MH MLH)
‘Good WINE’
[J.2.2c]
3
The decision to include pitch tracks from different speakers within a given paradigm was based on
presentational considerations relating to pitch track legibility rather than inconsistent tonal patterns.
3
THIRD TONE PATTERNS IN MANDARIN CHINESE: A NEW PERSPECTIVE
Vera Lee-Schoenfeld & Jason Kandybowicz
(2)
WCCFL 27
May 17, 2008
Constraints:
*COMPLEXCONTOUR: Forces reduction of 3-toneme contours (e.g. T3).
(3)
MAX-T(σ):
Guards against toneme deletion in prosodically
prominent positions.
MAX-T:
Protects tonemes from deletion in general.
*BOUNDARYRISE:
Militates against a tonal rise at the end of a prosodic
domain (see also Zhang’s (2007) *RISE-FINAL).
OCP(TONE):
Prohibits identical toneme sequences (consisting of two
or more tonemes) within a prosodic domain.
*H >> *L >> *M:
A hierarchy of cross-linguistically motivated tonal
markedness constraints, inspired by Pulleybank 1986 and
Akinlabi 1997.
Ranking4:
MAX-T(σ)
*COMPLEXCONTOUR
MAX-T
*BOUNDARYRISE
OCP(TONE)
*H
*L
*M
Although our tableaux do not establish the crucial ranking *H >> *L, these constraints must be ranked
as such because a T3 preceding any tone other than T3 within a prosodic domain must surface as ML,
rather than MH (see for example Lin 1993).
4
4
THIRD TONE PATTERNS IN MANDARIN CHINESE: A NEW PERSPECTIVE
WCCFL 27
May 17, 2008
Vera Lee-Schoenfeld & Jason Kandybowicz
(4)
a. *COMPLEXCONTOUR >> MAX-T; MAX-T >> *H, *L, *M;
*BOUNDARYRISE, OCP(TONE) >> *H, *M; *H >> *M; *L >> *M
/(MLH MLH)/
a. (MLH MLH)
b. (MH M)
c. (ML MH)
d. (ML ML)
e. (LH ML)
f. (MH ML)
*COMPLEXCONTOUR
*!*
MAX-T
*BOUNDARYRISE
*
***!
**
**
**
**
OCP(TONE)
*
*H
**
*
*
*!
*!
*
*
*L
**
*
**
**!
*
*M
**
**
**
**
*
**
b. MAX-T(σ) is undominated; *BOUNDARYRISE, OCP(TONE) >> *L, *M
/(MLH MLH)/
a. (MH M)
b. (ML MH)
c. (ML ML)
d. (LH ML)
e. (MH ML)
f. (MLH MLH)
g. ( MLH MH)
h. (MLH LH)
i.(MLH ML)
MAX-T(σ)
*!
*!
*!
*!
*!
*COMPLEXCONTOUR
MAX-T
***
**
**
**
**
**!
*
*
*
*BOUNDARYRISE
OCP(TONE)
*
*H
*
*
*
*
*!
*!
*
*BOUNDARYRISE
OCP(TONE)
*
*
*
*
*
*
**
**
**
*
*L
*
**
**
*
**
*
**
**
*M
**
**
**
*
**
**
**
*
**
c. *L >> *M (as previously shown in (4a))
/(MLH MLH)/
a. (MH M)
b. (ML MH)
c. (ML ML)
d. (LH ML)
e. (MH ML)
f. (MLH MLH)
g. (ML MLH)
h. (LH MLH)
i.(MH MLH)
MAX-T(σ)
*!*
*!
*!
*!
*!
*COMPLEXCONTOUR
MAX-T
***
**
**
**
**
**!
*
*
*
*
*
*
*
*H
*
*
*
*
*
*
*
*
*!
*
*
**
*
**
**
*L
*
**
**
*
**
**
**!
*
*M
**
**
**
*
**
**
**
*
**
Although our analysis of T3S does not provide a ranking argument for MAX-T >>
*BOUNDARYRISE, these constraints must be ranked as such because, otherwise, a lexical
T2 (MH) at the right edge of a prosodic domain would lose its rise.
(5)
/ …MH) /
a. …M)
b. …H)
c.  …MH)
*BOUNDARYRISE
MAX-T
*
*
*!
For non-complex (two-toneme) contours, then, underlying toneme preservation must be
more important than avoidance of a boundary-final rise.
5
THIRD TONE PATTERNS IN MANDARIN CHINESE: A NEW PERSPECTIVE
Vera Lee-Schoenfeld & Jason Kandybowicz
WCCFL 27
May 17, 2008
2.2 Three-Word Utterances
In sequences of more than two underlying T3s, T3S patterns depend on the syntactic
structure of the utterance:
•
[N]NP [V [N]NP]VP
(6)
a. Li&
ma&i ji&u.
(ML) (MH ML)
‘Li buys wine.’
[Sh.7.2II]
b. Li&
da& go&u.
(ML) (MH ML)
‘Li beats the dog.’
[Ch.10.2]
c. LI&
da& go&u.
(MLH) (MH ML)
‘LI beats the dog.’
[Ch.10a.2]
d. Li&
DA& go&u.
(ML) (MLH ML)
‘Li BEATS the dog.’
[J.2.5c.i]
6
THIRD TONE PATTERNS IN MANDARIN CHINESE: A NEW PERSPECTIVE
WCCFL 27
May 17, 2008
Vera Lee-Schoenfeld & Jason Kandybowicz
e. Li&
da& GO&U.
(ML) (MH MLH)
(7)
‘Li beats THE DOG.’
[Ch.10c.1]
a. Tableau for (6a-b):
/(MLH) (MLH MLH)/
a. (MLH) (MLH MLH)
b. (MH) (MH ML)
c. (MH) (ML ML)
d. (ML) (MH MH)
e. (MH) (ML MH)
f. (ML) (ML MH)
g. (MH) (LH ML)
h. (ML) (ML ML)
i. (ML) (LH ML)
j. (ML) (MH ML)
*COMPLEXCONTOUR
*!**
MAX-T
*BOUNDARYRISE
**
*!
*!
*!
*!*
*!
*!
***
***
***
***
***
***
***
***
***
OCP(TONE)
*
*
*
*H
***
**
*
**
**
*
**
*!
*
*
*L
***
*
**
*
*
**
**
***
***!
**
*M
***
***
***
***
***
***
**
***
***
***
b. Tableau for (6c):
/(MLH)(MLH MLH)/
a. (MH) (MH ML)
b. (ML) (MH ML)
c. (MLH) (MLH MLH)
d. (MLH) (ML MH)
e. (MLH) (ML ML)
f. (MLH) (LH ML)
g. (MLH) (MH ML)
MAX-T(σ)
*!
*!
*COMPLEXCONTOUR
MAX-T
***
***
**!*
*
*
*
*
**
**
**
**
*BOUNDARYRISE
*
OCP(TONE)
**
**!
*
*
*
*
*!
*H
**
*
***
**
*
**
**
*L
*
**
***
**
***
***!
**
MAX-T(σ) preserves the full underlying contour of T3 regardless of the number of words
in the utterance. The tableaux for (6d-e) are comparable.
•
[Adj N]NP [V]VP
(8)
a. La&o Li& pa&o.
(MH ML) (ML)
‘Old Li runs.’
7
[J.2.7b.ii]
*M
***
***
***
***
***
**
***
THIRD TONE PATTERNS IN MANDARIN CHINESE: A NEW PERSPECTIVE
Vera Lee-Schoenfeld & Jason Kandybowicz
WCCFL 27
May 17, 2008
b. La&o Li& zo&u.
(MH ML) (ML)
‘Old Li walks.’
[Sh.11.1]
c. LA&O Li& zo&u.
(MLH ML) (ML)
‘OLD Li walks.’
[J.2.6c.i]
d. La&o LI&
zo&u.
(MH MLH) (ML)
‘Old LI walks.’
[Sh.11b.1]
e. La&o Li& ZO&U.
(MH ML) (MLH)
‘Old Li WALKS.’
[Sh.11c.2]
8
THIRD TONE PATTERNS IN MANDARIN CHINESE: A NEW PERSPECTIVE
WCCFL 27
May 17, 2008
Vera Lee-Schoenfeld & Jason Kandybowicz
What we label as ML, the result of half T3S, can be realized in different ways by different
speakers (e.g. as ML, HM or even as a level tone5), but it crucially never surfaces as a
dipping tone as in a T3 or as a steady rising tone as in a true lexical or derived T2.
Note that although the second word Li’s F0 is marked by a brief initial rise in (8a-b), its
overall F0 trend is more of a plateau (i.e. level). This makes the tonal contours of these
words fundamentally different from those of true T2s, which rise steadily throughout
their production (e.g. compare the F0 contours of the first two words in (8a-b)). For this
reason, we transcribed Li as ML (e.g. a half T3) rather than MH in (8a-b).
(9)
Tableau for (8a-b) [the tableaux for (8c-e) are comparable to (7b)]:
/(MLH MLH) (MLH)/
a. (MLH MLH) (MLH)
b. (MH MH) (ML)
c. (MH ML) (MH)
d. (ML MH) (ML)
e. (ML MH) (MH)
f. (ML ML) (ML)
g. (MH ML) (ML)
*COMPLEXCONTOUR
*!**
MAX-T
***
***
***
***
***
***
*BOUNDARYRISE
**
*!
*!
*!
*!*
OCP(TONE)
*
*
*H
***
**
**
*
**
*!
*
*L
***
*
*
**
*
***
**
*M
***
***
***
***
***
***
***
2.3 Longer Utterances
•
The T3S patterns of four-word utterances consisting of binary subject NPs and
predicates as in sentences like (10) below are predicted by our analysis.
(10)
La&o Li&
da& go&u.
(MH ML) (MH ML)
‘Old Li beats the dog.’
[Ch.(3)3a]
– cf. tableau (4a)
One could argue that the tonal realization of what we label ML on Li in (8) is really HH so that the surface
tonal realization of (8a), for example, is (MH HH ML). This would be consistent with a derivational
approach, according to which two applications of canonical T3S are followed by a single application of T2S.
Ternary domains such as these, which are not isomorphic with the internal syntactic structure, could either be
the result of a collapse of two prosodic domains into one due to speech rate (Yip & Kuo 2003) or may in fact
represent the default prosodic structure in [Adj N]NP [V]VP constructions. This tonal patterning, if correct, is
currently not derivable under the proposed ranking in (3).
5
9
THIRD TONE PATTERNS IN MANDARIN CHINESE: A NEW PERSPECTIVE
Vera Lee-Schoenfeld & Jason Kandybowicz
•
WCCFL 27
May 17, 2008
The T3S pattern of the oft-cited sentence in (11), pronounced naturally, is also
predicted by our analysis.
(11)
La&o Li& ma&i ha&o ji&u. ‘Old Li buys good wine.’
(MH ML) (ML) (MH ML)
[J.2.13aiii]
– cf. tableaux (4a) and (7a)
3.
RESIDUAL ISSUES AND CONCLUSION
•
The proposed analysis is based on initial research results and is meant to account for T3S
only. We leave an extension to other sandhi processes for the next stage of research.
•
This next stage of research will also include consultation with more native speakers
and testing of utterances with a greater variety of syntactic structures.
•
To summarize, our current research:
–
Captures both canonical and half T3S with a simple toneme-deletion analysis and
a small number of general OT constraints.
–
Establishes, supported by pitch track data, that syllables in contrastively stressed
positions do not undergo T3S but keep their full underlying T3 contour due to
Positional Faithfulness.
–
Supports the proposal that Mandarin tone sandhi domains are largely determined
by syntactic structure.
10
THIRD TONE PATTERNS IN MANDARIN CHINESE: A NEW PERSPECTIVE
Vera Lee-Schoenfeld & Jason Kandybowicz
WCCFL 27
May 17, 2008
REFERENCES
Akinlabi, Akinbiyi. 1997. Patterns of Tonal Transfer I. Paper presented at the 28th
Annual Conference on African Linguistics. Cornell University. Ithaca, NY.
Boersma, Paul and David Weenink. 2007. Praat: Doing Phonetics by Computer
(Version 5.0.02). Computer program. Available at: http://www.praat.org.
Chao, Y.-R. 1948. A Mandarin Primer: An Intensive Course in Spoken Chinese.
Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Chao, Y.-R. 1968. A Grammar of Spoken Chinese. Berkeley and Los Angeles:
University of California Press.
Chen, Matthew Y. 2000. Tone Sandhi: Patterns across Chinese Dialects. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press.
Chen, Yiya and Jiahong Yuan. 2007. A Corpus Study of the 3rd Tone Sandhi in Standard
Chinese. In H. van Hamme and R. van Son (eds.), Proceedings of Interspeech 2007,
2749-2752. Antwerp, Belgium.
Duanmu, San. 2000. The Phonology of Standard Chinese. Oxford: Oxford University
Press.
Duanmu, San. 2004. Left-headed Feet and Phrasal Stress in Chinese. Cahiers de
Linguistique Asie Orientale 33: 65-103.
Lin, Hua. 1993. On the Nature of Mandarin Tone and Tone Sandhi. Ph.D. dissertation,
University of Victoria.
Lin, Yen-Hwei. 2007. The Sounds of Chinese. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Pulleyblank, Douglas. 1986. Tone in Lexical Phonology. Dordrecht: Reidel.
Shih, Chi-Lin. 1986. The Prosodic Domain of Tone Sandhi in Chinese. Ph.D.
dissertation, UC San Diego.
Xu, De Bao. 2001. Chinese Phonology in Generative Grammar. San Diego: Academic
Press.
Yin, Hui. 2003. The Blocking of Tone Sandhi in Mandarin Chinese. Proceedings of the
2003 Annual Conference of the Canadian Linguistic Association: 296-307.
Yip, Moira. 2000. The Complex Interaction of Tone and Prominence. Proceedings of
NELS 31: 531-545.
Yip, Moira and Yu-Ching Kuo. 2003. Fast and Slow Speech: Mandarin Tone Sandhi.
Talk given at CASTL, Tromsø. October 2003.
Zhang, Jie. 2007. A Directional Asymmetry in Chinese Tone Sandhi Systems. Journal
of East Asian Linguistics 16: 259-302.
11