Competition between Organizational Forms: Banks vs. Credit Unions after the Financial Crisis * Aaron K. Chatterji Fuqua School of Business Duke University 100 Fuqua Drive, Box 90120 Durham, NC 27708 Tel: +1-919-660-7903 e-mail: [email protected] Jiao Luo Carlson School of Management University of Minnesota 321 19th Avenue South Minneapolis, MN 55455 Tel: +1-612-626-1907 e-mail: [email protected] Robert C. Seamans Leonard N. Stern School of Business Kaufman Management Center 44 West Fourth Street, 7-58 New York, NY 10012 Tel: +1-212-998-0417 e-mail: [email protected] April 20 2015 Keywords: organizational forms; cooperatives; credit unions; financial crisis; banking *Acknowledgement: We are grateful to Mary Benner, Caroline Flammer, Olga Hawn, Paul Ingram, Mukti Khaire, Mae McDonnell, Mark Mizruchi, Christopher Rider, Marc Schneiberg, Zur Shapira, and seminar and conference participants at the 2013 HBS Institutional Analysis Conference, the 2014 SASE Annual Conference, the NYU Stern Research Brownbag, the 2014 BPP I&I Conference and the University of Minnesota Carlson SME Seminar Series, for providing excellent comments and feedback. We benefited tremendously from discussions with Rodney Ramcharan, John Worth and the team at NCUA. We are thankful for funding from the Dean’s grant at the Carlson School of Management, and the Grant-in-Aid from Office of the Vice President for Research, University of Minnesota. All errors are our own. 1 Competition between Organizational Forms: Banks vs. Credit Unions after the Financial Crisis Abstract: We explore competition between organizational forms and explain how imitation and differentiation influences whether alternative forms gain wide acceptance. Our empirical context is corporate and cooperative organizational forms. Prior work suggests that cooperatives are able to gain market share when the corporate form experiences a threat to legitimacy. However, we argue that cooperatives’ ability to gain market share will be determined not only by the severity of the legitimacy threat to the corporate form, but also by the strategic tactics that corporates and cooperatives undertake. We investigate these issues by exploring how the recent financial crisis influenced market share for American banks and credit unions from 2004-2012. We find that credit unions gain market share from banks following the financial crisis, on average. In accordance with our predictions, these gains primarily accrue to credit unions that embody traditional identities that are distinct from banks. We also find that the effects are larger in regions where cooperative organizations, with missions analogous to credit unions, are already more prevalent. However, the effects are mitigated in regions where banks co-opt specific features of credit unions, in this case through local philanthropic giving. 1. Introduction A key open question in organizational theory is how organizational identity impacts strategy and vice versa (Hsu and Hannan, 2005; Ingram and McEvily, 2007). Organizational identity is the “social codes, or sets of rules, specifying the features an organization is expected to possess” (Hsu and Hannan, 2005: 475). Prior work has demonstrated how the strength and coherence of organizational identities is influenced by competitive pressures (Ingram and McEvily, 2007). We adopt a different tack, arguing that organizational forms often intentionally blur categorical distinctions between themselves and their competitors to gain competitive advantage. However, this imitation strategy has potential costs. If the legitimacy of the dominant organizational form is threatened, we theorize that alternate forms are less likely to gain wider acceptance if they are not sufficiently differentiated. This theoretical tension yields practical implications for competition between organizational forms, particularly for alternate forms challenging 2 entrenched dominant forms. We explore this idea in the context of cooperative organizations (“co-ops”) challenging the corporate form in the financial services industry. Ranging from agricultural producers to artists and kibbutzim, scholars have long been interested in studying various types of cooperatives, which are defined as membership-based associations of consumers or producers that are organized around the mission of creating mutual benefits (Carroll, Goodstein, and Gyenes, 1988; Boone and Özcan, 2014; Ashforth and Reingen, 2015). Prior research has typically characterized co-ops as a distinctive organizational form and explored their organizing principles and social and institutional foundations. There has been particular emphasis on understanding when and under what conditions the cooperative form becomes viable. The viability and proliferation of cooperatives are typically considered in relation to the organizational forms that they emerge against and compete with: corporate forms. With the historical rise of mass markets and giant corporations as the dominant organizing logics in the U.S. (Davis, 2009; Mizruchi, 2010), cooperatives and corporate forms in the same market space have oscillated in popularity: when the corporate is ascendant, the cooperative declines and vice versa (Simons and Ingram, 2003). As a result, cooperatives are expected to benefit, often with the assistance of successful social movements (Schneiberg, King, and Smith, 2008; Schneiberg, 2013), at the expense of corporates during periods where the legitimacy of the dominant form is threatened. In this study, we extend prior work by showing that cooperatives’ ability to gain market share from the incumbent corporate form rests not just on the declining popularity of the latter during disruptive events, but also on the competitive tactics that corporates and cooperatives undertake in the period preceding the legitimacy shock. While we concur with the prior literature that cooperative forms can provide appealing alternatives to corporate forms, our point of 3 departure is that, over time, cooperatives often move strategically closer to the corporate forms in terms of the products they offer and their organizational attributes (Simons and Ingram, 1997). The features of products and attributes of organizations contribute to how external audiences create the categories that contain organizations with a collective identity (Hannan, László. and Carroll, 2007). This shift in identity of cooperatives yields increasing similarity, which is potentially attractive in normal market conditions. However, this strategy can limit the gains by cooperatives during disruptive events for the corporate form. Cooperatives are therefore pulled by two oppositional forces: on one hand they seek to differentiate their identity from the corporate organizational form, while maintaining enough similarity so as not to alienate or confuse potential consumers (Hotelling, 1929). We draw from organizational theory and business strategy literatures to develop several hypotheses regarding the interaction between cooperative and corporate organizational forms. Our baseline hypothesis predicts that cooperatives will benefit at the expense of corporates when the latter experiences a threat to legitimacy, on average. We then provide three additional hypotheses that are designed to uncover conditions under which cooperatives will benefit more or less from such a threat to legitimacy of the corporate form. We expect that cooperatives will benefit less when the categorical boundaries between the cooperative and corporate forms are blurred. As such, when the corporate form is challenged, cooperatives that have identities distinct from corporates should benefit more than cooperatives that have identities less distinct from corporates. We also expect that cooperatives will benefit more when based in areas where the traditional cooperative identity is already well-understood and accepted. Finally, we expect that corporates will suffer less damage when they undertake strategies to mimic cooperatives, thereby intentionally blurring the categorical boundaries between these two organizational forms. 4 To test our theoretical predictions, we study how the recent US financial crisis affects market share for banks and credit unions from 2004-2012. The financial crisis that began in late 2007 (hereafter referred to as “the financial crisis” or “the crisis”) was a pivotal event in modern economic history. This empirical setting offers at least three advantages. First, it was a salient episode during which commercial banks and the corporate forms that they represent were severely challenged. In the search for culprits for the crisis, the world’s leading banks, many of them headquartered in the U.S., were an easy target. Public trust in America’s financial system decreased markedly during and following the crisis (Greve and Kim, 2013; Guiso, Sapienza, and Zingales, 2013) and it became commonplace for politicians, consumer groups, and even other business people to condemn banks and question their outsized role in the global economy. Second, credit unions offer a ready cooperative alternative to commercial banks that existed before and after the crisis (Emmons and Schmidd, 2000). This is evidenced by the observation that as public outrage at banks escalated, nationwide campaigns such as the Move Your Money Project emerged which encouraged individuals and institutions to withdraw deposits from Wall Street banks and move their assets to local financial institutions such as credit unions. Third, it is not immediately clear that the financial crisis had a significant long-term impact on the power of large financial institutions, a matter of considerable public debate. While banks faced bad publicity and the passage of new laws such as the Dodd-Frank legislation in the U.S., there is no empirical evidence to suggest that alternative financial institutions such as credit unions benefitted as a result. Our study offers a notable opportunity to empirically document market dynamics during a pivotal period in the financial services industry and the nation’s economic history more broadly. 5 We offer several theoretical contributions to the extant literature. First, we contribute to the literature on cooperatives by highlighting that certain competitive tactics by cooperatives may actually limit their growth potential. While most prior studies on cooperatives have attributed their rise or decline to the current popularity of the incumbent forms, be it the corporate or state (Simons and Ingram, 2003), or related social movements (Schneiberg, King and Smith, 2008; Schneiberg, 2013), we stress the role of the tactics these organizations adopt themselves, so as to strike a balance between adopting salient features of the corporate forms to pursue growth, while also maintaining an authentic identity that is distinct from the dominant form. Second, while the prior literature has shown how exogenous legitimacy threats create opportunities for challengers in the market (Weber, Heinze, and DeSoucey, 2008; Hiatt, Sine, and Tolbert, 2009; Pacheco, York, and Hargrave, 2014), we document that incumbents can strategically address these challenges (McDonnell and King, 2013), by co-opting features of the challengers. Third, we add to a prolific body of research in organization theory that considers the competition between different organizing forms and logics (e.g., Haveman and Rao, 1997; Marquis and Lounsbury, 2007; Marquis, Huang, and Almandoz, 2011; Yue, Luo, and Ingram, 2013) by explicating the strategic tactics used by competing forms and the trade-offs implicit in these activities. Specifically, we find that competing organizational forms might both employ tactics to mimic one another and compete for market share and acceptance in the short term, but forego longer-term opportunities for differentiation, which suggest that managing these tactics is often a dynamic process (King, Clemans, and Fry, 2011). 2. Theoretical Development 2.1. Banks vs. Credit Unions: Different Forms, Similar Services 6 Credit unions, which first appeared in the U.S. in the early part of the 20th century, represent “a distinctive organizational form within the class of deposit institutions” (Moody and Fite, 1984; Barron, West, and Hannan, 1994: 392). Credit unions became increasingly popular between 1935, when 1% of the US population belonged to one, and 1996, when over 11,000 credit unions were in operation serving 34% of the population (Hannan, 2003). However, deposits in credit unions continue to be dwarfed by bank deposits and the average credit union member typically holds a small amount of money in their account (Hannan, 2003). There are several important institutional features of credit unions that differentiate them from banks. First, as opposed to for-profit commercial banks, credit unions are non-profit entities which operate on the democratic concept of “one member, one vote” (Barron, West, and Hannan, 1994: 392). Second, in contrast to banks, credit unions generally offer their services to members only. Individuals traditionally could only become credit union members if they shared a “common bond” with other members, for example through employment, neighborhood or faith based organizations (Barron, West, and Hannan, 1994: 392). Third, while banks are owned by shareholders, credit unions are owned and operated by members (Fried, Knox Lovell, and Eeckaut, 1993). Finally, while banks seek to maximize profits, the mission of credit unions is to maximize the benefits of its members (Fried, Knox Lovell, and Eeckaut, 1993) and the broader community (Bergengren, 1952). Despite these key differences, changes in regulation have allowed credit unions to now offer many of the same services as banks, including checking and savings accounts and loans (Barron, West, and Hannan, 1994). Negro, Visentin, and Swaminathan (2014) describe banks as occupying the “center” of the market for financial services while credit unions operate at the “near center”, suggesting increasing overlap between these two populations of firms. These 7 authors empirically document an inverse relationship between the concentration of banks and the survival of credit unions (p. 701). Similarly, limited empirical work in economics and finance indicates that credit unions and banks offer similar services in many cases (e.g., Emmons and Schmid, 2000; Feinberg, 2001; Feinberg and Rahman, 2001). In sum, while the salient features differentiating banks from credit unions are still present, regulatory changes have allowed credit union to undertake strategies and offer products that are closer to that of commercial banks. 2.2. The Financial Crisis as a Threat to the Legitimacy of Banks Public debate over the organizing forms of banks, and a consolidated financial sector in particular, has been lively ever since the founding of the Republic. The debate spawned the formation of two early political parties, with Alexander Hamilton’s Federalists being more sanguine about the efficiency of centralized banking than Thomas Jefferson’s DemocraticRepublicans, who were greatly skeptical about the prospect of concentrated power among banking elites (Elkins and McKitrick, 1994). This divide continued through the 19th century, punctuated by Andrew Jackson’s invalidation of the charter of the 2nd Bank of the U.S. (See Marquis and Lounsbury (2007) for an excellent summary of this period). Through the populist social movements of the late 19th century and the public outcry over the role of failing banks in the run-up to the Great Depression, commercial banks were frequently under scrutiny but also continued to wield significant political power (for a summary, see Mizruchi, 2010). Later in the 20th century, there was a broad deregulation of the American financial sector, including changes in bankruptcy law (e.g., White, 2007) , interstate branching (e.g., Kroszner and Strahan, 1998) and the deregulation of credit card interest rates (e.g., Chatterji and Seamans, 2012). In particular, the 1999 Financial Services Modernization Act (Barth, Brumbaugh, and Wilcox, 2000; Mizruchi, 8 2010) , which repealed key provisions of the Glass-Steagall Act, is frequently identified by critics as a key enabler of a consolidated banking sector and a contributing factor to the financial crisis.1 Even in light of this history, the backlash against banks after the most recent financial crisis was particularly severe. The crisis gripped the U.S. and much of the global economy and gave way to the biggest economic downturn in American history since the Great Depression. In addition to millions of jobs lost, trillions of dollars in retirement accounts, housing wealth and national economic output also vanished. Large U.S. banks were the subject of numerous negative opinion articles, congressional scrutiny, and even legal investigations. Opinion polling data indicated a dramatic decrease in the favorability of banks and sweeping legislation was introduced to regulate banks.2 Phrases like “too big to fail”3 and movements such as Occupy Wall Street4 sprung up as general critiques of the negative impact of banks on society. In addition, initiatives like the Move Your Money Project urged consumers and institutions to move their deposits away from large banks5. These efforts directly threatened the legitimacy of banks in a specific way. Legitimacy, defined as the extent to which the population is recognized as socially desirable, proper, or 1 As one illustrative example see “Glass-Steagall Now: Because the Banks Own Washington”, August 5th, 2013. (http://www.cepr.net/index.php/op-eds-&-columns/op-eds-&-columns/glass-steagall-now-because-the-banks-ownwashington) Last accessed August 13th, 2014 2 For example see: Erman, Michael. Reuters “Five years after Lehman, Americans still angry at Wall Street: Reuters/Ipsos poll” September 15th, 2013 (http://www.reuters.com/article/2013/09/15/us-wallstreet-crisisidUSBRE98E06Q20130915) Last accessed August 13th, 2014 3 Dash, Eric. The New York Times “If It’s Too Big to Fail, Is It Too Big to Exist?” June 20th, 2009 (http://www.nytimes.com/2009/06/21/weekinreview/21dash.html?partner=rss&emc=rss) Last accessed August 13th, 2014 4 Watson, Tom. Forbes “Occupy Wall Street's Year: Three Outcomes for the History Books” September 17th, 2012 (http://www.forbes.com/sites/tomwatson/2012/09/17/occupy-wall-streets-year/) Last accessed August 13th, 2014 5 Huffington, A. and R. Johnson “Move Your Money: A New Year's Resolution”, December 29th, 2009 (http://www.huffingtonpost.com/arianna-huffington/move-your-money-a-new-yea_b_406022.html), Last accessed August 13th, 2014 9 appropriate (Suchman, 1995). As public opinion turned against banks and regulators devised the appropriate response, there was growing misalignment between the perceived values of the banks and the general public, in particular on the question of the relative importance of value creation for the broader community. In our study, we define a threat to legitimacy as disruptive events that cause audiences to lose trust in the dominant organizational form. As discussed above, credit unions appeared to be in a particularly advantageous position to benefit from the threat to legitimacy of banks posed by the financial crisis. Importantly, consumers who perceived banks to be destroying social value did not appear to question the appropriateness and legitimacy of financial services itself. Instead, since credit unions had evolved in recent years to provide many of the same financial services as banks, while trying to retain their commitment to value creation for the community, they would seem to be especially well-suited to appeal to dissatisfied consumers. This dynamic created a battlefield for competing organizational populations (Carroll and Harrison, 1994) and competing institutional logics (Battilana and Dorado, 2010) that was especially active during the aftermath of the financial crisis. We propose that the most salient feature of a credit union’s identity, especially after the financial crisis, was the mission of creating shared value for its members. The “one member one vote” and common bond rules serve as reinforcements of a mission that values community members equally, no matter how powerful they might be. Credit unions’ focus on shared value rather than profit maximization, despite offering many of the same financial services, provided a key distinction from banks. As the legitimacy of banks was threatened during the financial crisis, we predict that a significant fraction of consumers found credit unions more appealing and shifted their money accordingly. Thus, we propose: 10 H1: After the financial crisis, credit unions gained market share at the expense of banks. 2.3. Heterogeneous Taste for Cooperative Organizations Despite our prediction that credit unions gained market share from banks on average, we expect significant variation depending on local conditions. It is not enough for a rival organizational population to exist and offer the same goods or services; this population must already be accepted, or rapidly gain acceptance from the relevant audience if it expects to grow when the legitimacy of the corporate form is threatened. Indeed, Schneiberg (2013) shows that cooperative movements in the early 20th century only thrived in areas which enjoyed large support from the National Grange. In some geographic regions across the U.S., we expect that cooperative forms of organization, like credit unions, are more prevalent and well-accepted. These local conditions should positively impact credit unions. We argue that there are several mechanisms by which the presence of existing cooperative organizations will positively impact credit union market share. First, the presence of existing cooperatives may reflect an underlying community preference for alternative modes of economic organization and the distinct institutional logic governing coops. For example, Greve and Rao (2012) find that communities which, through accidents of history, were early adopters of one type of cooperative organizational structure were in turn more likely to adopt other forms of cooperatives. They argue that these early events imprinted the communities, such that they had a greater proclivity for cooperatives in the future. Second, existing producer and consumer cooperatives raise awareness for alternative organizational forms among local consumers and the stakeholders of existing cooperatives can also marshal support for organizations that share a 11 common institutional logic (Molotch, Freudenburg, and Paulsen, 2000). Again, there is historical precedent to support this argument. Moody and Fite (1984) recount that the three major farm organizations, the Farmers’ Union, the National Grange, and the American Farm Bureau Federation, appear to have thrown political support behind credit unions in the early 1930s, leading to passage of state laws authorizing credit unions in a number of states.6 Based on these mechanisms, we expect that the wide adoption of cooperative forms of organizing in various economic sectors in a particular geographic region should be positively related to gains in credit union market share after the financial crisis. We propose: H2: After the financial crisis, credit unions gained more market share from banks in locations where cooperative organizations were more prevalent. 2.4. Credit Union Membership Type The foundation of our first hypothesis is that banks and credit unions have distinct identities, as perceived by current and potential customers. However, since their invention, there has been a proliferation in the varieties of credit unions and increasing overlap between certain types of credit unions and banks. A key concept in understanding these changes in credit unions is the field of membership, which sets the scope of a credit union’s members. Credit unions are chartered under different fields of membership, and may only accept as members those individuals identified in these charters. Specifically, a single-bond federal credit union consists of one group having a common bond of occupation or association. A community federal credit union consists of persons or organizations within a well-defined local community, neighborhood 6 See particularly Moody and Fite (1984), pp. 98, 105-106. 12 or rural district. A multi-bond federal credit union consists of more than one group, each of which has a common bond of occupation or association. Broadly speaking, single- and community-bond credit unions are narrowly constituted and composed of members belonging to a well-defined group (e.g., firefighters in a particular city). These credit unions are especially differentiated from banks, which offer their financial services to anyone who walks in the door. In contrast, multiple-bond credit unions appeal to multiple groups simultaneously (e.g., firefighters, police officers and federal employees), and are by design less distinct from banks and frequently compete with them more directly. The common bond has been a central organizational attribute in the evolution of credit unions. Early credit unions were built around tight-knit social groups, and to some extent had the social elements of “clubs” where the members were all “extensively acquainted with each other” (Barron, West, and Hannan, 1994). Single-bond and in particular the occupational common bond credit unions were once dominant, especially during periods of economic prosperity (Burger and Dacin, 1992). Changing social and economic conditions altered what was competitively necessary and organizationally feasible for credit unions. The narrowly defined field of membership limited the pool of potential new customers that credit unions were able to attract (Barron, West, and Hannan, 1994). At the same time, as the technology for delivering financial services improved, it became economically possible to serve larger geographic areas and to offer membership to a broader group of individuals (Burger and Dacin, 1992). To maintain and enhance their competitive positions, credit unions overcame strenuous resistance by banks and convinced policymakers to change regulations to allow for multi-bond status, achieve multi-bond designations, and loosen the definition of common bonds. 13 While these regulatory changes allowed for greater flexibility in terms of which individuals credit unions could attract, we argue that the potential benefits in terms of increased membership must be balanced against the potential costs, particularly those related to the dilution of a strong identity. The broader the field of membership for a particular credit union, the less distinct the membership identity. Thus, credit unions with broad fields of membership seem more similar to banks, which allow anyone to be a customer. Moreover, the broader the field of membership becomes, it is increasingly difficult to defend a mission of creating value for all of the members, diluting a key identity claim for credit unions. We argue that, in the aftermath of the financial crisis, it was precisely the organizational attributes that made credit unions different from banks that made them most appealing to existing and potential customers. To the extent that single-bond credit unions are the most distinct subpopulation vis-a-vis banks, we expect that these institutions had particular success in gaining market share after the crisis. Thus, we propose: H3: After the financial crisis, single-bond credit unions gained market share at the expense of banks at a higher rate in comparison to multi-bond credit unions. 2.5. Co-opting Attributes of Credit Unions While the extant literature focuses on the opportunities for alternative organizational forms that arise from legitimacy threats to incumbent organizational forms (Hiatt, Sine, and Tolbert, 2009), it seldom considers the strategic responses by incumbents to insulate themselves. One possible ex ante strategic tactic is to co-opt attractive attributes of the alternative organizational form. Oliver (1991) discusses co-option as an organizational response to institutional pressure in an effort to 14 maintain legitimacy. Examples in the spirit might include an oil and gas company hiring an environmental advocate or a bank adding a board member to focus on community development. We have in mind a different kind of co-option by which the dominant form adopts key organizational attributes of the alternative form in an effort to blur categorical distinctions in identity. We suggest organizational mission, posited by Hannan et al. (2006) as a key part of organizational identity, would be one attribute that could be amenable to co-option. In our case, the dominant form, represented by banks, will try to co-opt the mission of credit unions under some conditions, aping the most distinguishing attribute of the alternate form. These co-opting tactics, if successful, could blur categorical distinctions between banks and credit unions. If this effect was persistent, alternative forms would then be less able to gain an advantage during periods of threats to the legitimacy of the dominant form. One particularly visible approach banks took in the run-up to the financial crisis to persuade audiences of their commitment to mutual value creation was allocating funds to local philanthropy, often viewed as one version of corporate social responsibility. While scholars have posited several motivations for corporate philanthropy, including gaining tax benefits (Guthrie et al., 2008), publicity (Burt, 1983), political resources (Wang and Qian, 2011; Jia, Shi, and Wang, 2013), one candidate explanation is that donations are an effort to shape and manage the perceptions of external audiences (Godfrey, 2005; Muller and Kraussl, 2011), particularly those in the recipient’s community (Galaskiewicz, 1985, 1991, 1997; Marquis, Glynn, and Davis, 2007; Marquis and Lee, 2012; Tilcsik and Marquis, 2013). By donating to local charities, banks can demonstrate their own efforts to create value for their customers in the local area, co-opting the mission of credit unions. These activities make credit unions less distinct and reduce their attractiveness to potential customers. 15 To the extent these efforts are successful in changing audience perceptions, we expect that banks would be more likely to preserve their market share during the financial crisis in regions where they allocated more funds towards local philanthropy. Thus, we propose: H4: After the financial crisis, credit unions gained less market share from banks in locations where banks historically allocated more funds towards local philanthropy. 3. Data, Variables and Methods 3.1. Data on Credit Unions and Banks We collect data on credit unions from the National Credit Union Administration (NCUA) Call Reports from the second quarters of each year during 2004-2012. The call reports record deposit data at the headquarters level for each credit union, and we calculate the deposit amounts by summing up total number of shares and deposits for both CU members and nonmembers. Given that credit unions often serve communities through branches, the use of aggregated institutional-level deposit data can lead to erroneous conclusions about presence in the local market. While branch deposit data is not available, we assume that the amount of deposits is highly correlated with loan originations,7 and make use of the FFIEC Home Mortgage Disclosure Act (HMDA) data that are available for credit unions at the market level. Specifically, for each multi-branch credit union, we disaggregate deposits into the markets where it has branches, proportional to the volumes of home loans for which the credit union receives applications. We define markets at the metropolitan statistical areas (MSA) level8, and start the panel from 2004 as that year marked a major overhaul of the HMDA reporting regulations. Appendix 1 explains the 7 Appendix 1 provides tests of this assumption. We follow the definition of the metropolitan statistical areas in version of November 2004 by the Office of Management and Budget (OMB), available at http://www.census.gov/population/estimates/metro-city/List1.txt 8 16 disaggregation procedures in detail. We collect data on commercial banks from the FDIC Summary of Deposits Database during 2004-2012.9 As banks are required to submit branch office annual deposit data as of June 30 every year, the depository data of credit unions and commercial banks are drawn from the same time period throughout the sample. Branches for saving banks, savings associations as well as foreign-chartered institutions are excluded from our commercial bank panel.10 We further restrict the sample to banks that are located within the fifty states and Washington D.C. Unlike credit unions, for commercial banks we are able to directly obtain deposit data at the branch level and aggregate to the market level. 3.2. Dependent and Independent Variables Consistent with the economic literature on the competition between credit unions and commercial banks (e.g., Feinberg, 2001), our main dependent variable is credit unions’ deposit market share for a given year and market, which is the share of credit union deposits as a fraction of total deposits, which is measured as the credit union deposits plus commercial bank deposits. Post Crisis is a dummy variable that equals one for all years after 2007 (inclusive), and zero otherwise.11 To examine the mechanisms through which deposit market share shifted after the crisis, we also calculate four other dependent variables, all at the market-year level, including the total 9 We use deposit data from yearly Summary of Deposits Database rather than quarterly Reports of Condition and Income (e.g., Acharya and Mora, 2015) because the former contains comprehensive data on the branch level. 10 We perform robustness checks that include saving banks and savings associations in the calculation of total deposits, and the results are comparable to the main results below. We have omitted these results due to space constraints. 11 Note that a “year” in our setting begins June 30 of the year, rather than January 1, so the post crisis dummy is for June 30, 2007 and after. We believe this is appropriate given (i) the increase in bank failures that began in early 2007 and (ii) the increase in foreclosures that began in late 2006. Results are robust to using a 2008 post crisis dummy, as reported in Table 2, Model 6 and Appendix 4. 17 deposits of commercial banks, total deposits of credit unions, total number of members of credit unions as well as total number of deposit accounts of credit unions.12 To test H2, we gauge the prevalence of cooperative organizations using a diversity measure that accounts for how widely adopted the cooperative form of organizing is in a given market. We source data from a 2006 sampling survey conducted by the University of Wisconsin Center for Cooperatives, which is to our knowledge the most comprehensive source on the economic and social activities by U.S. cooperatives. We collect data on the number of cooperatives in different sectors for each market, including commercial sales & marketing, social & public services, financial services, and utilities. We then calculate the diversity measure of how widely used the cooperative forms are in the market’s various economic and social activities using the Blau index (1 − Σ𝑞! , where 𝑞 is the sector category proportion). We split the sample by median so that markets with high Blau index are coded as having a high prevalence of cooperative organizations. To test H3, we draw on the NCUA data to determine the field of membership for credit unions. For reporting simplicity, we group single-bond and community federal credit unions together as S&C. For each type of credit unions (S&C or multi-bond), we calculate their deposit market share as a fraction of total deposits measured by the credit union deposits (of all types) plus commercial bank deposits. To test H4, we measure the banks’ community value creating funds using the philanthropic giving of the nation’s largest banks in each market, normalized by population. We use philanthropic giving as it is an important means for firms to solidify their identity with the local audience (Galaskiewicz, 1997; Marquis, Glynn, and Davis, 2013), and firms’ level of 12 Total number of members/depository accounts of credit unions are obtained from the NCUA at the headquarters level and are also disaggregated using the methods described in Appendix 1. 18 generosity typically responds closely to local demands (Tilcsik and Marquis, 2013). We define large banks as the top 10 U.S. commercial banks in terms of consolidated assets on the holding company level in 2006, a year preceding the financial crisis.13 We collect corporate philanthropic giving data for these large banks from the Foundation Directory Online (FDO) database during 2003-2006. FDO documents data on corporate cash donations to foundations that are required to report under federal regulations; as well as corporate direct giving programs that reports data for tax deduction purposes. FDO records both the amount of each donation as well as the recipient organization, so that we are able to match the receipt organization to market and obtain the market-year level data on bank philanthropic giving. We split the sample by median so that markets with high levels of philanthropic giving during 2003-2006 are coded as markets with high abundance of banks’ community value creating funds.14 3.3. Control Variables We include a number of control variables. First, we control for market fixed effects across all models, which deal with the time-invariant unobservable market level characteristics that are correlated with both the post-crisis time period and deposit ratios. Second, we control for a 13 As the rank orders for assets are calculated quarterly and vary, our final list consists of 15 banks including, Bank of America, JP Morgan Chase, Citibank, Wachovia, Wells Fargo, US Bank, Suntrust Bank, State Street Corp, KeyBank, Bank of New York, PNC, National City Bank, Regions Bank, Branch Bank, Fifth Third Bank. We also create two alternative lists of large banks. One list takes the top five commercial banks by consolidated assets in 2006, i.e., Bank of America, JP Morgan Chase, Citibank, Wachovia, and Wells Fargo. Another list consists of eight U.S. banks that are designed as systematically important financial institutions by Financial Stability Board, i.e., the so-called too-big-to-fail banks, that include Bank of America, Bank of New York Mellon, Citigroup, Golden Sachs, JP Morgan Stanley, Morgan Stanley, State Street, and Wells Fargo. The results are robust to alternative definitions of large banks. 14 We perform a number of robustness checks. First, we use the donation data in 2003, 2004, 2005, 2006 respectively to conduct the split-sample analysis. Second, allowing that corporate donations are most concentrated in headquarter location, we drop the markets that the largest banks are headquartered in, and run the split sample analysis on the mean donations across years. In both cases, we obtain results comparable to the main results. Results are omitted due to space constraints but available upon request. 19 number of time-variant market level characteristics. We control for the number of bank and credit union branches in each market to account for classic market structure explanations for competitive outcomes. We control for how financially sound banks and credit unions are by using loan performance measures such as the net charge off ratio and delinquency rate.15 These controls help us to address an alternative explanation that customers choose to bank more with credit unions after the crisis because they think their money will be safer there. Another set of alternative explanations has to do with market-level characteristics that correlate with the crisis as well as change in deposit ratios. For example, it could be that in areas where people lose jobs due to the crisis, these same individuals also withdrew more deposits from banks. Thus, an income effect could explain lower bank market share post-crisis. To alleviate these concerns, we control for market level demographic factors including the median household income, unemployment rate, as well as population by age group buckets. Table 1 reports the descriptive statistics of the main variables and controls. ***Insert Table 1 Here*** 3.4. Methods To test our hypotheses, the main specification we use is: 𝑦!" = 𝛼 + 𝛽! 𝑃𝑜𝑠𝑡 𝐶𝑟𝑖𝑠𝑖𝑠! + 𝛿! + 𝑋!" 𝛽 + 𝜀!" , (1) where 𝑦!" is the deposit share of credit unions of market i in year 𝑡. 𝑃𝑜𝑠𝑡 𝐶𝑟𝑖𝑠𝑖𝑠! is set equal to 1 during 2007-2012, the years during and after the crisis. As mentioned above, we include market fixed effects 𝛿! to control for the time-invariant differences in geographic characteristics, local regulations on cooperatives, as well as demographic factors that influence the choice of financial 15 The charge-off ratio is calculated as the total amount of loans charged-off during the year less all recoveries on charged-off loans during the year divided by average loans. The delinquency rate is the amount of loans past due thirty days or more divided by the amount of total loans outstanding. Both measures are calculated at the institutional level, with bank data drawn from the Bank Regulatory Database on Compustat, and CU data from the NCUA call reports. 20 institutions and vary across states. 𝑋!" 𝛽 is a vector of market characteristics. Throughout all of our specifications the error terms are clustered at the market level. We are particularly interested in the coefficient 𝛽! , which is hypothesized to be positive in H1. We assess H2 – H4 using splitsample analyses in which we compare the relative magnitude of the coefficient 𝛽! across samples. We estimate equation (1) using OLS models.16 4. Results The baseline results are presented in Table 2. Models 1-4 in Table 2 run OLS regressions of various deposits measures on a crisis dummy, while controlling for alternative geographic, regulatory and demographic factors that also affect consumer choices. Model 1 indicates that the banks’ deposit level is on average significantly lower post crisis compared to 2004-2006. Models 2-4 shows that credit unions had stable total deposits but in contrast to banks expanded significantly in terms of the absolute number of deposit accounts and members. Models 5-7 run linear probability regressions of the proportion of deposit share on a crisis dummy with the same set of controls. Model 5 shows that post crisis, the credit union deposit ratio is significantly higher than that of 2004-2006. Model 6 uses a 2008 post crisis dummy, and finds a comparable result to Model 5 both in terms of significance and magnitude. Model 7 splits the post-crisis era into two time periods of 2007-2008, and 2009-2012. The results indicate that the impact of the financial crisis on credit union deposits deepened over time. Overall, Table 2 provides evidence in support of Hypothesis 1, namely that credit unions gained market share at the expense of banks after the financial crisis. The result is robust to the inclusion of time-invariant and various time-varying market characteristics as well as an alternative definition of the crisis period. The 16 As described in Appendix 2, our results are robust to alternative functional forms, such as arcsin and log-odds transformations. 21 result is economically meaningful as well: the estimated coefficient in Model 5 indicates that in 2007-2012, the credit unions’ deposit ratio is on average 2.4% proportionally higher than that of 2004-2006, which is equivalent to an increase of $124.8 billion dollars at 2006 deposit levels. Table 3 investigates H2, H3, and H4, by running different sub-sample analyses on 𝑦!" , the deposit share ratio of credit unions. Model 8 (L), (H) run a split sample analysis based on the prevalence of cooperatives in the market. The results indicate that both high- and lowprevalence markets experienced a statistically significant increase in credit unions’ deposit ratio. The tests of coefficient differences across the models suggest that we can reject coefficient equality at the 1% level of confidence, in support for Hypothesis 2. Model 9 (A), (B) examines the ratio by the two types of credit union. We see that the S&C credit unions gained the most market share in terms of deposits, which provides support to H3. M10 (L), (H) runs a split sample analysis based on the low and high mean levels of bank philanthropic donations in the market. We find evidence that the markets with lower philanthropic giving experienced a larger post-crisis increase in credit unions’ deposit market share. The credit unions’ deposit ratio in 2007-2012 was on average 1.57% higher than that of 2004-2006 in high donation markets, and 3.28% in low donation markets. Tests of coefficient differences across the models suggest that we can reject coefficient equality at the 5% level of confidence. Overall, we find support for Hypothesis 4. ***Insert Tables 2-3 Here*** 5. Alternative Explanations Our regressions include market fixed-effects and numerous control variables that rule out a large number of alternative explanations, as discussed previously. In this section, we consider four additional explanations that might explain the patterns observed in the data. First, it is plausible 22 that credit unions attract deposits not because of their organizational form, but because their “smallness” or “localness” appeals to certain consumer segments. By this logic, small banks would also benefit from the crisis. Table 4 examines this possibility by splitting commercial banks into small and large categories, and finds that the 2.4% drop in banks’ deposit ratio is shared equally by small and large banks, providing evidence that is not consistent with this alternative explanation. Second, it could be that depositors are attracted to credit unions by better interest rates. Credit unions are known to provide higher rates than banks due to their non-profit tax exempt status. To assess this possibility, we collect interest rate data for both credit unions and banks, calculate average rate differences in each market, and spit the sample into markets with high and low rate differences. Specifically, we obtain branch-level data on three-month checking interest rates for both banks and credit unions from January to June in 2007 from the SNL Financials database. We then aggregate the data to obtain market-level rate differentials between banks and credit unions. On average, credit unions do offer better rates than commercial banks. However, the difference is minimal with a mean of 0.31%. Table 5 reports results on the split sample analysis; we find no significant differences between markets with high and low rate differences. While Table 5 suggests that differences in the three-month checking rates did not attract depositors, credit unions offer a wide range of financial products that might otherwise have appealed to potential customers. It is therefore possible that credit unions actively used rates on other products as a competitive device to attract customers post-crisis. With these considerations in mind, we collect data on rates at credit unions and banks across other financial products at the national level. As listed in Appendix 3, while credit unions on average offer better rates on products such as CDs, money markets and fixed rate mortgages, banks offer better rates on credit 23 cards, auto loans and to some extent, floating rate mortgages. More importantly, there were minimal changes in the rate differentials across banks and credit unions before and after the crisis. If anything, the gap in rates narrows after the crisis. The combination of evidence presented in Table 5 and Appendix 3 suggests that interest rates were unlikely to be the reason that credit unions gained competitive advantage in the deposit market after the financial crisis. A third alternative explanation is that credit unions gain market share over banks during recessions more generally, and our results are unrelated to a specific threat to bank legitimacy. If this were the case, then we would expect credit unions to gain market share during other recessions. We test this possibility by collecting historical data on credit unions’ deposits and accounts from 1934-1990 at the national level and combining this with historical data on the timing of recessions from the National Bureau of Economic Research (NBER).17 Table 6 reports results from OLS regressions of various credit unions’ deposits and accounts variables on a dummy for recessions. The coefficient on the recession dummy is negative but not significant. This suggests that there is no relationship between recessions and changes in credit union market share, and helps us rule out this alternative explanation (if anything, the relationship appears to be negative). ***Insert Table 4-6 here*** Fourth, aside from economic considerations, there was at least one high profile social movement aimed at explicitly encouraging Americans to shift their money away from large banks during our sample period. As mentioned above, the “Move Your Money” (MYM) campaign was launched by Arianna Huffington and Rob Johnson at the end of 2009 as a 17 NBER recession dates available online here: http://www.nber.org/cycles.html. Last accessed April 15, 2015. 24 challenge to large banks involved in the financial crisis.18 After initial discussions in late December 2009, the campaign was quickly launched by the end of the year, complete with a website, introductory video, and post on Huffington Post. The campaign specifically identified six banks as targets, JP Morgan Chase, Citibank, Bank of America, Wells Fargo, Goldman Sachs and Morgan Stanley, and urged consumers to move their money to local community banks, even providing a “bank finder” tool on the website. Huffington and Johnson updated their original post to mention credit unions after receiving comments from readers. This campaign spurred several other actions, including Bank Transfer Day in 2011, which specifically urged consumers to shift money from banks to credit unions in response to increases in debit card fees. According to the Credit Union National Association, this event led to large increases in account openings and total savings19, though they later revised their estimates significantly downward20. Since the most prominent social movement campaign and related events happened after the initial move to credit unions had already begun, likely coinciding with other important unobserved factors, we are unable to precisely identify the causal effect the MYM campaign or Bank Transfer Day. However, model 2 in Table 2 provides some suggestive evidence of their impact. There is statistically significant difference between the coefficient on “Year 2007-2008” and “Year 2009-2012”, suggesting the shift towards credit unions was more pronounced in this later period. Whether the MYM campaign and Bank Transfer campaign were simply indicators or an underlying trend or contributing factors remains an intriguing topic for future research. 18 Huffington, A. and R. Johnson “Move Your Money: A New Year's Resolution”, December 29th, 2009 (http://www.huffingtonpost.com/arianna-huffington/move-your-money-a-new-yea_b_406022.html), Last accessed August 13th, 2014 19 NY Post Staff Reports, “Credit Unions Boom”, October 16th, 2011 (http://nypost.com/2011/10/16/credit-unionsboom/), Last accessed August 13th 2014 20 Stewart, Jackie. The American Banker, “Credit Unions Eat Crow on Customer Numbers” December 5, 2011 (http://www.americanbanker.com/issues/176_234/credit-unions-cuna-membership-bank-transfer-day-10445991.html) Last accessed August 13th, 2014 25 6. Conclusion and Discussion The most recent financial crisis had a significant impact on a wide range of economic and social indicators. We argue that one important result of the crisis was the shock to legitimacy of commercial banks and subsequent gains for certain credit unions. Drawing on organizational theories of competition between organizational populations, we examine the conditions under which credit unions, which offer similar services to banks but abide by a different mission, benefitted from negative public sentiment towards banks. We theorize that credit unions gained share at the expense of banks after the crisis, and that this effect was driven by those credit unions that had the most distinct identity vis-à-vis banks, namely single-bond and community federal credit unions. Moreover, we predict that this main effect is moderated by local factors, namely the acceptance of alternative organizational forms such as co-ops and bank charitable giving. We find broad evidence in support of our propositions. From 2007-2012, bank deposit share dropped from 78.8% to 76%. This 2.8% drop is equivalent to $168B in deposits (at 2006 deposit levels). Single-bond and community credit unions were the primary beneficiaries of the drop in bank market share; multi-bond credit unions did not appear to gain market share. The drop of the commercial banks’ deposit market share is more pronounced in markets where cooperative forms are more prevalent. In addition, the drop in commercial banks’ deposit market share is mitigated in markets where the nation’s largest commercial banks had higher levels of pre-crisis philanthropic giving. Finally, the results are robust to a number of alternative explanations. We make several contributions to the extant literature. First, we provide a theoretical 26 explanation for the promise and peril of alternate organizational forms imitating the dominant form on product features and organizational attributes. It may be tempting for alternate organizational forms to become more similar to the dominant form in an effort to attract greater acceptance. However, when the legitimacy of the dominant form is threatened, it will be more challenging for the alternate form to seize the opportunity. Within credit unions and most organizational populations, there is considerable variation across organizations. It seems likely that some organizations will choose imitation strategies and others will choose differentiation strategies, creating an interesting tension within populations. Further, we provide an explanation for how co-opting tactics by the dominant form can successfully mitigate threats to legitimacy. In our specific case, corporate social responsibility (CSR) initiatives, such as philanthropic giving, helps corporations mimic the behavior of cooperative organizations and blur categorical distinctions.21 Prior research (e.g., Waddock and Graves, 1997; Barnett and Salomon, 2006; Flammer, 2014) has indicated a positive correlation between CSR and firm performance. Our research suggests that one mechanism that might underlie this relationship is that, by mimicking cooperative organizations, for–profit corporations are able to shield themselves from threats to legitimacy and other downside risks. Third, we contribute to recent strategy and OT literatures on competition between organizational forms (e.g., Mahoney, McGahan, and Pitelis, 2009; Seamans, 2012), and highlight some of the challenges faced by alternative organizational forms when competing against incumbent organizational forms. In addition, we add to the literature on legitimacy of organizational populations by 21 We focus on ex ante competitive tactics used by the corporate form. This is not meant to preclude the existence of ex post competitive tactics. Moreover, to the extent that banks also relied on ex post competitive tactics, this implies that our results are conservative. An examination of the full array of ex ante and ex post competitive tactics is beyond the scope of our current study but would be a fruitful research avenue. 27 demonstrating the role of competition in influencing the loss of critical resources. When two organizational populations are competing in the same product categories, a shock to the legitimacy of one population can have a pronounced effect, particularly if this shock is related to a distinct institutional logic (e.g., profit maximization) and not the appropriateness of the product itself (e.g., financial services). We view our work as complementary to Xu et al. (2014), who document how new forms can gain legitimacy from dominant forms while simultaneously attacking them. In our case, we use variation within the population of credit unions to explain how differences in positioning impact audience perceptions during times of crisis. Future work might consider cases where the entire product category is discredited in one population and explore the spillovers on the competing populations. Finally, as mentioned by Dobrev et al. (2006), competitive dynamics between populations dependent heavily on whether the alternate form is well-established or new. Future theoretical and empirical work should explore how the stage of development of the alternate form influences competitive dynamics. Our work offers some key practical implications. Despite efforts to regulate banks in the U.S., many analysts worry that new regulations will not be implemented or that they will be inadequate to cope with the changing landscape of finance (Jacobides, Drexler, and Rico, 2014). Others have suggested that banks are even more powerful today, and that the threat to legitimacy in the aftermath of the financial crisis was only a small perturbation. We offer an explanation for why this may be the case. Well-established and economically potent populations that provide an essential product, such as financial services, are very difficult to de-legitimize. Our results indicate that, for fundamental change to occur, there must be a competing organizational population with an obviously distinct identity that offers the same good or service. Importantly, this population must already be well-accepted by the relevant audience, or quickly become so as 28 a result of a successful social movement (Hiatt, Sine and Tolbert, 2009). Even in these rare cases, the focal population, banks in our study, may still mitigate negative effects by blurring distinctions between the competing forms. Taken together, we suggest that there will be very few cases where an entrenched incumbent population of organizations will be dethroned. Using the factors above as a “checklist” might help organizational scholars gain insight into other battles between organizations, whether it be non-profit vs. for-profit higher education or venture capital firms vs. crowdfunding platforms. However, further theoretical work would be required to generalize our theoretical propositions. Specific to credit unions, our results imply that to the extent credit unions provide similar services to banks but can remain distinct in terms of their identities and logic, they will continue to be in a position to benefit from legitimacy threats to banks. However, if credit unions continue to migrate towards banks so much so that their identities are indistinguishable, they may suffer from the next crisis as well. This logic suggests that advocates for credit unions are wise to adopt a “same, but different” approach to providing similar financial services with a different institutional logic. 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Ingram 2013 “The failure of private regulation: Elite control and market crises in the Manhattan banking industry.” Administrative Science Quarterly, 58: 37–68. 34 Table 1: Summary Statistics Variables Credit Unions’ Deposit Market Share Post Crisis Year 2007-8 Year 2009-12 Total Deposits of Commercial Banks (in billions of dollars) Total Deposits of Credit Unions (in billions of dollars) Total Number of Members of Credit Unions (in thousands) Total Number of Deposit Accounts of Credit Unions (in thousands) S&C Federal Credit Unions’ Deposit Market Share Multi-bond Federal Credit Unions’ Deposit Market Share No. of Bank Branches Bank Net Charge offs (%) Bank Delinquency Ratio (30 days, %) No. of CU Branches CU Net Charge offs (%) CU Delinquency Ratio (30 days, %) Median HH Income Unemployment Rate Pop: yr==0 Pop: 1<=yr<=4 Pop: 5<=yr<=9 Pop: 10<=yr<=14 Pop: 15<=yr<=19 Pop: 20<=yr<=24 Pop: 25<=yr<=29 Pop: 30<=yr<=34 Pop: 35<=yr<=39 Pop: 40<=yr<=44 Pop: 45<=yr<=49 Pop: 50<=yr<=54 Pop: 55<=yr<=59 Pop: 60<=yr<=64 Pop: 65<=yr<=69 Pop: 70<=yr<=74 Pop: 75<=yr<=79 Pop: 80<=yr<=84 Pop: yr>=85 N 3411 3411 3411 3411 3411 3411 3411 3411 3411 3411 3411 3411 3411 3411 3411 3411 3411 3411 3411 3411 3411 3411 3411 3411 3411 3411 3411 3411 3411 3411 3411 3411 3411 3411 3411 3411 3411 35 Min 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.293 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 10.000 -0.061 0.461 1.000 -4.530 0.320 24.808 0.021 0.605 2.495 3.126 3.229 3.189 3.257 3.183 3.123 2.939 3.547 3.780 3.374 2.584 1.919 1.396 0.911 0.648 0.404 0.323 Max 0.922 1.000 1.000 1.000 840.159 82.547 8264.764 15626.020 0.980 0.910 2559.000 79.776 14.622 245.000 14.231 155.741 89.974 0.290 162.663 596.905 701.821 785.806 769.140 861.453 988.839 931.008 882.121 887.961 834.147 804.537 729.870 625.347 475.921 349.908 283.454 212.305 224.412 Mean 0.218 0.667 0.222 0.444 13.753 2.244 276.335 507.258 0.067 0.093 166.200 0.818 3.374 22.205 0.701 3.530 47.580 0.068 8.959 35.723 44.217 46.192 47.874 47.822 46.636 44.821 45.961 48.328 49.522 46.650 40.734 32.661 24.403 18.873 15.516 12.048 11.030 Median 0.179 1.000 0.000 0.000 3.418 0.964 141.441 254.470 0.021 0.040 74.000 0.582 2.758 13.000 0.566 2.906 45.836 0.061 3.371 13.452 17.021 17.635 19.532 22.133 17.112 16.209 16.422 17.484 18.909 18.684 16.736 13.460 10.113 7.899 6.372 4.832 4.352 SD 0.153 0.471 0.416 0.497 40.694 4.004 407.396 766.169 0.134 0.132 258.544 1.525 2.173 28.929 0.592 3.668 9.557 0.029 16.184 63.458 77.178 81.247 81.785 81.444 89.027 85.290 85.475 86.902 85.808 79.125 68.057 54.142 39.947 30.726 25.226 19.771 18.594 Table 2: Effects of Financial Crisis on the Banks’ and Credit Unions’ Deposits, Members and Market Share (H1) Post Crisis DV 1: total deposits of commercial banks DV2: total deposits of credit unions DV3: total number of credit union members DV4: total number of credit union accounts M4 48.3938** (22.1670) DV5: fraction of the credit union deposits over the total deposits at commercial banks and credit unions M5 0.0242*** (0.0044) DV5: fraction of the credit union deposits over the total deposits at commercial banks and credit unions M6 0.0213*** (0.0046) M1 -1.0741** (0.5214) M2 0.1690 (0.1251) M3 24.2890** (11.8762) 0.0471 (0.0310) 0.0294 (0.0527) -0.0588 0.0024 (0.0045) 0.0097 (0.0138) 0.0301 -0.0223 (0.4307) 0.8053 (1.4159) 2.2404 -0.0782 (0.8205) 1.3138 (2.6723) 4.4516 -0.0001 (0.0001) -0.0005** (0.0003) 0.0016 -0.0001 (0.0001) -0.0006** (0.0003) 0.0017 Year 2007-8 Year 2009-12 No. of Bank Branches Bank Net Charge offs (%) Bank Delinquency Ratio (30 days, %) DV5: fraction of the credit union deposits over the total deposits at commercial banks and credit unions M7 0.0226*** (0.0044) 0.0491*** (0.0077) -0.0001 (0.0001) -0.0004* (0.0002) -0.0001 (0.2759) (0.0475) (4.0638) (7.7878) (0.0018) (0.0018) (0.0019) -0.5674 -0.0035 0.9506 1.2769 0.0050*** 0.0052*** 0.0053*** (0.4362) (0.0439) (4.2420) (8.0794) (0.0010) (0.0010) (0.0010) CU Net Charge offs (%) 0.3749 -0.1189* -9.4252 -17.3345 -0.0045** -0.0043** -0.0034* (0.5284) (0.0653) (5.8538) (11.2985) (0.0022) (0.0021) (0.0020) CU Delinquency Ratio (30 days, %) -0.0641 -0.0112** -0.4710 -1.5069* -0.0003 -0.0003 -0.0002 (0.0690) (0.0045) (0.5012) (0.7991) (0.0005) (0.0005) (0.0005) Median HH Income 0.1955 0.0341** 2.2340* 3.6151 0.0025*** 0.0032*** 0.0020** (0.1670) (0.0155) (1.3119) (2.5941) (0.0008) (0.0008) (0.0008) Unemployment Rate -12.7170 -1.5879 -284.5475 -547.6394 -0.0074 -0.1183 -0.3577** (17.4780) (2.4591) (214.9492) (413.7519) (0.1386) (0.1415) (0.1605) Constant -2.1059 -2.8511*** -220.8422*** -429.4925*** -0.0279 -0.0470 -0.0027 (5.7501) (0.8726) (78.3160) (155.5516) (0.0322) (0.0334) (0.0330) R2 0.9571 0.8898 0.9067 0.9041 0.8879 0.8874 0.8891 Population by Age Group Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes MarketFE Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Observations 3411 3411 3411 3411 3411 3411 3411 Notes: Dependent Variables are measured at a given market in a given year. Coefficients of OLS regressions (M1-M4) and linear probability regressions (M5-M7). Post crisis is a dummy variable, that equals one for all years after 2007 (except for M6, 2008) inclusive, and zero otherwise. Robust standard errors, clustered at the market level, are included in brackets. Significance Level: * p<0.10; ** p<0.05; *** p<0.01 No. of CU Branches 36 Table 3: Split Sample Analysis of the Effects of Financial Crisis on the Credit Unions’ Deposits Market Share (H2,H3, H4) Post Crisis No. of Bank Branches Bank Net Charge offs (%) Bank Delinquency Ratio (30 days, %) No. of CU Branches CU Net Charge offs (%) CU Delinquency Ratio (30 days, %) Median HH Income Unemployment Rate Constant DV5: fraction of the credit union deposits over the total deposits at commercial banks and credit unions DV5: fraction of the credit union deposits over the total deposits at commercial banks and credit unions DV6: fraction of multi-bond federal credit union deposits with over the total deposits at commercial banks and credit unions M8L 0.0084** (0.0042) -0.0002 (0.0001) -0.0104*** (0.0038) 0.0042*** (0.0015) 0.0046*** (0.0006) 0.0001 (0.0023) -0.0009* (0.0005) 0.0023*** (0.0006) 0.1997* (0.1145) -0.6268** (0.2460) 14.34 (P value: 0.00) M8H 0.0396*** (0.0068) -0.0001 (0.0001) -0.0002 (0.0009) 0.0015 (0.0022) 0.0061*** (0.0013) -0.0062* (0.0034) -0.0001 (0.0004) 0.0027*** (0.0009) -0.0800 (0.1862) -0.0371 (0.0439) M9A -0.0025 (0.0057) -0.0001 (0.0001) -0.0010 (0.0006) 0.0034 (0.0024) 0.0023*** (0.0008) -0.0058 (0.0038) 0.0001 (0.0005) 0.0000** (0.0000) -0.8676*** (0.2475) 0.0176 (0.0412) DV7: fraction of single-bond and community federal credit union deposits with over the total deposits at commercial banks and credit unions M9B 0.0168*** (0.0055) 0.0000 (0.0001) 0.0008 (0.0010) 0.0041 (0.0033) 0.0022** (0.0010) 0.0030 (0.0062) -0.0004* (0.0002) 0.0000 (0.0000) -0.2221 (0.2486) 0.0284 (0.0359) 4.83 (P value: 0.03) DV5: fraction of the credit union deposits over the total deposits at commercial banks and credit unions DV5: fraction of the credit union deposits over the total deposits at commercial banks and credit unions M10L 0.0328*** (0.0062) -0.0010*** (0.0003) 0.0013 (0.0054) 0.0023 (0.0022) 0.0113*** (0.0013) -0.0029 (0.0036) -0.0012* (0.0007) 0.0033*** (0.0010) -0.0397 (0.1547) -0.2276*** (0.0581) M10H 0.0157*** (0.0050) -0.0001 (0.0001) -0.0003 (0.0006) -0.0019 (0.0017) 0.0028*** (0.0006) -0.0041* (0.0023) -0.0000 (0.0003) 0.0021*** (0.0007) 0.2544* (0.1527) -0.5828*** (0.1609) Chi-square Test of Differences Across Split Samples R2 0.9373 0.8425 0.7206 0.6602 0.8923 0.8853 Population by Age Group Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes MarketFE Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Observations 1701 1710 3411 3411 1710 1701 Notes: Dependent Variables are measured at a given market in a given year: DV5, fraction of the credit union deposits over the total deposits at commercial banks and credit unions; DV6, fraction of multi-bond federal credit union deposits with over the total deposits at commercial banks and credit unions; DV7, fraction of single-bond and community federal credit union deposits with over the total deposits at commercial banks and credit unions. Coefficients of linear probability regressions. Post crisis is a dummy variable, that equals one for all years after 2007 inclusive, and zero otherwise. Robust standard errors, clustered at the market level, are included in brackets. Significance Level: * p<0.10; ** p<0.05; *** p<0.01 37 Table 4: Alternative Explanation on Smallness – Small/Large Bank Deposit Ratio DV8: fraction of the DV9: fraction of small DV10: fraction of large commercial bank deposits bank deposits over the bank deposits over the total over the total deposits at total deposits at deposits at commercial commercial banks and commercial banks and banks and credit unions credit unions credit unions M11 M11A M11B Post Crisis -0.0240*** -0.0124** -0.0116* (0.0045) (0.0055) (0.0066) No. of Bank Branches 0.0001 -0.0000 0.0001 (0.0001) (0.0001) (0.0001) Bank Net Charge offs (%) 0.0005** 0.0007** -0.0001 (0.0003) (0.0003) (0.0003) Bank Delinquency Ratio (30 days, %) -0.0017 -0.0019 0.0003 (0.0018) (0.0017) (0.0022) No. of CU Branches -0.0050*** -0.0013* -0.0037*** (0.0010) (0.0007) (0.0011) CU Net Charge offs (%) 0.0046** -0.0006 0.0051 (0.0022) (0.0019) (0.0032) CU Delinquency Ratio (30 days, %) 0.0003 0.0001 0.0002 (0.0005) (0.0003) (0.0004) Median HH Income -0.0026*** -0.0010 -0.0016 (0.0008) (0.0008) (0.0010) Unemployment Rate 0.0072 0.0714 -0.0643 (0.1382) (0.1522) (0.1874) Constant 1.0283*** 0.6910*** 0.3373*** (0.0321) (0.0298) (0.0382) R2 0.8876 0.9246 0.9029 Population by Age Group Yes Yes Yes MarketFE Yes Yes Yes Observations 3411 3411 3411 Notes: Dependent Variables are measured at a given market in a given year: DV8, fraction of the commercial bank deposits over the total deposits at commercial banks and credit unions; DV9, fraction of small bank deposits over the total deposits at commercial banks and credit unions; DV10, fraction of large bank deposits over the total deposits at commercial banks and credit unions. Coefficients of linear probability regressions. Post crisis is a dummy variable, that equals one for all years after 2007 inclusive, and zero otherwise. Robust standard errors, clustered at the market level, are included in brackets. Significance Level: * p<0.10; ** p<0.05; *** p<0.01 38 Table 5: Alternative Explanation on Rate Differentials between Credit Unions vs. Banks DV5: fraction of the credit DV5: fraction of the credit Post Crisis No. of Bank Branches Bank Net Charge offs (%) Bank Delinquency Ratio (30 days, %) No. of CU Branches CU Net Charge offs (%) CU Delinquency Ratio (30 days, %) Median HH Income Unemployment Rate Constant Chi-square Test of Differences Across Split Samples R2 Population by Age Group MarketFE Observations union deposits over the total deposits at commercial banks and credit unions union deposits over the total deposits at commercial banks and credit unions M12L 0.0265*** (0.0064) -0.0004** (0.0002) -0.0033 (0.0058) 0.0003 (0.0026) 0.0075*** (0.0010) -0.0071* (0.0040) -0.0025*** (0.0008) 0.0015* (0.0009) 0.2527 (0.1833) 0.3161 (0.5168) 0.23 (P value: 0.6325) M12H 0.0219*** (0.0060) -0.0001 (0.0001) -0.0001 (0.0006) 0.0021 (0.0018) 0.0019** (0.0009) -0.0072** (0.0035) -0.0001 (0.0003) 0.0028*** (0.0009) -0.0609 (0.1644) -1.4779* (0.7821) 0.9034 Yes Yes 1161 0.8950 Yes Yes 1161 Notes: Dependent Variables: DV5, fraction of the credit union deposits over the total deposits at commercial banks and credit unions, at a given market in a given year. Coefficients of linear probability regressions. Post crisis is a dummy variable, that equals one for all years after 2007 inclusive, and zero otherwise. Robust standard errors, clustered at the market level, are included in brackets. Significance Level: * p<0.10; ** p<0.05; *** p<0.01 39 Table 6: Alternative Explanation on Recession – Credit Union vs. Banks and Historical Recession, 1932-1990 DV11: Number of credit union members DV14: ratio of credit union deposits divided by the sum of deposits from banks and credit unions Mt6a Mt6b Mt6c Mt6d Recession -1.5059 -8.7668 -8.64e+04 -0.0025 (1.6961) (9.5189) (9.65e+04) (0.0018) Trend 1.0876*** 2.5062*** 3.83e+04*** 0.0012*** (0.0486) (0.2727) (2766.0707) (0.0001) Constant -9.3768*** -34.6855*** -3.86e+05*** -0.0094*** (1.6744) (9.3972) (9.53e+04) (0.0018) R2 0.9028 0.6121 0.7809 0.9148 Observations 57 57 57 57 Notes: Dependent Variables are measured as yearly national aggregates: DV11, Number of credit union members; DV12, total of credit union shares and deposits; DV13, total of credit union deposits; DV14, ratio of credit union deposits divided by the sum of deposits from banks and credit unions. Historical data on credit unions are drawn from Berger and Dacin (1991). Historical data on banks are drawn from FDIC, recession data drawn from NBER. Coefficients of OLS regressions (Mt6a-Mt6c), and linear probability regressions (Mt6d). Standard errors are included in brackets. Significance Level: * p<0.10; ** p<0.05; *** p<0.01 DV12: total of credit union shares and deposits 40 DV13: total of credit union deposits Appendix 1: Credit Union Branches22 This appendix describes how we allocate credit union deposits to the credit union branch level. From the National Credit Union Administration (NCUA) 5300 Call Report Quarterly we obtain the total amount of deposits at each credit union. However, many credit unions are multi-branch, where the branches span several MSAs. The NCUA does not provide a breakdown of the deposits at each branch until 2010Q3 (and no data prior to 2004Q2, to the best of our knowledge).We therefore use annual data from the FFIEC Home Mortgage Disclosure Act (HMDA) to determine the amount of deposit for branch of a credit unions. HMDA, enacted by Congress in 1975, requires financial institutions to disclose information to their regulatory agency about every home loan received and originated. Specifically, two bits of information are available on a yearly basis: (1) for each reported credit union, the metropolitan areas in which credit unions have branches, and (2) each loan application including location of the property, loan amount, and originating credit union. HMDA coverage is quite complete for metropolitan areas, but reporting exceptions lead to significant distortions in the coverage of non-metropolitan areas. We therefore work only with metropolitan areas and drop non-metropolitan areas. We assume that multi-branch credit union receive (and grant) home loan applications through the branch that is in the same metropolitan areas as the home property. Under this assumption, we are able calculate the proportion of total loans originated by a credit union at each of its branches. 23 Using this proportion, we disaggregated the credit unions total deposits to 22 We thank John Worth from NCUA for his helpful suggestions that lead us to use HMDA data for branching. Following Igan, Mishra and Tressel (2012), and to make sure that the HMDA data are clear of outliers and erroneous values, we eliminate the edited applications from HMDA. In unreported analysis, we also evenly distributed the deposits to all markets that CUs have branches in according to HMDA and obtained comparable results. 23 41 each of its branches from 2004-2012. 24 Although HMDA provides us with a relatively consistent dataset, there are some limitations that need to be addressed. Specifically, federal regulation exempt certain credit unions from reporting to HMDA, including (1) the ones below minimal asset threshold; (2) the ones with offices only in non-metropolitan areas; (3) the ones that didn’t originate at least one home purchase or refinancing loan. Our analysis shows that the exempted credit unions tend not to operate across multiple markets, and we therefore believe that the bulk of branching activities for multi-market credit unions are captured under the HMDA. As shown in Table A2.1, 14% (1048 out of 7580) of the credit unions operate branches in more than one metropolitan market in 2010, and 81% of them are qualified for HMDA reporting (852 out of 1048). Combining these two data sources gives us accurate branching information that covers 97% of the sample. The coverage for 2011 and 2012 is respectively 97% and 98%. We use 2010 – 2012 data to test our identifying assumption that a multi-branch credit union receives (and grants) home loan applications through the branch that is in the same metropolitan areas as the home property. First, HMDA data identifies the majority of the markets that credit unions operate in. In 2010, 84% of the CU-markets that the 852 credit unions are operated in are matched using the HMDA data. Second, HMDA tends to over-identify markets that credit unions operate in, but those markets overall claim a small allocation of loan applications (6.0% in 2010) and thus receive a small proportion of deposits. Third, when we assign headquarter to the markets that originate the highest volume of home loan applications (and thus the highest proportional weight) in a particular year, 94.2% of the time we are able to match HMDA and NCUA data on headquarter locations. Table A2.2 reports the statistics for all 24 We start collecting HMDA data from 2004, as HMDA regulation had a major overhaul in that year which resulted in changes of reporting format so that the data is not comparable with the preceding years. 42 three years. Overall, HMDA loan application data provides a robust way of dividing credit union deposits into markets that is reflective of the actual patterns. Table A1.1 - Comparison of HMDA and NCUA Branch Data: Full Sample CUs No of Unique No of Unique Pct. of Multi-branch Multi-market MultiCUs CUs market CUs Year Source No of Unique CUs 2010 NCUA 7580 2806 1048 HMDA 1995 1759 852 HMDA/NCUA (%) 26% 61% 81% 2011 NCUA 7367 3072 1061 HMDA 1976 1778 866 HMDA/NCUA (%) 27% 61% 82% 2012 NCUA 7086 3079 1083 HMDA 1995 1814 929 HMDA/NCUA (%) 28% 53% 86% Coverage Rate 14% 97% 14% 97% 18% 98% Note: HMDA data is sourced from the Federal Financial Institutions Examination Council (FFIEC) and the National Archive. NCUA data is sourced from the National Credit Union Administration Call Reports, 2010Q3 (2010Q2 data is not available), 2011Q2 and 2012Q2. We restrict the sample to credit unions that are located within the fifty states and DC. Market is the metropolitan area defined by Office of Management and Budget, Nov 2004. Table A1.2 - Comparison of HMDA and NCUA Branch Data: HMDA Reported CUs Year 2010 2011 2012 No of Unique CUMarkets in NCUA 3758 3691 3866 No of Unique CU-Markets with NCUA and HMDA matches 3137 3066 3158 No of Unique CUMarkets in NCUA but not HMDA 621 625 708 Pct. of Matches for CUMarkets 83.5% 83.1% 81.7% No of Unique CUMarkets in HMDA but not NCUA 701 673 601 Deposit Share of CuMarkets in HMDA but not NCUA 6.0% 4.6% 1.6% Pct. Of Match es for CU main offices 94.2% 92.7% 91.5% Note: HMDA data is sourced from the Federal Financial Institutions Examination Council (FFIEC) and the National Archive. NCUA data is sourced from the National Credit Union Administration Call Reports, 2010Q3 (2010Q2 data is not available), 2011Q2 and 2012Q2. We restrict the sample to credit unions that are located within the fifty states and DC. Market is the metropolitan area defined by Office of Management and Budget, Nov 2004. 43 Appendix 2: Robustness to Alternative Functional Forms Our dependent variable is commercial bank deposit market share, which by construction is bounded between zero and one. We choose to run linear probability models on this variable. This approach is relatively standard in the literature, especially given the panel structure of our dataset (for a broader discussion, see Angrist and Pischke (2009), especially pp. 105-107). Other papers that take a similar approach when using a financial ratio as a dependent variable include Vicente (2001) and Obloj and Sengul (2012). While linear probability models have many benefits, one drawback is that predicted values may fall outside of zero and one; this happens for about 0.03% of our observations. We therefore test the robustness of our results to alternative functional forms, the results of which are depicted in Appendix Table A2. For reference, Column 1 of Table A2 replicates our main results from Column 4 of Table 2 (M4), where the dependent variable is log of commercial bank deposit market share. Column 2 presents results without first taking the log of commercial bank deposit market share. Column 3 presents results after taking the log-odds ratio of commercial bank deposit market share, which uses the following transformation: log (commercial bank deposit market share/ (1- commercial bank deposit market share)). Before the transformation, observations with values of 0 are replaced with 0.001 and values of 1 are replaced with 0.999, an approach taken in David, O’Brien and Yoshikawa (2008). Column 4 presents results after taking the arcsin transformation of commercial bank deposit market share, which uses the following transformation: arcsin (squareroot (commercial bank deposit market share)). The results are similar across these multiple transformations, suggesting that our results are robust to alternative functional forms. 44 References: Angrist JD, Pischke J-S. 2009. Mostly harmless econometrics: An empiricist’s companion. Princeton University Press: Princeton, NJ. David P, O’Brien JP, Yoshikawa T. 2008. The implications of debt heterogeneity for R&D investment and firm performance. Academy of Management Journal 51: 165-181. Obloj, Tomasz and Metin Sengul. 2012. Incentive life cycles: Learning and the division of value in firms,” Administrative Science Quarterly, 57(2): 305-347. Vicente-Lorente JD. 2001. Specificity and opacity as resource-based determinants of capital structure: evidence for Spanish manufacturing firms. Strategic Management Journal 22: 157-177. Table A2. Alternative Specifications Post Crisis No. of Bank Branches Bank Net Charge offs (%) Bank Delinquency Ratio (30 days, %) No. of CU Branches CU Net Charge offs (%) CU Delinquency Ratio (30 days, %) Median HH Income Unemployment Rate Constant R2 Population by Age Group MarketFE Observations MtA31 0.0242*** (0.0044) -0.0001 (0.0001) -0.0005** (0.0003) 0.0016 MtA32 0.0949*** (0.0237) -0.0006 (0.0007) -0.0037** (0.0015) 0.0095 MtA33 0.0179*** (0.0033) -0.0001 (0.0001) -0.0004** (0.0002) 0.0012 MtA34 0.0288*** (0.0054) -0.0002 (0.0001) -0.0007** (0.0003) 0.0020 (0.0018) 0.0050*** (0.0010) -0.0045** (0.0022) -0.0003 (0.0005) 0.0025*** (0.0008) -0.0074 (0.1386) -0.0279 (0.0322) 0.8879 Yes Yes 3411 (0.0083) 0.0305*** (0.0066) -0.0166 (0.0164) -0.0008 (0.0028) 0.0152*** (0.0052) 0.6557 (0.6709) -3.0500*** (0.2415) 0.8593 Yes Yes 3411 (0.0013) 0.0040*** (0.0008) -0.0032* (0.0017) -0.0002 (0.0004) 0.0019*** (0.0006) 0.0106 (0.1005) -0.7957*** (0.0249) 0.8864 Yes Yes 3411 (0.0021) 0.0066*** (0.0013) -0.0054* (0.0029) -0.0004 (0.0006) 0.0031*** (0.0009) 0.0336 (0.1607) 0.1667*** (0.0400) 0.8900 Yes Yes 3411 Significance Level: * p<0.10; ** p<0.05; *** p<0.01 45 Appendix 3: Comparison of Interest Rates Across Credit Union and Bank Products Over Time 2003 2004 2005 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2003 2004 2005 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 CU 3.43 4.07 4.58 3.61 2.86 2.58 2.09 1.53 1.28 1.34 CU 4.72 4.78 5.44 5.40 5.25 4.64 3.80 3.03 2.77 2.64 5 Year CD Bank Diff 3.08 0.35 3.61 0.46 4.13 0.45 3.34 0.27 2.50 0.36 2.30 0.28 1.78 0.31 1.04 0.49 1.11 0.17 1.15 0.19 % Diff 0.11 0.13 0.11 0.08 0.14 0.12 0.17 0.47 0.15 0.17 48 mo New Auto Loan Bank Diff % Diff 6.49 -1.77 -0.27 6.43 -1.65 -0.26 7.12 -1.68 -0.24 6.81 -1.41 -0.21 6.62 -1.37 -0.21 5.88 -1.24 -0.21 5.12 -1.32 -0.26 4.26 -1.23 -0.29 5.08 -2.31 -0.45 4.78 -2.14 -0.45 CU 0.97 1.01 1.44 1.33 0.74 0.47 0.31 0.21 0.17 0.16 Money Market Bank Diff % Diff 0.51 0.46 0.90 0.57 0.44 0.77 0.85 0.59 0.69 0.72 0.61 0.85 0.42 0.32 0.76 0.29 0.18 0.62 0.21 0.10 0.48 0.10 0.11 1.10 0.13 0.04 0.31 0.12 0.04 0.33 30 Year Fix Rate Mortgage CU Bank Diff % Diff 5.92 5.95 -0.03 -0.01 5.82 5.79 0.03 0.01 6.38 6.39 -0.01 0.00 6.55 6.56 -0.01 0.00 5.66 5.65 0.01 0.00 4.89 4.85 0.04 0.01 4.78 4.64 0.14 0.03 3.83 3.71 0.12 0.03 4.11 3.64 0.47 0.13 4.29 4.28 0.01 0.00 46 CU 0.48 0.48 0.51 0.52 0.34 0.25 0.18 0.11 0.11 0.10 Interest Checking Bank Diff % Diff 0.32 0.16 0.50 0.34 0.14 0.41 0.45 0.06 0.13 0.42 0.10 0.24 0.25 0.09 0.36 0.19 0.06 0.32 0.14 0.04 0.29 0.06 0.05 0.83 0.10 0.01 0.10 0.09 0.01 0.11 5 Year Adj Rate Mortgage CU Bank Diff % Diff 4.96 5.04 -0.08 -0.02 5.06 5.19 -0.13 -0.03 5.82 6.09 -0.27 -0.04 5.87 6.24 -0.37 -0.06 5.37 5.30 0.07 0.01 4.31 4.38 -0.07 -0.02 3.76 3.58 0.18 0.05 3.21 2.91 0.30 0.10 3.21 3.33 -0.12 -0.04 3.19 3.52 -0.33 -0.09 CU 12.18 11.97 12.06 11.75 11.68 11.63 11.64 11.42 11.56 11.55 Credit Card Bank Diff 12.33 -0.15 12.39 -0.42 14.13 -2.07 13.17 -1.42 12.50 -0.82 12.44 -0.81 13.17 -1.53 11.69 -0.27 12.85 -1.29 12.89 -1.34 % Diff -0.01 -0.03 -0.15 -0.11 -0.07 -0.07 -0.12 -0.02 -0.10 -0.10 Appendix 4: Replication of Table 3 with 2008 crisis Dummy Post Crisis No. of Bank Branches Bank Net Charge offs (%) Bank Delinquency Ratio (30 days, %) No. of CU Branches CU Net Charge offs (%) CU Delinquency Ratio (30 days, %) Median HH Income Unemployment Rate Constant Chi-square Test of Differences Across Split Samples R2 Population by Age Group MarketFE Observations DV5: fraction of the credit union deposits over the total deposits at commercial banks and credit unions DV5: fraction of the credit union deposits over the total deposits at commercial banks and credit unions MA4aL 0.0140*** (0.0046) -0.0002 (0.0001) -0.0114*** (0.0038) 0.0041*** (0.0015) 0.0047*** (0.0006) 0.0005 (0.0023) -0.0010** (0.0005) 0.0021*** (0.0006) 0.0980 (0.1213) -0.6637*** (0.2458) 2.60 (P value: 0.10) 0.9375 Yes Yes 1701 MA4aH 0.0277*** (0.0073) -0.0001 (0.0001) -0.0003 (0.0009) 0.0021 (0.0022) 0.0062*** (0.0013) -0.0067** (0.0034) -0.0001 (0.0004) 0.0043*** (0.0009) -0.1965 (0.1948) -0.0883** (0.0431) DV6: fraction of multi-bond federal credit union deposits with over the total deposits at commercial banks and credit unions MtA4b1 -0.0153** (0.0071) -0.0001 (0.0001) -0.0010* (0.0006) 0.0044* (0.0024) 0.0023*** (0.0008) -0.0063* (0.0038) 0.0001 (0.0006) 0.0000*** (0.0000) -0.7415*** (0.2622) -0.0143 (0.0399) 0.8404 Yes Yes 1710 0.7212 Yes Yes 3411 DV7: fraction of singlebond and community federal credit union deposits with over the total deposits at commercial banks and credit unions MtA4b2 0.0182*** (0.0065) 0.0000 (0.0001) 0.0007 (0.0009) 0.0039 (0.0034) 0.0023** (0.0010) 0.0033 (0.0061) -0.0004* (0.0002) 0.0000 (0.0000) -0.3290 (0.2321) 0.0238 (0.0363) 3.22 (P Value: 0.0729) 0.6602 Yes Yes 3411 DV5: fraction of the credit union deposits over the total deposits at commercial banks and credit unions MtA4cL 0.0287*** (0.0068) -0.0010*** (0.0003) -0.0016 (0.0055) 0.0033 (0.0022) 0.0114*** (0.0013) -0.0022 (0.0036) -0.0012* (0.0007) 0.0042*** (0.0009) -0.1869 (0.1624) -0.2601*** (0.0574) DV5: fraction of the credit union deposits over the total deposits at commercial banks and credit unions MtA4cH 0.0132** (0.0054) -0.0001 (0.0001) -0.0003 (0.0006) -0.0019 (0.0017) 0.0028*** (0.0006) -0.0041* (0.0023) -0.0000 (0.0003) 0.0026*** (0.0006) 0.1933 (0.1593) -0.6212*** (0.1605) 0.8916 Yes Yes 1710 0.8850 Yes Yes 1701 Notes: Dependent Variables are measured at a given market in a given year: DV5, fraction of the credit union deposits over the total deposits at commercial banks and credit unions; DV6, fraction of multi-bond federal credit union deposits with over the total deposits at commercial banks and credit unions; DV7, fraction of single-bond and community federal credit union deposits with over the total deposits at commercial banks and credit unions. Coefficients of linear probability regressions. Post crisis is a dummy variable, that equals one for all years after 2008 inclusive, and zero otherwise. Robust standard errors, clustered at the market level, are included in brackets. Significance Level: * p<0.10; ** p<0.05; *** p<0.01 47
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