HOOKING UP ON CAMPUS: COGNITIVE DISSONANCE AND SEXUAL REGRET AMONG COLLEGE STUDENTS ____________ A Thesis Presented To the Faculty of California State University, Chico ____________ In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts in Communication Studies ____________ by © Anna Lind Thomas 2010 Spring 2010 HOOKING UP ON CAMPUS: COGNITIVE DISSONANCE AND SEXUAL REGRET AMONG COLLEGE STUDENTS A Thesis by Anna Lind Thomas Spring 2010 APPROVED BY THE INTERIM DEAN OF THE SCHOOL OF GRADUATE, INTERNATIONAL, AND INTERDISCIPLINARY STUDIES: Mark J. Morlock, Ph.D. APPROVED BY THE GRADUATE ADVISORY COMMITTEE: Ruth Guzley, Ph.D. Graduate Coordinator Michelle Givertz, Ph.D., Chair Ruth Guzley, Ph.D. Lyndall Ellingson, Ph.D. PUBLICATION RIGHTS No portion of this thesis may be reprinted or reproduced in any manner unacceptable to the usual copyright restrictions without the written permission of the author. iii DEDICATION For my mom, Christine. Making you proud has been one of the greatest joys of my life. In fact, it’s been darn right fun. iv ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I’d like to thank the chair of my committee, Dr. Michelle Givertz, for her investment of time and dedication to my thesis. You set the bar incredibly high, and I was determined to meet your expectations. Thank you for believing in me, I hope I made you proud. I would also like to thank Dr. Ruth Guzley and Dr. Lyndall Ellingson for agreeing to serve on my committee. Your encouragement, suggestions, and criticisms were instrumental to my success, and I thank you. To my colleagues in Residential Life, thank you for your endless support and encouragement. We are the only ones who really know what it’s like to do what we do—I couldn’t have done this without you. To my crew—my Resident Advisors—you inspire me every day. I’m crazy about you all. To my family: Mom, Dad, Jenny, Christian and the babies . . . I love you all so much, I can’t wait to come home. And finally, I want to thank my beloved husband Rob for bragging to complete strangers about my “smarts.” You make me feel like the most beautiful, most intelligent woman in the world. With you, I can do anything. v TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE Publication Rights ...................................................................................................... iii Dedication .................................................................................................................. iv Acknowledgments...................................................................................................... v List of Tables ............................................................................................................. viii Abstract ...................................................................................................................... ix CHAPTER I. II. Introduction .............................................................................................. 1 Background .................................................................................. Statement of Problem ................................................................... Purpose of Study and Theoretical Foundation ............................ Limitations ................................................................................... Definition of Terms...................................................................... 1 2 5 6 7 Review of Literature ................................................................................ 8 Hookup Culture versus Casual Sex.............................................. Hookup Trends and Outcomes..................................................... Alcohol Use and Unwanted Sex .................................................. Sexual and Relationship Values................................................... Sexual Double Standard ............................................................... Motivation for Sexual Conformity............................................... Sexual Regret ............................................................................... The Present Study ........................................................................ Cognitive Dissonance Theory ...................................................... 8 9 10 13 17 23 26 29 30 vi CHAPTER III. PAGE Method ..................................................................................................... 36 Participants ................................................................................... Procedure ..................................................................................... Measures ...................................................................................... 36 36 37 Results ...................................................................................................... 41 Hookup and Sexual Behavior ...................................................... Sexual Attitudes ........................................................................... Religiosity .................................................................................... Sexual Regret ............................................................................... Dissonance ................................................................................... Intercorrelations Between Variables ............................................ Sexual Attitudes, Sexual Behaviors, and Cognitive Dissonance ................................................................................. Dissonance and Sexual Regret ..................................................... Sex Difference in Sexual Regret and Cognitive Dissonance ....... Dissonance Reduction Strategies ................................................. 41 46 46 46 48 49 Discussion ................................................................................................ 57 Sexual Behaviors ......................................................................... Dissonance and Sexual Regret ..................................................... Associations Between Variables .................................................. Sex Differences in Cognitive Dissonance and Sexual Regret ..... Dissonance Reduction Strategies ................................................. Limitations and Future Directions ............................................... Conclusion ................................................................................... 58 58 63 64 64 65 69 References .................................................................................................................. 71 IV. V. vii 51 53 54 55 LIST OF TABLES TABLE PAGE 1. Sexual Behavior Frequencies for Predictor and Outcome Variables.......... 42 2. One-way Analysis of Variance Summary Table Comparing Sex with Sexual Behaviors .............................................................................. 45 3. Responses to Sexual Regret Item by Percent .............................................. 47 4. Multiple Regression Analysis for Predicting Male Sexual Regret from Sexual Attitudes, Religiosity, Sexual Behavior, and Dissonance .... 48 Multiple Regression Analysis for Predicting Female Sexual Regret from Sexual Attitudes, Religiosity, Sexual Behavior, and Dissonance .... 49 Multiple Regression Results for Predicting Male Dissonance from Sexual Attitudes, Religiosity, and Sexual Behavior ................................. 50 Multiple Regression Results for Predicting Female Dissonance from Sexual Attitudes, Religiosity, and Sexual Behavior ................................. 51 8. Intercorrelations Between Study Variables ................................................ 52 9. Dissonance Correlations Between Attitude/Behavior Groups .................... 53 10. One-way Analysis of Variance Summary Table Comparing Sex with Sexual Regret and Dissonance .................................................................. 54 5. 6. 7. viii ABSTRACT HOOKING UP ON CAMPUS: COGNITIVE DISSONANCE AND SEXUAL REGRET AMONG COLLEGE STUDENTS by © Anna Lind Thomas 2010 Master of Arts in Communication Studies California State University, Chico Spring 2010 This study investigated the psychological consequences of hooking up within the framework of cognitive dissonance theory. Participants were 134 male and 158 female (N = 292) college students attending a mid-sized university in the Western United States. Hypothesis 1 predicted that individuals with conflicting sexual attitudes and behaviors would experience dissonance. The results of the present study indicate that students with the combination of conservative sexual values and fewer sexual experiences were more likely to experience dissonance than any other group. In support of hypothesis 2, the results of the study revealed that there was a significantly positive correlation between dissonance and sexual regret. In addition, post hoc analyses revealed that dissonance was the best predictor of regret. Hypothesis 3 predicted there would be significant differences between males and females in reports of dissonance and sexual regret. In partial support of this hypothesis, the results showed that females reported experiencing dissonance significantly more than males. From those experiencing dissonance, research ix question 1 sought to determine how dissonance was reduced. The majority (63%; 43% males, 76% females) reduced their dissonance by changing an attitude or behavior more than any other reduction strategy. Within the framework of cognitive dissonance theory, this study was able to demonstrate that sexual attitudes inconsistent with sexual behaviors can cause dissonance and that dissonance is positively associated with sexual regret. x CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION Background Today’s college students live in an environment saturated with sex. They are exposed to sexual content on a regular basis from the Internet, the media, and countless other sources during a time when self-exploration and experimentation are driving forces in their lives. It shouldn’t be a surprise, then, that many college students are having sex ─ and a lot of it ─ often outside the context of a committed relationship. However, what is surprising is that, while sexual experimentation appears to be a socially acceptable rite of passage when one enters college, it does not come without the potential for serious consequences, not just physically, but emotionally and socially ─ especially for women. On most college campuses, a widely accepted sexual practice is called “hooking up,” that explicitly permits a sexual interaction without romance, commitment, or even affection (Glenn & Marquardt, 2001). Although there is new attention focused on the hookup phenomenon, casual sex has been occurring on college campuses for decades. The hookup culture stems from the many social changes that arose in the mid 1960s, most notably the sexual revolution. Coeducation rose substantially and more students began living on campus. Residence halls typically restricted contact between the sexes and took on a “parental role,” monitoring student behavior (Glenn & Marquardt). However, students were rebelling against rules that restricted access between sexes and soon 1 2 administrators were forced to set aside such policies in favor of co-ed dormitories (Bogle, 2005). Traditional dating scripts, where a date occurs first and then perhaps a sexual encounter happens later (Bogle), was no longer the dominant script for developing relationships. Students postponed marriage and sex outside of marriage was not as taboo as it had once been. The “college experience” became a rite of passage, where partying and sexual experimentation became commonplace. According to Bogle (2008), on campuses today, the hookup culture has flourished as casual relationships have become socially acceptable and students have gained limitless access to each other. The hookup script, a reversal of the dating script, has become increasingly dominant as college students “become sexual first and then maybe someday go on a date” (Bogle, 2005, p. 2). Through her interviews with college students, Bogle (2005) found that they knew what dating was, but rarely went on dates. In fact, many students reported that they had never been on a date. Since hooking up rarely leads to monogamous relationships, going on a traditional date isn’t necessary, especially when the allure of parties, bars, or night clubs facilitates easy access between the sexes and countless opportunities for sexual interaction. Statement of Problem Risky sexual behavior on college campuses has been a major concern for decades as the spread of sexually transmitted infections (STI) and AIDS have threatened the health and lives of college students. Recently, however, researchers are finding that hookup behaviors may also come with serious emotional and psychological consequences including sexual regret, shame, embarrassment, depression, sexual assault, and rape 3 (Flack et al., 2007; Grello, Welsh, & Harper, 2006; Oswalt, Cameron, & Koob, 2005; Seaman, 2005). Given the many negative physical and psychological outcomes that may emerge from hooking up, the current study investigated various factors and outcomes connected to the behavior, including hookup trends and outcomes, alcohol use, unwanted sex, sexual values, the sexual double standard, and sexual regret. The hookup phenomenon was then examined within the theoretical framework of cognitive dissonance theory. A study conducted by Paul, McManus, and Hayes (2000) reported that 78% of males and females experienced a hookup while in college. The self-reported hookup frequencies suggest that some college students were hooking up on a weekly basis with one or multiple partners. Despite the fact hooking up appears to occur regularly, many studies show that most college students have regrets about one or more of their hookup experiences (Bogle, 2007; Eshbaugh & Gute, 2008; Oswalt et al., 2005; Paul & Hayes, 2002). Regret may combine with emotions such as anger, shame, and embarrassment (Seaman, 2005), or more severe conditions such as depression or other psychological disorders (Grello et al., 2006). In addition, reports of unwanted sex, including accounts of sexual assault or rape, are frequently reported within the context of a sexual hookup experience (Flack et al., 2007). Studies have also shown that hooking up is often a much different experience for males than for females. Females report sexual regret significantly more than men (Oswalt et al. 2005), as well as reporting more anger, shame, embarrassment depression, unwanted sex, sexual assault and rape (Flack et al., 2007; Grello et al., 2006; Oswalt et al., 2005; Seaman, 2005). The startling differences between men and women within hookup culture may be a result of the sexual double standard that still exists in today’s 4 society. Hooking up, even with multiple women, often provides social rewards for men. In stark contrast, hooking up with multiple men often leaves women vulnerable to negative labeling and unfavorable reputations (Bogle, 2007). The sexual double standard is likely to increase sexual regret among females, causing psychological distress that may have an impact on many aspects of their lives. Considering the various negative psychological consequences that may occur after a hookup, this study explored the sexual phenomenon within the theoretical construct of cognitive dissonance theory. Festinger (1957) argued that inconsistency between pairs of cognitions would cause psychological discomfort. This discomfort, or dissonance, may lead to regret and motivate individuals to make inconsistent cognitions consonant through dissonance reduction processes. Exploring what is happening cognitively when a student’s sexual attitudes clash with his or her sexual behaviors provides an explanation as to why students may be experiencing psychological discomfort. In addition, students may also report the use of dissonance reduction strategies, and if so, provide insight as to how students may rationalize their behavior, enabling themselves to continue hooking up throughout college. Based on the investigations of previous studies exploring hookup factors, outcomes, and cognitive dissonance theory, three hypotheses and one research question were explored in this study. Dissonance theory assumes that an inconsistency between pairs of cognitions will cause psychological discomfort known as cognitive dissonance. As a result, hypothesis 1 (H1) predicts that respondents reporting sexual attitudes inconsistent with sexual behaviors will experience some degree of cognitive dissonance. 5 Within dissonance theory, O’Keefe (2007) suggests that regret can be a result of dissonance and can motivate dissonance reduction. Several studies have shown that sexual regret is a common response to the aftermath of a hookup encounter (Bogle, 2007; Eshbaugh & Gute, 2008; Oswalt et al., 2005). Based on the possible relationship between dissonance and regret, hypothesis 2 (H2) predicts post-hookup cognitive dissonance will correlate significantly with reports of sexual regret. In addition, the majority of studies exploring sexual regret show that female respondents are far more likely to report regret or shame after a sexual hookup (Bogle, 2007; Oswalt et al., 2005). Based on these findings, hypothesis 3 (H3) predicts females will experience cognitive dissonance and sexual regret significantly more than men. Finally, dissonance theory assumes that individuals experiencing cognitive dissonance will use dissonance reduction strategies to alleviate the psychological discomfort. This study assumes that college students experiencing cognitive dissonance after a hookup will also report attempts to reduce the dissonance. As a result, research question 1 (RQ1) asks, How will college students experiencing cognitive dissonance after hooking up choose to reduce their dissonance? Purpose of Study and Theoretical Foundation Hookup culture is a complex system set in place for socialization and companionship among college students (Bogle, 2005). However, if hookup culture is such a widely accepted and common fixture to today’s college campus, then why are students experiencing negative emotional consequences? Much of the literature on hooking up focuses on frequencies, predictors, and outcomes of sexual behavior. Paul et al., (2000), 6 one of the first teams of researchers to examine the characteristics and correlates of hookup culture, raised the question, “What role does dissonance play in the predictors of and the experience of hookups” (p. 87)? The present study attempted to address this question by examining hookup behaviors within the theoretical framework of cognitive dissonance theory. Oswalt et al. (2005) found that the most reported reason for sexual regret was that the encounter conflicted with the student’s sexual values. This reveals that college students’ liberal sexual behavior may be in conflict with their more conservative sexual values. As a result, cognitive dissonance theory serves as a guide to our understanding of what may be occurring cognitively after a hookup encounter. This study is able to go beyond the description and outcomes of hookup culture and sexual regret investigated by previous studies. Dissonance theory provides theoretical explanations as to why sexual regret may be occurring and provides the ability to predict what variables may cause psychological discomfort after a hookup experience. Limitations There are important limitations to the study that must be considered when interpreting the results. First, the sample was not random. As a result, Caucasians and heterosexuals were over represented in the sample. It is not possible to draw generalizations about ethnic minorities or non-heterosexual hookup behaviors from the study. In consideration of this limitation, a larger sample size was sought to generate as much diversity as possible. Another implication of a nonrandom sample is the potential for a selection bias. Due to the nature of the topic, it is possible that those experiencing the 7 most amount of dissonance declined participation due to the anxiety of addressing issues that have caused psychological discomfort. In addition, the reliability of the self-reported methodology of dissonance and sexual regret also raises the potential for bias. Based on social constructions of appropriate sexual behavior, males may skew their responses to fit sexual permissiveness norms, and females may skew their responses towards sexual restraint. Despite this limitation, Meston, Heiman, Trapnell, and Paulhus (1998) found that self-reported instruments used under anonymous testing conditions are not typically sensitive to biases based on social influences. Definition of Terms Hookup/Hooking up: A physical and/or sexual behavior that explicitly permits a sexual interaction without romance, commitment, or affection (Glenn & Marquardt, 2001). A hookup can describe kissing to sexual intercourse, occurring between strangers, classmates, acquaintances, or friends. It is not a precursor to a romantic relationship and often occurs after a night of drinking where one or both partners are intoxicated (Bogle, 2007). CHAPTER II REVIEW OF LITERATURE Hookup Culture versus Casual Sex Casual sex behavior among heterosexual college students is a prominent and widely accepted part of campus culture (Paul et al., 2000). Researchers have been investigating the sexual attitudes and behaviors of college students in the past decade as concern over sexually transmitted infections (STI) and the threat of HIV/AIDS have been on the rise. Of particular concern are the multiple high-risk behaviors (e.g., alcohol and drug use) college students engage in that may be connected to risky casual sex encounters (Paul et al., 2000). Paul et al. (2000) define casual sex as “sexual intercourse without commitment or emotional involvement” (p. 76). The term casual sex, however, no longer seems to accurately describe a more complex sexual behavior prevalent on campus. Adolescents and young adults use the term “hooking up” to describe a wider range of sexual involvement and emotional attachment. Researchers have attempted to define this complex cultural phenomenon and the definition has evolved as researchers have taken a closer look at the varying levels of sexual and emotional involvement surrounding a hookup encounter. Paul et al. define a hookup as a “sexual encounter, usually lasting only one night, between two people who are strangers or brief acquaintances. Some physical interaction is typical but may or may not include sexual intercourse” (p. 76). 8 9 Bogle (2005) found this particular definition does not reflect the full range of behavior reported by students. While a hookup may resemble a one-night stand, that is only one possible hookup scenario. A hookup can involve two people who are strangers, acquaintances, or close friends engaging in an array of behaviors including kissing, sexual touching, oral sex, and sexual intercourse. The encounter may happen once or it may happen multiple times (Bogle, 2007). The hookup partners may have no emotional attachment or they may care for each other. In other words, the terms “casual sex” and “hooking up” are not synonymous. Rather, “casual sex” fits under the umbrella term of “hooking up.” Students may use the term hooking up to describe a casual sex encounter resembling Paul et al.’s (2000) definition, but they may also use the term to describe heavy kissing that happens regularly between two friends. Regardless, a common element between the varying circumstances of a hookup is that the physical encounter is not necessarily a precursor to a relationship, and there are no guarantees anything will evolve past a physical or sexual interaction (Bogle, 2007). Hookup Trends and Outcomes Hooking up has become a common practice on college campuses. Respondents from the Paul et al. (2000) study self-reported hookup frequencies that suggest they are hooking up on a weekly basis with one or multiple partners. The risky practice can often produce devastating effects if it results in pregnancy, infection of a sexually transmitted disease, sexual assault, rape, or experiences of emotional trauma from a casual sex or hookup encounter (Paul & Hayes, 2002). Paul et al. conducted one of the largest studies in the northeastern United States. From a random sample of 555 undergraduate 10 students, 78% of males and females reported experiencing a hookup at least once while in college. Of males, 47.5% reported having intercourse during the hookup, compared to 33.3% of females. Nearly half of the hookups (44%) reported happened at Greek socials (parties at fraternity or sorority houses) or other events (Paul et al.). The results of the study indicate that not only is hooking up a common practice, but it is a dominant script in how heterosexual males and females “connect” on campus. Unlike casual sex or onenight stands, the act of hooking up is more than sexual gratification ─ it is a byproduct of a larger culture set in place for socialization and companionship (Bogle, 2005). Bogle (2005) describes possible outcomes after a hookup ranging from exclusive relationships to never seeing each other again. Some students develop a friendship and hook up repeatedly. This is referred to as “friends with benefits” and is defined as a cross-sex relationship where the couple engages in sexual activity, but does not consider the friendship to be romantic (it should be noted that same-sex gay and lesbian couples may experience “friends with benefits” relationships as well) (Hughes, Morrison, & Asada, 2005). Some students begin to date, and in the current context, that means they spend time together outside of the club, bar, or party scene. Dating, at times, evolves into an exclusive relationship. More often, however, Bogle found that hooking up led to “nothing - no ongoing relationship of any sort” (p. 4). Alcohol Use and Unwanted Sex A key element linked to hooking up is alcohol use. As a result, the relationship between the two cannot be ignored. Hooking up on college campuses generally occurs at the end of an evening spent at a party or bar after alcohol has been consumed 11 (Bogle, 2005). The Task Force of the National Advisory Council on Alcohol Abuse and Alcoholism (2002) reports that in the span of two weeks, two out of five college students consumed alcohol in extreme excess within a short period of time, otherwise known as binge drinking. The report revealed that binge drinking is directly associated with highrisk sexual behavior because alcohol impairs information processing and reasoning and heightens the salience of simple cues to action (such as sexual arousal) while blunting the more distal consequences of behavior (such as risk of HIV infection). (p. 7) The report goes on to explain that students who drink are two to three times more likely to have multiple partners. The study conducted by Paul et al. (2000) revealed that 22% of the respondents who reported having sexual intercourse in the context of a hookup felt “out of control” due to alcohol consumption. In fact, alcohol intoxication was one of the most distinguishing predictors of students who engaged in coital hookups. Paul and Hayes (2002) asked 187 participants to describe their hookup experiences. Thirty-two percent of the respondents reported that drinking alcohol was the main factor leading to their hookup experiences. Other factors included flirting/attraction (43%), hanging out and talking (30%), attending parties (20.5%), dancing (10%), and a friend’s arrangement (5%) (p. 645). Kalish (2003) hypothesized that the “relationship between the parties, location, use of alcohol, and campus social capital increase the likelihood of engaging in penetrative sexual behaviors” (p. 1). The results of Kalish’s study indicated that one of the most significant variables of a hookup was “beer drinking.” Bogle (2008) poses that a hookup may not always be due to alcohol intoxication, rather, students may also be abusing alcohol in order to hook up. Alcohol reduces 12 inhibitions, increases courage, and alleviates anxiety which makes the social pressures of hookup culture easier to navigate. Bogle also found that alcohol may be used to justify behavior. “If students regret their choices later, or have misgivings about going too far, they can tell themselves and others: ‘I was drunk’” (p. 3). This implies that students find alcohol to be a suitable excuse to avoid responsibility from any negative consequence that may emerge from a sexual hookup encounter. An alarming outcome to alcohol abuse is the heightened threat of unwanted sex or a sexual assault. For many students, this may lead to shame that later evolves into regret or other more severe psychological consequences. A sexual interaction is considered unlawful if one or both of the parties is unable to consent to sex, including situations where someone is unable to consent due to intoxication (Bogle, 2005). The Task Force of the National Advisory Council on Alcohol Abuse and Alcoholism (2002) reported that 40% of college students surveyed indicated regular use of alcohol, noting serious consequences including sexual assault and victimization. In fact, some female college students reported that while under the influence, it was easier to give in to a sexually coercive male than to resist his advances. In the first study of unwanted sexual experiences in hookup culture, researchers defined unwanted sex as “a general concept that includes sexual assault or rape, but may also incorporate any behavior involving sexual contact experienced as harmful or regretful during or following the incident” (Flack et al., 2007, p. 140). The study indicated that 23% of women and 7% of men reported experiencing an unwanted sexual encounter. Seventy-eight percent of all unwanted sex (vaginal, anal, and oral) took place during a hookup. Flack et al. (2007) reported that “judgment impaired by alcohol and 13 drugs” was the most frequently cited reason for unwanted sex (62.2%). Other frequently reported reasons were “happened before I could stop it” (37.8%), “taken advantage of because I was wasted” (32.4%), “thought I wanted it at the time” (32.4%), and “easier to go along with it than cause trouble” (24.3%). The results of the study supported the hypothesis that “hooking up is a risk factor for unwanted intercourse” (Flack et al., p. 147). Sexual and Relationship Values In addition to alcohol, the likelihood of a hookup occurring may also depend on the student’s sexual values. One’s sexual values often dictate how he or she will behave sexually outside and within committed relationships. Sexual values may also serve as a compass as to how one perceives acceptable or unacceptable sexual behavior and may enable or prevent hookup encounters. However, if students make sexual decisions contradicting their value set, sexual values may be the driving force to a negative psychological reaction after a hookup encounter. In contrast, more liberal sexual values may enable a student to experiment freely with his or her sexuality without negative psychological consequences. Sexual values often develop within the home, or with the guidance of a parent or parental figure. However, religion, peer influence, and society also play a major role in the development of sexual values, especially during emerging adulthood (the period from the late teens to mid-20s). Knox, Cooper, and Zuzman (2001) measured the sexual values of unmarried undergraduates by determining the value system that may be responsible for guiding the decisions students make regarding their sexual choices. Participants answered 14 a questionnaire that revealed the value system that most represented their beliefs on sexual behavior. Knox et al. (2001) define sexual values in terms of absolutism, relativism, and hedonism. Absolutism reflects a belief in abstinence until marriage and/or and abidance of religious or moral codes, which dictate what is right or wrong. Relativism represented the belief that sexual activity should depend on the nature of the relationship and how two people feel about one another. Hedonism represented the belief that sex is always acceptable as long as it is between two consenting adults. Knox et al. (2001) sampled 620 never married undergraduates at a large southeastern university. The results of the study showed that 80% of both women and men reported relativistic sexual values more than hedonism and absolutism. However, 18.7% of males identified as hedonistic, compared to only 3.6% of women. Females reported absolutist values more frequently at 11.9%, compared to males at 8.3%. The results of this study show that while both men and women share dominant relativistic values, men may be more likely to hold hedonistic values and women more absolutistic. In a similar study with a sample of 783 undergraduate students, men and women reported relativism as the dominant sexual value at 62.1%. Hedonism followed at 24.6% and absolutism at 13.4%. Again, men were significantly more hedonistic at 36.7%, compared to women at 12.5%. Women were more absolutist at 15.1%, compared to men at 11.6% (Richey, Knox, & Zusman, 2009). The results of these two studies reveal that most college students believe sex should remain within in the context of a relationship, reflecting relativistic sexual values. However, research also reveals that most students are regularly engaging in hookup 15 behaviors (Oswalt et al., 2005). This suggests that some, if not most, of the students hooking up are doing so despite the fact it contradicts with their sexual values. In a study examining relationship values, Meier, Hull, and Ortyl (2009) sampled 49,897 young adults from across the nation and found that nearly all the participants adhered to the “dominant relationship values inherent in the romantic love ideology” (p. 510). In other words, participants rated love, faithfulness, and lifelong commitment as extremely important for marriage or long-term relationships. Despite the high rating by both sexes, there were differences, as the romantic love ideology was more predominant for females than for males. Females valued love at 91.15%, faithfulness at 93.36%, and lifelong commitment at 82.79%, compared to males who rated love at 76.39%, faithfulness at 85.02%, and lifelong commitment at 71.43%. It is important to note that all of the participants in the Meier et al. study were in middle school through high school. Unless there are dramatic changes within their family or personal life that could influence their belief system, they are likely to carry their relationship values with them if they attend college. Once immersed in a collegiate hookup culture which emphasizes sex more and relationships less, it is important to consider that heterosexual undergraduate students may be experiencing conflict between their relationship values, sexual values, and the widely accepted hookup culture on campus. Alternatively, some college students may not apply their relationship values with hookup behaviors, as most students are aware that hookup encounters rarely indicate a relationship will form (Bogle, 2005). In other words, one may hold a romantic love ideology but not invoke these values in their decisions to engage in hookup behaviors as they do not consider the encounter to be related to a romantic relationship. 16 In addition to sexual values and relationship values, religiosity is another important element to understanding a student’s hookup behaviors or a student’s level of regret after a hookup encounter. Oswalt et al. (2005) identified four reasons for sexual regret and the most common response was “participants’ decisions were inconsistent with their values” (37%). In measuring sexual regret and casual sex, Eshbaugh and Gute (2008) found that religious participants were more likely to report regret than nonreligious participants. It is important to discuss, however, that religious affiliation is not an accurate predictor of hookup behavior. Brudette, Ellison, Hill, and Glenn (2009) conducted a study to examine the impact of both individual religious beliefs and institutional religious involvement on hookup behaviors. In-depth telephone interviews were conducted with a sample consisting of 1,000 female college students. According to the authors, the results of the analysis reveal important patterns. First, Catholic women were four times more likely to hook up than women with no religious affiliation. In fact, Catholic affiliation increased the odds of hooking up by 72%. Second, conservative Protestant college women were far less likely to experience a hookup than those with no religious affiliation. The results can be explained by church attendance. College women who attended church services regularly were far less likely to hook up than those who did not, and Protestant college women reported attending church services at a much higher rate than other college women. Brudette et al. propose the results imply that students who attend church services regularly most likely have religious networks that may influence sexual behavior while in college. In contrast, Catholic college women in the study were 17 less likely to report attending regular religious services. The authors found that, unlike Protestant churches, Catholic churches invest few resources in youth ministry and education. Brudette et al. state that “this lack of spiritual nurturing may lead some Catholics to rebel against the normative constraints of the Church” (p. 545). The results of this study, as well as religiosity variables measured in the Oswalt et al. (2005) and Eshbaugh and Gute (2008) studies, reveal that religiosity is another important element to understanding sexual values, and, as such, hookup behaviors on college campuses. Sexual Double Standard A consistent finding across all studies measuring hookup behaviors and sexual/relationship values lies in the differences reported by heterosexual men and women. The results of the studies on sexual values show that there are differences between the sexes. While both men and women are more likely to report relativistic attitudes, as mentioned previously, men report hedonistic values more than women and women report absolutism more than men. These differences may be a result of society’s sexual double standard. There is a perception that hooking up is an equally acceptable practice for both male and female college students, however, Seaman (2005) found the behavior seems to have an unsettling effect for women. Seaman, a reporter for Time magazine, participated in ethnographic research for two years to uncover the real story of college life today compared to the tumultuous late 1960s. He was granted access to live with students in residence halls across North America, usually 12 weeks at a time, at 13 different colleges and universities. Seaman interviewed students as well as faculty and staff and 18 found that as women gain more collegiate success and honors, their stress levels are raising with the higher achievements and expectations. Many women are now abusing alcohol as frequently as men and “demanding equal access to sexual gratification and freedom from the bonds of commitment to a relationship” (p. 50). This shift in female sexual attitudes is more in line with male sexual attitudes, however, it hasn’t created an equal experience for the sexes. According to Seaman, at this point in our cultural revolution, women still haven’t reached sexual equality and find themselves caught between “old traditions and new expectations” (p. 50). These conflicting dynamics are creating a confusing environment for today’s female college students. Seaman wrote that many women reported feelings of anger or shame, or felt incomplete or unsatisfied by casual sexual encounters. Many felt compelled to gain information about the male in order to build some sort of relational bond. The ambiguous nature of the hookup caused women to attempt to “legitimize the hook up so as not to leave the encounter undefined” (p. 46). This suggests an unsettling reaction by the female to an experience that is supposed to be considered a widely accepted and socially encouraged practice among her peers. Oswalt et al. (2005) found that 72% of the sexually active college students in their sample regretted at least one sexual encounter. However, their study also indicated that there are clear sex differences showing that women were more likely to report sexual regret of action (engaging in a sexual act) ,whereas men were more likely to report regrets of inaction (wishing they had engaged in a sexual act). Consistent with these results, Paul and Hayes (2002) asked participants to report their feelings after a typical 19 hookup. The researchers found that women were more likely to ruminate about a hookup and experience shame, while men were more likely to report feeling satisfied. In the same vein, Bogle (2007) conducted in-depth interviews in order to investigate the sexual double standard occurring within hookup culture. The sample included 76 college students and young alumni from two northeastern universities. Upon first entering college, Bogle (2007) found that both men and women prefer to be single and enjoy the party/hookup scene as a way of experimenting and discovering what is available relationally and sexually. After the first year of college, however, women “became increasingly relationship-oriented” (p. 5). Some women were still willing to engage in hookup behaviors, but they desired that the hookup evolve into some type of relationship. Bogle’s study supports the findings of Seaman’s (2005) research, where female respondents often desired to follow up with their partner after a hookup to legitimize the encounter. Bogle also found that both men and women were aware of their opposing hookup expectations. Male college students reported being aware of the female’s desire for the hookup to evolve in to a relationship, so they “developed strategies for communicating their lack of interest in pursuing anything further” (p. 6). A common strategy was avoidance, either by not returning calls or making up excuses so as not to meet again. Through several hookup experiences, many female respondents learned not to expect a relationship to develop. Many of the women Bogle spoke to “found that men’s desire to avoid relationships often forced hookup partners to remain just that” (p. 7). Some female respondents indicated that they continued to hook up despite their unfulfilled expecta- 20 tions, but often stopped hooking up with a partner when they found that the male began to speak to, or hook up with, other females (Bogle). Bogle argues that men have far more freedom to be sexually active within hookup culture: “For women who are active participants, the hook up system is fraught with pitfalls that can lead them to being labeled a ‘slut’” (p. 9). The data collected from the interviews revealed that women were labeled negatively if they hooked up too often, went too far during an initial hook up, hooked up during the same semester with guys that were friends or fraternity brothers, or conducted themselves in an overtly sexual manner (in terms of their style of dress, etc.) at social gatherings where hooking up was possible. (p. 9) The hookup culture that both men and women embrace and enjoy when they first arrive at college ends up having far more negative consequences for females. The sexual double standard “leads to an environment where women need relationships to protect their reputations” (p. 9). Sex differences and consequences of hooking up may be explained by gender role social constructions. Within hookup culture, both sexes may be acting out and responding to gender role expectations set by society. Male and female sex is considered an innate, biological dichotomy, whereas “gender is a socially derived, complex system of values and behavioral expectations” (Metts, 2006, p. 26). Simply stated, gender is considered fluid and socially constructed whereas biological sex is not (Metts). Dating is considered to be a socially scripted relationship sequence constructed for mate selection, and men and women go about this selection process differently. In general, men look for attractiveness as a proxy for fertility, whereas women look for personality characteristics, status, power, and financial security (Metts). Metts 21 poses, “the stereotypical masculine gender role in relationship initiation is characterized by control and proactive moves and the feminine counterpart by submission and reactive moves” (p. 27). When it comes to first date sex, “women link sexual intimacy more closely to emotional intimacy than do men” as a result of the socially constructed double standard (p. 31). In other words, traditional dating scripts socialize men to desire frequent sexual encounters with multiple partners, whereas women are socialized to desire sexual experiences within monogamous relationships (Sprecher et al., 1998). Despite evidence that hookup scripts are a reversal to dating scripts (Bogle, 2005), women must still battle the western sociocultural expectation that a sexual experience is not acceptable outside of marriage, while it is a reinforced aspect of masculinity for their male partners (Paul & Hayes, 2002). Milhausen and Herold (1999) conducted a qualitative study measuring college women’s perceptions of the sexual double standard. Of the 165 women interviewed, 95% reported that they believed a societal sexual double standard exists. Forty-nine percent reported that they perceived the double standard as women being harshly labeled and penalized for having multiple sexual partners. Comments included “women have to be careful not to ruin their reputations” (p. 364). Forty-eight percent believed men were rewarded for having multiple sexual partners. Comments included “guys are admired by their peers” and “encouraged by their friends” (p. 364). Ten percent indicated that women are not encouraged to enjoy sex for pleasure. One respondent commented, “Culturally speaking, women have been restricted into thinking that their sexual needs are not as important as men’s and that [sex] is disgusting” (p. 364). Nine percent agreed with the sexual double standard that, indeed, it is more natural for men to seek sex for pleasure. 22 One respondent commented, “Naturally, men seem to have a stronger (less controllable) sex drive, and act upon it” (p. 364). While almost every female respondent reported that a societal sexual double standard exists, most believed women enforced the double standard more than men. The majority of respondents reported that women judge women more harshly for promiscuous behavior than do men (Milhausen & Herold). This particular study reveals that while women feel oppressed under the sexual double standard, women are essentially oppressing themselves, and each other. Eshbaugh and Gute (2008) pose that the differences in regret between sexes may be explained from an evolutionary perspective. Since females are the ones who are impregnated, they have a higher parental investment and seek males that offer good genes, resources, and security. As a result, a long-term mating strategy is most useful. Men, theoretically, are able to escape the responsibilities of pregnancy and impregnate multiple women, therefore seeking multiple females who are healthy and fertile for reproduction. Buss (1998) argues, Because men and women differ in minimum obligatory parental investment, men devote a larger proportion of their total mating effort than do women to short-term mating. To produce a single child, women must undergo the burdens of a nine-month gestation, which is costly in time, energy, opportunity costs, increased vulnerability, and risk during childbirth. This is the minimum investment, and it is obligatory. Men’s minimum obligatory investment is a single act of sexual intercourse. (p. 22) Males often invest much more, of course, but the fact still remains that a man can impregnate multiple women, resulting in a higher number of children, whereas a female can have intercourse with hundreds of men and still only produce one child. As a result, Buss (1989) argues that a male’s desire for short-term mating may be out of an effort to not be out-produced by other men. So, they must solve the 23 following problems to succeed: (a) partner number, (b) identification of sexually accessible women, (c) identification of fertile women, and (d) minimal commitment and investment. It is obvious that if men are engaging in short-term mating, women are too. However, from an evolutionary perspective, Buss poses that women engage in short-term mating for different reasons. Women need (a) immediate resources for themselves and their offspring; (b) mate insurance or “alternatives” should their regular mate become injured, die, or leave the relationship; and (c) genetic benefits through mating with superior men. Regardless of whether the sexual double standard emerges from centuries of social construction or centuries of evolution, the fact still remains that women navigating the present hookup culture are battling a system that does not accept female participation as it does male participation. Campus hookup culture can only thrive if females are active participants, however, female sexual hookup behavior is not viewed as positively as it is for men. The system encourages female participation, while simultaneously punishing those who are active within it. Motivation for Sexual Conformity As discussed earlier, hooking up is more than just sexual gratification ─ it is a byproduct of a larger culture set in place for socialization and companionship (Bogle, 2005). If navigated properly, engaging in hookup behaviors may have many social rewards for both men and women. Students anticipate positive consequences such as heightened social status and, therefore, anticipate heightened self-esteem and selfconfidence (Paul & Hayes, 2002). It is the socialization that occurs within hookup culture 24 that may heavily influence an individual’s decision to engage in risky casual sex behaviors. By the time students reach emerging adulthood, they may find themselves engaging in higher rates of risk-taking behavior such as casual and unprotected sex (Arnett, 2000). This is due to this period in their lives being primarily a time of selfexploration where a desire to have several differing experiences before settling down into the responsibilities of adulthood is most prevalent. For many students attending and residing at universities, most of the time is spent with friends, where they experience much more face-to-face time with their peers than their parents (Lefkowitz, Boone, & Shearer, 2004). This daily peer interaction leads to the desire to form intimate relationships where social identification and influence runs high. A study conducted by Mewhinney, Herold, and Maticka-Tyndale (1995) found that a common reason reported by students for engaging in sexual hookup encounters on spring break was the perceived normative acceptance. Early psychological studies found that there is a need for individuals to be accepted by a group of which they desire to be a part, and that they learn to conform in order to be socially accepted by their peers (Argyle, 1957). Research on conformity and social pressure shed light on the potential impact a social group will have on a student’s sexual attitudes and behaviors. Paul and Hayes (2002) discovered that an individual’s dependence on their friends’ liberal sexual opinions and advice has an influence on their own sexual choices. Once more, college students with low self-esteem may look for cues and validation from outside sources (Spitzberg, Kam, & Roesch, 2005) and be highly influenced by the opinions and ideals of others. This approval-based conformity is known as normative influence 25 (Deutsch & Gerard, 1955). It involves individuals going along with the group, or mimicking group behaviors in order to be more liked within their social network (Griskevicius et al., 2006). According to a classic study by Asch (1956), people were more likely to conform, not because they were in agreement, but because it was easier than facing the consequences of going against the group. Normative influence can be powerful, as often times those going against the group will be rejected or ridiculed (Griskevicius et al., 2006). These early concepts of social influence speak to how a student may be influenced by their social group to adhere to the sexual behaviors and attitudes of their peers. According to research by Lefkowitz et al. (2004), students with conservative sexual attitudes felt less comfortable talking about sexual behaviors and feelings than their more liberal counterparts. This lack of comfort could be due to their attitudes not fitting in with campus sexual “norms,” as well as when comparing their experiences with that of their social group. Lefkowitz et al. (2004) state that “it is likely that there is bidirectionality; students influence each other’s behaviors through their conversations, while at the same time, their conversations reflect their experiences” (p. 348). This discomfort of not being able to relate sexually to their social group is reflected in a narrative study by Beausang (2000) where a student reported Most of my friends were having sex and I with an exception of two friends were not. We were known as the “virgins.” Most of my friends would sit around and talk about their sexual experiences and I would just sit there quietly just taking it all in. Sometimes I felt inferior to my friends because I hadn’t had sex yet . . . sometimes I would get so frustrated that I wanted to just have sex so that I would get it over with and I wouldn’t be labeled a virgin anymore. (p. 184) 26 The female’s desire to be a part of this conversation rather than be an outsider reveals a desire to identify with her peers. Her desire is so strong, in fact, it causes her to consider losing her virginity to be rid of the virgin label that separates her from her friends. Theoretical perspectives such as normative influence and conformity show that social influence, even in deviant behavior, is a very real aspect of the interpersonal human experience (Lefkowitz et al., 2004). But how does this relate to the current hookup culture on college campuses? The importance of understanding the multiple layers of hookup culture is the first step towards addressing three large student issues on campus: alcohol abuse, sexual assaults, and the spread of STIs. However, it is also important to understand the effect hooking up has in this context because of emotional and psychological considerations, such as shame, regret, and embarrassment. Sexual Regret Regret is an emotion often experienced when an individual feels they have caused harm to themselves (intrapersonal) or to others (interpersonal) (Zeelenberg & Breugelmans, 2008). Many of today’s college students use the word regret to describe how they feel about one or more of their hookup experiences (Bogle, 2007; Eshbaugh & Gute, 2008; Oswalt et al., 2005; Paul & Hayes, 2002). In a study reviewing college women’s bad hookup and rape scripts, Littleton et al. (2009) discovered that 56.9% of the women reporting bad hookups experienced negative psychological and social consequences. Many of the females interviewed said the hookup was a result of manipulation (69%) or alcohol consumption (69%). As a result, many experienced shame, embarrassment, or regret following the encounter. Oswalt et al. (2005) found that 72% of sampled 27 sexually active college students regretted at least one sexual encounter. Similarly, the study by Paul and Hayes (2002) asked participants to report their feelings after a typical hookup. The most common response was “regretful or disappointed (35%)” (p. 648). Females were more likely to ruminate about a hookup and experience shame, while men were more likely to report feeling satisfied. The study also revealed that during a typical hookup, a majority of students reported “feeling good, aroused or excited,” as opposed to only 8% that reported feelings of regret or embarrassment (p. 645). However, when asked to report feelings after a hookup, the most common response was regret and disappointment (35%) (Paul & Hayes, 2002). In a similar study, Eshbaugh and Gute (2008) surveyed 152 female participants to investigate female casual sex and sexual regret. The results of their study confirmed that hooking up was a predictor of sexual regret among women. The results indicated that engaging in sexual intercourse once and only once and engaging in intercourse with someone known for less than 24 hours were the best predictors of sexual regret. The results also show that religious participants were more likely to report regret than nonreligious. The concept of conflict due to sexual values is also revealed from the results of a study by Oswalt et al. (2005). They identified four reasons for sexual regret; the most common response was “participants’ decisions were inconsistent with their values” (37%) (p. 666). In a report for the Independent Woman’s Forum focused on hookup culture and its effect on college women, Glenn and Marquardt (2001) conducted in-depth interviews in the U.S. with 62 undergraduate women on 11 college campuses. In addition, the researchers held telephone interviews with a national sample of 1,000 unmarried hetero- 28 sexual undergraduate women. Many of the college women interviewed for the study shared a wide variety of feelings after hooking up. Most women felt awkward (64%) or confused (57%) because they weren’t sure if the encounter would lead to a relationship. They worried about the possibility of running into their hookup partner on campus and having to “pretend” an intimate encounter hadn’t occurred between them (Glenn & Marquardt). In addition, 44% reported feeling disappointed and some felt empty (27%) or exploited (23%) after the sexual encounter (Glenn & Marquardt). Some college students also experience depression as a result of casual sex behavior (Grello et al., 2006). One study focused on the nature of casual sex on campus and a portion of the study was dedicated to understanding the psychological functioning of casual sex. From a sample of 404 undergraduate students, Grello et al. found that the females who reported the highest levels of depressive symptomatology were also the most likely to have engaged in casual sex. For females, as their sexual partners increased over the course of the year, so did their symptoms of depression. Those with the highest number of sexual partners suffered depression pathology symptoms the most. In contrast, the males who reported the lowest levels of depressive symptoms were also most likely to have had casual sex. In addition, males and females who had feelings of regret about a casual sex encounter had more symptoms of depression than those who did not have regrets (Grello et al.). It’s important to note that Grello et al. focused on casual sex behaviors that may or may not reflect hookup behaviors. Hookups that are physical interactions, but do not include sexual interactions, are not reflected in the data. 29 The Present Study College students are in an environment where hooking up is a campus norm and is viewed positively. Despite this, students still report conflicting emotions after sexual encounters, including anger and shame (Seaman, 2005). College students are stuck between two opposing social forces: a college campus that is conducive to hooking up and a larger society that disproves of casual sex and hookup behaviors, especially for women (Esbaugh & Gute, 2009; Paul et al., 2000). The goal of this study was to explore this particular phenomenon in greater depth. First-year students may be coming to campus with a set of values and ideals about sexual behavior learned from their families, churches, and social networks. It is likely that upon arrival to campus, many may be swept up into the campus culture and social norms, including excessive alcohol consumption and casual “hookup” sexual behavior. As a result of their sexual behaviors conflicting with their sexual values and attitudes, the present study sought to examine this hookup behavior within the theoretical framework of cognitive dissonance. Given the many negative consequences that may occur after a hookup, exploring what is happening cognitively when a student’s sexual attitudes clashes with his or her sexual behaviors provides an explanation as to why students may be experiencing psychological discomfort. As a result, the distress of dissonance may lead to feelings of sexual regret or depressive symptoms. Students may then report the use of dissonance reduction strategies in order to cope with their dissonance, providing insight as to how students may rationalize their behavior, enabling them to continue hooking up throughout college. 30 Cognitive Dissonance Theory Over 40 years ago, Festinger (1957) introduced the theory of cognitive dissonance. Festinger argued that inconsistency between pairs of cognitions will cause psychological discomfort. This discomfort, known as cognitive dissonance, will motivate us to make our inconsistent cognitions consistent by utilizing dissonance reduction strategies. Dissonance theory is an attitude theory based on the concept of cognitive consistency. More specifically, the theory is concerned with the relationship among cognitive elements. Cognitive elements are our attitudes, beliefs, opinions, or bits of knowledge we possess (O’Keefe, 2002). Three possible relationships may exist between our cognitions. One example would be cognitions that are irrelevant to one another. For instance, a college student’s cognition that they enjoy drinking alcohol at parties is irrelevant to their belief that tuition will be raised next year. A second possible relationship between cognitions is that they are consistent or consonant. For instance, the cognition that one enjoys drinking alcohol at parties is consistent or consonant with the cognition that drinking at a party will help to make new friends. A final relationship between cognitions is inconsistency or dissonance. The student’s positive attitude towards drinking at a party would be inconsistent or dissonant with their belief that drinking alcohol could also cause them to act in embarrassing or regretful ways in front of their new friends. At the crux of cognitive dissonance theory lies the idea that persons will seek to maximize psychological consistency (consonance) between cognitive elements and will experience psychological discomfort if there are inconsistencies (dissonance). The magnitude of psychological discomfort caused by dissonance depends on the importance of the cognitive elements and the ratio of consonant to dissonant elements. Cognitions are 31 not always binary ─ in fact, an attitude may have clusters of both consonant and dissonant cognitions (O’Keefe, 2002). For instance, college students may enjoy drinking alcohol at parties because it alleviates anxiety, releases inhibitions, and enables them to make social connections more easily. However, one may also believe that drinking at parties may result in risky sexual behaviors he or she would not partake in if sober. The amount of dissonance experienced depends on the relative size of the two clusters (O’Keefe). If drinking at parties brings substantial social rewards and the negative consequences seem minimal in comparison, then the consonant elements outnumber the dissonant elements and less dissonance is experienced. However, if the individual also has absolutist or relativistic sexual values and drinking alcohol at parties increases the likelihood that they will engage in sexual acts with strangers or brief acquaintances ─ the dissonant elements may outnumber the consonant elements and the psychological distress of dissonance will increase. According to Festinger (1957), individuals experiencing cognitive dissonance will become motivated to alleviate the discomfort by attempting to reduce the cognitive discrepancy. Festinger believed that humans are not “rational” beings, rather, humans “rationalize” behavior. One way to rationalize inconsistency between attitudes and behaviors is to utilize dissonance reduction strategies. Festinger (1975) identified three methods of reducing dissonance: The first is modification of an attitude or behavior (attitudinal or behavioral change). For instance, the college student who enjoys drinking alcohol at parties, but also believes drinking causes one to behave in embarrassing or regretful ways, may choose to change his or her attitude towards the consequences. They may decide that being intoxicated doesn’t cause embarrassing behavior ─ rather their 32 behavior is funny, entertaining, and well received by their peers. Alternatively, they may decide to change their behavior and limit, or even stop, the amount of alcohol consumed to avoid engaging in behaviors they may later regret. The second reduction strategy is the addition or deletion of cognitive elements related to the attitude (adding new behaviors or attitudes that are consistent with past behaviors or attitudes or deleting those that are inconsistent). Instead of changing their attitude, students may add a consonant element and decide that hooking up with someone at the end of a party will elevate self-esteem and social status. Therefore, the dissonant cognition that alcohol will cause them to do something they may later regret is outweighed by the consonant attitude that drinking is necessary to release inhibitions and provide the “liquid courage” that will help them achieve their social and sexual goals. The third reduction strategy is the minimization of the importance of one or more dissonant elements (trivialization). Students’ fear that drinking may cause regretful behavior can be minimized by convincing themselves that everyone at the party is drinking and behaving in the same ways. By normalizing the behaviors, the student is able to devalue the dissonant cognition and perhaps reduce dissonance. Like all good theories, dissonance theory has not remained static. Aronson (1968) was the first to argue that dissonance is not simply aroused by inconsistent attitudes and behaviors, rather the cognition of “self” must be activated for one to experience cognitive dissonance (Cooper, 1999). More specifically, one’s behavior must cause he or she to feel personally responsible for an aversive event. It is the personal experience, the perception of self in relation to an adverse event, that propels dissonance reduction. Cooper (1999) states “that is why the consequence, the unwanted result of the person’s 33 behavior, is so critical in driving the dissonance engine. It is the essential ingredient, the primary reason for people engaging in the effort of dissonance reduction” (p. 151). Perception of self combined with choice and responsibility for aversive consequences creates an unexpected, but important, consideration for the phenomenon of regret to emerge from cognitive dissonance. If we have inconsistent cognitions after we make a decision to behave in a particular way, we will experience psychological discomfort (cognitive dissonance). This discomfort my cause reflection on alternative behavioral choices, and, as such, lead to regret of the specific behavioral choice. The experience of regret will motivate dissonance reduction (O’Keefe, 2002). Regret does not always occur immediately after a decision has been made. On some occasions, regret may not occur until much later. For instance, a female may not experience regret after a hookup until she realizes that the encounter will not lead to a relationship. Once she makes the realization that her behavior had an aversive consequence (no romantic relationship), she may regret the hookup if her behavior was inconsistent with her sexual values. Regret may also cause focused attention on the dissonant cognitions associated with the choice. The undesirable aspects of the choice (i.e., becoming intoxicated and having sex with someone they just met) are pitted against the desirable aspects of the options not chosen (i.e., abstaining from alcohol and making wise sexual choices), causing regret to emerge. The individual begins to engage in dissonance reduction strategies by evaluating the alternative options he or she could have chosen differently, alleviating psychological discomfort. It appears, then, that regret may be a precursor as well as a motivational ingredient in dissonance reduction (O’Keefe, 2002). 34 Despite many studies investigating the effects of hooking up on campus, sexual regret, and cognitive dissonance, very little research has examined post-hookup regret in the context of dissonance theory. Several studies have confirmed that many college students have experienced regret after one or more hookup experiences (Bogle, 2007; Eshbaugh & Gute, 2008; Oswalt et al., 2005). If regret often emerges after experiencing cognitive dissonance and acts as motivation to dissonance reduction (O’Keefe, 2002), it is reasonable to assume that many of the college students reporting sexual regret are experiencing it as a result of cognitive dissonance. The psychological discomfort may cause them to reduce their dissonance by (a) changing their attitudes on hooking up, casual sex, or hookup culture in general, (b) changing their hooking up or party behaviors, (c) adding or deleting cognitive elements related to the attitude/behavior, or (d) trivializing their sexual choices by devaluing their initial attitudes on sexual behavior and hooking up. One of the few studies reporting on cognitive dissonance and sexual behavior sought to report the type of dissonance experienced and reduction strategies used by Christian lesbians. Mahaffy (1996) found that 38% of respondents reported dissonance between their religious beliefs and their identity as a lesbian. Respondents reduced their dissonance by changing their attitudes (believing God made them who they are and, therefore, accepts their sexual orientation), changing their behaviors (leaving the church), and trivializing (reporting that the bible was written by man, not God, so views on sexual immorality are not a reflection of God’s acceptance). While this particular study does not contribute to our understanding of heterosexual hookup behavior among college students, 35 it does reveal that when sexual values and attitudes are dissonant with sexual behavior, cognitive dissonance and, therefore, dissonance reduction can occur. Based on previous studies exploring campus hookup culture, sexual regret, and cognitive dissonance, three hypotheses and one research question were explored in this study. Dissonance theory assumes that an inconsistency between pairs of cognitions will cause psychological discomfort known as cognitive dissonance. As a result, H1 predicts that respondents reporting sexual attitudes inconsistent with sexual behaviors will experience some degree of cognitive dissonance. Within dissonance theory, O’Keefe (2007) suggests that regret can be a result of dissonance and can motivate dissonance reduction. Several studies have shown that sexual regret is a common response to the aftermath of a hookup encounter (Bogle, 2007; Eshbaugh & Gute, 2008; Oswalt et al., 2005). Based on the possible relationship between dissonance and regret, H2 predicts post-hookup cognitive dissonance will correlate significantly with reports of sexual regret. In addition, the majority of studies exploring sexual regret show that female respondents are far more likely to report regret or shame after a sexual hookup (Bogle, 2007; Oswalt et al., 2005). Based on these findings, H3 predicts females will experience cognitive dissonance and sexual regret significantly more than men. Finally, dissonance theory assumes that individuals experiencing cognitive dissonance will use dissonance reduction strategies to alleviate the psychological discomfort. This study assumes that college students experiencing cognitive dissonance after a hookup will also report attempts to reduce the dissonance. As a result, RQ1 asks, How will college students experiencing cognitive dissonance after hooking up choose to reduce their dissonance? CHAPTER III METHOD Participants Students living in residence halls were solicited to participate in the study through recruitment at residence hall meetings at a mid-sized residential university in the western United States. Students were invited to participate if they were over 18 years old. Participation was voluntary; no compensation was provided. Out of all the returned questionnaires, nine were discarded because of incomplete or missing data. The final sample consisted of 134 males and 158 females (N = 292). Participants ranged in age from 18 to 22 years old, with a mean age of 18 (SD = 1.4) for both males and females. As far as class level, 89% of participants were first-year students, 5% second-year, 5% third-year, and 2% fourth-year students. Collectively, the sample was 71% Caucasian, 15% Hispanic, 6% Asian or Pacific Islander, and 3% African American. In terms of sexual orientation, 96% of participants reported being heterosexual, 2% homosexual, 2% bi-sexual, and 1% unknown. Procedure At the end of the residence hall meetings, students were invited to complete the questionnaire. Participants were given a packet containing a cover letter with instructions, a consent form, and the questionnaire. Completed questionnaires were then placed 36 37 in a secure box, identifiable only by code numbers. Participants were instructed not to write their names on any of the study materials. Measures Hookup Questionnaire and Sexual Behaviors were assessed by a two-item hookup questionnaire (Paul et al., 2000) and an eight-item sexual behavior questionnaire adapted from Eshbaugh and Gute (2008). The hookup questionnaire provided participants with a definition of a “hookup,” as defined by Paul et al. (2000), that was expanded to consider Bogle’s (2005) additions to the definition. Participants were asked to respond to two items on hookup behaviors, based on the definition provided. The sexual behavior section asked participants about their sexual practices including (a) age of first intercourse, (b) number of intercourse partners in the first year, and (c) number of oral sex partners in the last year. Sexual Attitudes was determined by using the permissiveness scale extracted from a multidimensional Sexual Attitudes scale (S. Hendrick & C. Hendrick, 1987). The permissiveness scale consists of 21 items measured on a five-point interval scale ranging from “strongly disagree” to “strongly agree.” Example items include “Casual sex is acceptable,” “It is possible to enjoy sex with a person and not like them very much,” and “Sex without love is meaningless.” The reliability for this scale was α = .87 for males and α = .81 for females. Religiosity was determined by using measures from the Lefkowitz, Gillen, Shearer, and Boone (2004) study. Frequency of attendance at religious services was assessed by asking participants to report the number of times they attended religious 38 services during the past 12 months. Religion in daily life and religious adherence were determined using an eight-item measure. Example items include “Which of the following statements comes closest to your belief about God?” with responses ranging from 1 (“I am sure that God exists and that he is active in my life”) to 5 (“I don’t believe in a personal God or higher power”), and “When you have a serious personal problem how often do you take religious advice or teaching in to consideration?”, with responses ranging from 1 (almost always) to 5 (never). In addition, four different sex-related domains using birth control, premarital sex, extramarital sex, and abortion were assessed. Respondents were asked to indicate on a five-point scale the extent to which they followed religious beliefs in these various sex-related domains, with response categories ranging from 1 (not at all) to 5 (very closely) (Lefkowitz et al., 2004). The reliability for this scale was α = .89 for males and α = .90 for females. Sexual Regret was measured using items from Oswalt et al. (2005). Participants were asked to respond to two items. The first item, “Have you ever regretted your decision to engage in sexual activity?”, had response categories ranging from 1 (never) to 5 (always). Participants could choose “not applicable” as an option if they had not engaged sexual activity. The second item asked participants to choose reasons for their regret from an available list. Oswalt et al. (2005) developed eight regret options from previous discussions with students. Example options include “Felt pressure from partner,” “Disagreed with morals and values,” and “Wanted to wait until marriage” (Oswalt et al.). Cognitive Dissonance was measured using a four-item scale created to determine magnitude of dissonance. The scale was adapted for purposes of this study. Influ- 39 enced by the Mahaffy (1996) study determining if Christian lesbians experienced dissonance between their sexuality and religious beliefs, open-ended questions were used to measure the magnitude of dissonance between participants’ attitudes and hookup behaviors. Example items include Have you experienced tension between your beliefs and values about sex and a hookup experience you engaged in while in college? If no, you are finished with the survey. Otherwise, please describe why you think you felt tension between your sexual values and sexual behaviors. The responses were then coded in terms of magnitude of dissonance. Responses including non-sexual physical interactions and/or reported feelings of “awkwardness” after a hookup were coded as 1 (minimal dissonance). Responses where participants desired a relationship and felt rejected or reported feelings of “embarrassment” were coded as 2 (mild dissonance). Responses including statements that sexual behavior was out of character, contradicted their perception of self, as well as responses resisting responsibility (i.e., blaming behavior on alcohol or drug intoxication), were coded as 3 (strong dissonance). Responses including strong feelings of shame, anger, or disappointment in themselves, or reports of behavior directly conflicting with absolutist or relativistic values, were coded as 4 (severe dissonance). Dissonance Reduction Strategies were measured using a three-item scale, also adapted from Mahaffy (1996). The first item asked, “How did you relieve the tension?” Respondents chose from six possible responses. Responses were chosen based on dissonance reduction strategies identified in Festinger’s (1957) cognitive dissonance theory. Responses indicate change of attitude, change of behavior, addition or deletion of cognitive elements, or trivialization. Depending on what response participants chose, they were 40 then directed to open-ended questions. For example, if respondents answered question 1 (“I changed my feelings/opinions about hooking up and sex”), they were directed to question 1b (How did your feelings/opinions change about hooking up and sex?”). CHAPTER IV RESULTS Hookup and Sexual Behavior As a preliminary analysis to testing the hypotheses and research question, descriptive statistics of hookup and sexual behaviors were calculated. Table 1 shows the frequencies, percentages, and sex differences for hookup and sexual behaviors. Number of hookups ranged from 0 ─ 50 or more. A majority of participants (70%; 73% males, 67% females) had hooked up at least once within the last year. Thirty-six percent experienced 1 ─ 5 hookups (31% males, 39% females), 14% experienced 6 ─ 10 (16% males, 13% females), 7% experienced 11 ─ 15 (11% males, 3% females) and 14% experienced 16 or more hookups (15% males, 13% females) within the last year. A majority of participants (72%; 79% males, 66% females) also had at least one sexual intercourse partner in the last year. Number of reported sexual partners ranged from 0 ─ 15 for both males and females. Sixty percent (64% males, 56% females) had one to three partners, and 12% (15% males, 10% females) had four or more. Number of oral sex partners yielded similar results. A majority (74%; 79% males, 69% females) reported having at least one oral sex partner. Number of reported oral sex partners ranged from 0 ─ 15. Sixty percent (61% males, 60% females) had one to three partners, and 13% (18% males, 10% females) reported having four or more. Fourteen percent (14% males, 15% females) of participants reported engaging in anal sex, 31% (40% males, 24% 41 42 Table 1 Sexual Behavior Frequencies for Predictor and Outcome Variables Total Variable Males Females n % n % n % 88 30 36 27 52 33 1-5 104 36 42 31 62 39 6-10 41 14 21 16 20 13 11-15 19 6.5 15 11 4 2.5 16-20 11 4 6 4.5 5 3 21-25 6 2 4 3 2 1 26-30 4 1 0 0 4 2.5 31-35 2 1 2 1.5 0 0 36-40 5 2 2 1.5 3 2 41-45 1 0.3 0 0 1 1 46-50 1 0.3 1 1 0 0 4 5 3.7 5 3 Number of hookups 0 50 or more 10 Number of sexual intercourse partners 0 82 28 28 21 54 34 1-3 174 60 86 64 88 56 4-6 29 10 16 12 13 8 7-9 3 1 2 1.5 1 1 10-12 2 1 1 1 1 1 13-15 2 1 1 1 1 1 cont’d 43 Total Variable Males Females n % n % n % 0 0 0 0 0 0 13-15 years 40 14 21 16 19 12 16-18 years 160 55 79 60 81 52 19-20 years 12 4 6 4.5 6 4 21 years or older 3 1 0 0 3 2 I have not had sexual intercourse 76 26 28 21 48 30 2 1 2 1.5 0 0 13-15 years 72 25 33 24.6 39 25 16-18 years 144 49 73 55 71 45 19-20 years 11 4 4 3 7 4 3 1 0 0 3 2 60 20 22 16 23 23 77 26 28 21 49 31 1-3 176 60 82 61 94 60 4-6 28 10 17 13 11 7 7-9 6 2 4 3 2 1 10-12 4 1 3 2 1 1 13-15 1 1 0 0 1 1 Age of first intercourse 12 years or under Age of first oral sex 12 years or under 21 years or older I have not had oral sex Number or oral sex partners 0 cont’d 44 Total Variable Males Females n % n % n % Yes 42 14 19 40 23 14 No 250 86 115 60 135 86 Anal sex Sexual intercourse with someone once and only once Yes 91 31 53 40 38 24 No 201 69 81 60 120 76 Sexual intercourse with someone known less than 24 hours Yes 54 19 39 29 15 10 No 238 82 95 71 143 90 Received or performed oral sex from someone known less than 24 hours Yes 59 20 45 34 14 9 No 232 80 88 66 114 91 females) reported having had sexual intercourse with someone once (i.e., one night stand), 19% (29% males, 10% females) reported having had sexual intercourse with someone they knew less than 24 hours, and 20% (34% males, 9% females) reported having oral sex with someone they knew less than 24 hours. In an effort to determine whether there were significant differences in the sexual and hookup behaviors of males and females, a one-way ANOVA was conducted. Table 2 shows the results of the one-way ANOVA, treating sex (i.e., male/female) as the independent variable and “number of sexual intercourse partners,” “number of oral sex partners,” “sexual intercourse once and only once,” “sexual intercourse with someone 45 Table 2 One-way Analysis of Variance Summary Table Comparing Sex with Sexual Behaviors Source df SS MS F Number of sexual intercourse partners Between groups 1 2.76 2.76 Within groups 290 166.51 .57 Total 191 169.27 1 3.37 3.37 Within groups 290 176.12 .61 Total 191 179.49 4.81* Number of oral sex partners Between groups 5.55* Sexual intercourse once/only once Between groups 1 1.74 1.74 Within groups 290 60.99 .21 Total 191 62.64 8.29** Sexual intercourse; known less 24 hours Between groups 1 2.79 2.79 Within groups 290 41.23 .14 Total 191 44.01 1 3.91 3.91 290 47.96 .16 191 51.87 19.62*** Oral sex; known less 24 hours Between groups Within groups Total 23.66*** *p < .05; **p < .01; ***p < .001 known less than 24 hours,” and “oral sex with someone known less than 24 hours” as the dependent variables. Results of the analysis revealed significant sex differences with men 46 reporting more sexual intercourse partners (F (1, 290) 4.8, p < .05) and oral sex partners (F (1, 290) 5.6, p < .05). Men also reported more casual sex experiences than women. Compared with females, results of the analysis revealed significant sex differences with men reporting more sex with someone once and only once (F (1, 290) 8.29, p < .01), sexual intercourse with someone known less than 24 hours (F (1, 290) 19.62, p < .001), and oral sex with someone known less than 24 hours (F (1, 290) 23.66, p < .001). Sexual Attitudes Sexual attitudes ranged from 1 (very conservative) to 2 (to very liberal) . Overall, participants reported moderate sexual attitudes (M = 2.48, SD = .67). Males reported slightly more liberal sexual attitudes (M = 2.90, SD = .60) and women reported slightly more conservative sexual attitudes (M = 2.14, SD = .51). Religiosity Religiosity ranged from 1 (very religious) to 6 (not religious). Overall, participants reported being moderately religious (M = 3.82, SD = 0.83) with females reporting slightly higher levels of religiosity (M = 3.61, SD = .87) than males (M = 4.06, SD = 0.72). Sexual Regret Sexual regret ranged from 1 (never) to 5 (always). Respondents could also indicate that they had not engaged in sexual intercourse. Of the participants who indicated being sexually active, 68% (66% male, 70% female) indicated experiencing some level of regret after at least one sexual encounter. In response to the question, “Have you 47 ever regretted a decision to engage in sexual activity?”, 36% (35% males, 31% females) answered “rarely” and 35% (28% males, 31% females) answered “sometimes.” Reports of regret by sex appear in Table 3. The most common explanation for regret was “alcohol influenced my decision” (25%; 26% males, 23% females). Other common responses were “having sex disagreed with morals and values” (11%; 9% males, 13% females), “I felt pressure from partner” (10%; 5% males, 15% females), and “I did not want same thing as partner” (9%; 12% males, 6% females). Table 3 Responses to Sexual Regret Item by Percent Never Rarely Sometimes Most times Always Men (n = 119) 34.5 34.5 28 1 2.5 Women (n = 134) 30 31 31 3 5 Combined (n = 254) 32 32 30 2 4 In an effort to investigate the best predictors of sexual regret, multiple regression analyses were conducted. In order to conduct this analysis, a sexual behavior variable was created by converting each of the following items, “Please estimate how many times you have hooked up in the last year,” “Please indicate the number of intercourse partners in the last year,” and “Please indicate the number of oral sex partners in the last year,” into z scores. The z scores for each item were then summed and divided by three to create the sexual behavior variable. Sexual behavior, sexual attitudes, religiosity, and dissonance were entered simultaneously in a single block as independent variables, and sexual regret was treated 48 as the dependent variable. For purpose of comparison, these analyses were conducted separately for males and females. Results of these analyses appear in Tables 4 and 5. For Table 4 Multiple Regression Analysis for Predicting Male Sexual Regret from Sexual Attitudes, Religiosity, Sexual Behavior, and Dissonance B SEB β Sexual attitudes .20 .21 .13 Religiosity -.12 .13 -.11 Sexual behavior -.09 .13 -.08 Dissonance .22 .08 .33* Variable Note: R² = .15; adjusted R² = .10; F (4, 69) = 3.12* * p < .05 both males and females, dissonance was a significant predictor of sexual regret (males: F (4, 69) = 1.91, p < .01, females: F (4, 76) = 3.78, p < .001). For females, sexual attitudes was also a significant predictor of sexual regret F (4, 76, p < .05). Dissonance The primary researcher coded dissonance responses into the four magnitude of dissonance categories: minimal, mild, strong, and severe. Of the respondents that had experienced a hookup and/or sexual experience, 48% (42% males, 54% females) indicated that they had experienced dissonance. In terms of magnitude of dissonance, 32% (17% males, 42% females) reported severe dissonance, 24% (39% males, 14.5% females) reported strong dissonance, 25% (19% males, 29% females) reported mild dissonance, and 19% (25% males, 14.5% females) reported minimal dissonance. 49 Table 5 Multiple Regression Analysis for Predicting Female Sexual Regret from Sexual Attitudes, Religiosity, Sexual Behavior, and Dissonance B SEB β .45 .22 .24* -.21 .12 -.19 Sexual behavior .04 .16 -.02 Dissonance .24 .06 Variable Sexual attitudes Religiosity .43** Note: R² = .23; adjusted R² = .19; F (4, 676) = 5.53* *p < .05; **p = .01 In an effort to investigate the best predictors of dissonance, multiple regression analyses were conducted. Sexual behaviors, sexual attitudes, and religiosity were entered simultaneously in a single block as independent variables, and dissonance was treated as the dependent variable. For the purpose of comparison, these analyses were conducted separately for males and females. Results of these analyses appear in Tables 6 and 7. For females, only sexual attitudes F (4, 67 = 10.28, p < .01) was a statistically significant predictor of dissonance. For males, none of the variables was significant predictors of dissonance. Intercorrelations Between Variables To investigate the relationships between magnitude of dissonance, religiosity, sexual behavior, sexual attitudes, and sexual regret, correlations were computed and results are presented in Table 8. For males, dissonance was significantly positively associated with sexual regret (r = .37, p < .001), religiosity was significantly positively 50 Table 6 Multiple Regression Results for Predicting Male Dissonance from Sexual Attitudes, Religiosity, and Sexual Behavior Variable Sexual attitudes Religiosity Sexual behavior β B SEB .40 .31 .17 -.29 .19 -.19 .20 .00 .001 Note: R² = .17; adjusted R² = .13; F (4, 61) = 3.17* * p < .05 associated with conservative sexual attitudes (r = .20, p < .05), and sexual behavior was significantly positively associated with liberal sexual attitudes (r = .38, p < .001). For females, dissonance was significantly positively associated with sexual regret (r = .35, p < .001), high religiosity was significantly positively associated with conservative sexual attitudes (r = .28, p < .01), sexual behavior was significantly positively associated with liberal sexual attitudes (r = .42, p < .001), and sexual regret was significantly positively associated with liberal sexual attitudes (r = .23, p < .01). For both males and females, the correlations revealed that dissonance was positively associated with sexual regret, religiosity was positively associated with conservative sexual attitudes, and sexual behavior was positively associated with liberal sexual attitudes. For females, results revealed sexual regret was positively associated with liberal sexual values. 51 Table 7 Multiple Regression Results for Predicting Female Dissonance from Sexual Attitudes, Religiosity, and Sexual Behavior B SEB β -1.17 .41 -.34* Religiosity .09 .21 .05 Sexual behavior .38 .30 .14 Variable Sexual attitudes Note: R² = .26; adjusted R² = .22; F (4, 61) = 4.57* * p < .05 Sexual Attitudes, Sexual Behaviors, and Cognitive Dissonance Hypothesis 1 predicted that respondents reporting sexual attitudes inconsistent with sexual behaviors would experience some degree of cognitive dissonance. To test this hypothesis, the sample was separated into four groups based on mean scores created from the sexual behavior and sexual attitudes variables. Sexual attitudes below the mean were considered conservative and those above the mean were considered liberal. Sexual behaviors below the mean were considered low and above the mean were considered high. From these categories, four groups were created: conservative/high, liberal/high, conservative/low and liberal/low. Individuals who had not engaged in hookups or sexual activity were excluded from analysis. To investigate what combination of sexual attitudes and behaviors within these four groups was associated with dissonance, a correlation was computed between each group and the variable magnitude of dissonance. Table 9 reveals that only the “conservative sexual values/low sexual behaviors” group was significantly negatively Table 8 Intercorrelations Between Study Variables Females Variable 1 2 3 4 1. Dissonance - -.08 .18 -.13 2. Religiosity -.18 - .09 .28** 3. Sexual behavior .05 -.49 - .47** 4. Sexual attitudes -.02 .38* - 5. Sexual regret .37** .20* -.18 .05 .03 Males (SD) Scale range .92 (1.36) 1-2 (.87) 4.06 (.71) 1-5 -.11 (.74) .12 (.82) 0-1 .23** 2.14 (.51) 2.90 (.60) 1-5 - 2.23 (1.08) 2.03 (.94) 1-6 5 M (SD) .35** 1.50 (1.66) -.03 3.60 .13 M Note: Correlations for females appear in the upper portion of the matrix and correlations for males appear in the lower portion. * p < .05; ** p < .01 53 Table 9 Dissonance Correlations Between Attitude/Behavior Groups 1 2 M (SD) 1. Magnitude of dissonance - -.18 1.44 (1.65) 2. Conservative attitudes/high sexual behavior -.18 - 1. Magnitude of dissonance - .02 1.13 (1.49) 1.42 (1.60) .56 (1.10) 2. Liberal attitudes/high sexual behavior .02 1. Magnitude of dissonance - 2. Conservative attitudes/low sexual behavior -.22* 1. Magnitude of dissonance - 2. Liberal attitudes/low sexual behavior a -.22* a - a Cannot be computed because at least one of the variables is constant. *p < .05 associated with dissonance (r = -.233, p = .05). The results reveal that the combination of conservative sexual attitudes and low sexual behaviors is associated with a higher magnitude of dissonance. Dissonance and Sexual Regret Hypothesis 2 predicted cognitive dissonance would correlate significantly with sexual regret. To investigate if there was an association, magnitude of dissonance was correlated with sexual regret. As shown in Table 8, the results revealed that there was a significantly positive association between magnitude of dissonance and sexual regret for males (r = .37, p < .001) and females (r = .35, p < .001). 54 Table 10 One-way Analysis of Variance Summary Table Comparing Sex with Sexual Regret and Dissonance Source df SS MS F 1 19.02 19.02 8.20* Within groups 212 493.83 2.33 Total 213 512.85 1 2.68 2.68 251 258.75 1.03 252 261.43 Dissonance Between groups Sexual regret Between groups Within groups Total 2.60 *p < .05 Sex Differences in Sexual Regret and Cognitive Dissonance Hypothesis 3 predicted that females would experience cognitive dissonance and sexual regret more than males. A one-way ANOVA was conducted, treating sex as the independent variable and magnitude of dissonance and sexual regret the dependent variables. Table 10 shows that for sexual regret, there was not a statistically significant difference between males and females (F (1, 251 = 2.6), p = ns). However, there was a significant difference between males and females in magnitude of dissonance F (1, 201 = 21.75), p < .01. Females were more likely to experience a higher magnitude of dissonance as a result of a hookup. 55 Dissonance Reduction Strategies Research question 1 sought to determine what dissonance reduction strategies were used by respondents experiencing dissonance. The majority of respondents (63%; 43% males, 76% females) reduced their dissonance by changing an attitude or behavior, 13% (20% males, 7% females) reported adding consonant or deleting dissonant cognitions, 10% (20% males, 3% females) reported trivializing their hookup behaviors, and 14% (17% males, 12%) reported they had never dealt with their dissonant cognitions. Frequencies for each of the reduction strategies were computed and example explanations of each strategy are provided. Thirty-nine percent (20% males, 50% females) reported reducing dissonance by changing their hookup or party behaviors. Example responses from two females include “I don’t go out as much anymore” and “I feel that I am still going to kiss whoever I want, but when it comes to sex, the next guy I do sleep with ─ I want to know them and have deep feelings for them and no more one night stands!” Twenty-five percent (23% males, 26% females) reported reducing dissonance by changing their feelings/opinions about hooking up and sex. For example, one female responded by saying, “I realized it is not healthy emotionally or physically and it all changed when I broke someone’s heart because of my hook up behavior. It forced me to put it all in perspective.” One male response was “Now that I’ve lost my virginity, I really don’t care as much.” Ten percent (20% males, 3% females) reported reducing dissonance by trivializing their hookup behaviors by reporting that they realized hooking wasn’t a big deal or problem in their lives. An example response from a male included “I practice safe sex, I 56 don’t peer pressure, I don’t take advantage of women. I don’t feel addicted to hooking up either.” Eight percent (14% males, 3% females) reduced their dissonance by adding positive cognitions. Examples of a male response were “It’s fun, meet more people, possibly spark future engagements” and “You build a relationship with that person, you feel good. It also raises your self-esteem.” Five percent (6% males, 5% females) deleted dissonant cognitions. An example response from a male included “I am numb to the guilt. Now that I’ve done it, it’s too late to take it back.” CHAPTER V DISCUSSION This study investigated the psychological consequences of hooking up within the framework of cognitive dissonance theory. Festinger (1957) argued that inconsistency between pairs of cognitions would cause psychological discomfort. This discomfort, or dissonance, motivates individuals to make inconsistent cognitions consonant through dissonance reduction processes. Hypothesis 1 predicted that individuals with conflicting sexual attitudes and behaviors would experience dissonance. The results of the present study indicate that students with the combination of conservative sexual values and fewer sexual experiences were more likely to experience dissonance than any other group. In support of hypothesis 2, the results of the study revealed that there was a significantly positive correlation between dissonance and sexual regret. Hypothesis 3 predicted there would be significant differences between males and females in reports of sexual regret and dissonance. In partial support of this hypothesis, the results showed that females reported experiencing dissonance significantly more than males. From those experiencing dissonance, research question 1 sought to determine how dissonance was reduced. The majority (63%; 43% males, 76% females) reduced their dissonance by changing an attitude or behavior more than any other reduction strategy. The results of this study are consistent with, and contribute to, the existing literature on the effects of hooking up. Examining hooking up through the frame of 57 58 cognitive dissonance theory expands our understanding of this cultural phenomenon occurring on college campuses. This study reveals the factors that contribute to the experience of dissonance (conservative sexual attitudes and fewer sexual/hookup encounters), as well as some of the differences between sexes (females were more likely to experience dissonance than males) associated with the phenomenon. Moreover, the results of this study are consistent with what the theory predicts ─ that the experience of dissonance may lead to regret, which may motivate dissonance reduction processes. As expected, in this study there was a significant correlation between dissonance and sexual regret. Sexual Behaviors The sexual behaviors reported by students in the present study resembled the behaviors reported in previous studies on hookup behaviors (Paul et al., 2000). In the present study, 70% of participants had experienced at least one hookup within the last year and 31% had experienced a sexual encounter resembling a one night stand. Considering a hookup does not necessarily involve sexual intercourse, examining the full range of sexual behaviors enabled a deeper understanding of college students’ casual sexual experiences as a reference to our understanding of sexual regret and dissonance. Comparable to the Paul et al. (2000) study, the results of the current study revealed significant sex differences with men reporting more sexual intercourse partners, oral sex partners, and more casual sex experiences. Dissonance and Sexual Regret Sixty-eight percent of the sampled sexually active college students regretted at least one sexual encounter. These results are consistent with the Oswalt et al. (2005) 59 study that reported 72% of participants indicated sexual regret. Twenty-five percent of participants in the current study associated their regret with alcohol intoxication, and 11% indicated regret stemmed from the behavior being in disagreement with their morals and values. In addition, the most significant predictor of sexual regret was dissonance. These results can be explained by cognitive dissonance theory. According to the theory, if we have inconsistent cognitions after we make a decision to behave in a particular way, we will experience psychological discomfort, or dissonance. This discomfort may cause individuals to reflect on alternative behavioral choices, and, as such, lead to regret of the specific behavioral choice (O’Keefe, 2002). The results of the study indicate that individuals may have experienced regret as a result of cognitive dissonance. From the respondents who had experienced a hookup or sexual experience, nearly half (48%) indicated they had experienced cognitive dissonance. The magnitude of dissonance ranged from minimal to severe. It’s important to note that the following example responses discussed were chosen as the best exemplary representation of each magnitude of dissonance. Female responses tended to be more elaborative than male responses, resulting in more female responses chosen. Responses coded as minimal dissonance included non-sexual physical interactions and/or reported feelings of “awkwardness” after a hookup. An example response from a male experiencing minimal dissonance was “Other people’s beliefs have influenced my willingness to hook up.” In this specific example, the male respondent indicated his dissonance was a result of others beliefs, not his own. Since the cognition of “self” was not indicated, the dissonance experienced, if any, was minimal. 60 Responses where participants desired a relationship and felt rejected or reported feelings of “embarrassment” were coded as mild dissonance. An example response from a female who indicated mild dissonance was I felt that the hookup went too far. We didn’t have sex and I wasn’t interested in a relationship, but he told me that he wanted me as a girlfriend and when I didn’t give him what he wanted he stopped contacting me. I regret ever having contact with him because people like that disgust me. In this example, the female’s perception of what the hookup “meant” did not match that of her partner and she was rejected as a result. The statement implied her belief that hookups are acceptable as long as they are with a friend. However, the male’s negative reaction may have caused her to no longer perceive him as a “friend.” Dissonance may have forced her to evaluate her behavior and regret the decision to hook up with a person she deemed “disgusting.” Responses including statements that the sexual behavior was out of character, contradicted their perception of self, as well as responses resisting responsibility (i.e., blaming behavior on alcohol or drug intoxication), were coded as strong dissonance. An example of strong dissonance from a female participant was “I was not in love with him or in a relationship. I always told myself I would be under those circumstances, but I failed to keep my promise.” This statement suggested a contradiction in her perception of self, and implied her sexual attitudes were fairly conservative. Since she behaved sexually in a way that contradicted her attitudes, it appears the inconsistency between cognitions caused her to experience strong dissonance. 61 Last, responses including strong feelings of shame, anger, or disappointment in themselves, or reports of behavior directly conflicting with absolutist or relativistic values, were coded as severe dissonance. Examples from female respondents included I am a Christian. I try to be the best Christian I can in every area of my life, but I have failed in waiting until marriage to have sex. My virginity should have been a gift for my husband, a symbol of us joining together in the eyes of God. Now I can never give that gift to my husband, and I know that every time I have sex, I am hurting my Father in heaven. This statement may reveal a deep disappointment in her failure to uphold her absolutistic sexual values. It is clear her sexual behavior is in direct conflict with her sexual values, and, as a result, she appears to be experiencing severe dissonance. Another female participant appeared to experience dissonance because the encounters rarely had the outcome she desired: [The hookup] was so impulsive and sometimes I didn’t know how to say no, or just got speechless so I went with it. I don’t like feeling used, but it has seemed to happen a lot and I hate it. I just always hope the person actually likes me . . . I know better now, but I have so much regret. The response may suggest that had the hookups resulted in a relationship, or had the male indicated a desire to pursue the encounter further, she may not have experienced dissonance. Seaman (2005) found that females in his study tried to legitimize the relationship after a hookup encounter. While this participant does not indicate an attempt to legitimize the hookup with her partners, she does imply that she experienced dissonance because the males never legitimized the relationship afterwards. The feeling of being used by someone who does not “like her” may have triggered the experience of dissonance. If there was no conflict between attitudes and behaviors, it was assumed that dissonance would not occur. In line with this assumption, responses from participants 62 who indicated they had not experienced dissonance revealed no conflicts between cognitions. For example, as one female respondent explained, I engage in hooking up in a really healthy way. I have sex for me, because I want to. I think it’s ok to have sex before marriage as long as you’re healthy, use a condom, be sober and know that you’re emotionally ready. I only have sex if those things are true. The participant indicated that she only engages in sexual behavior consonant with her attitudes. Another example from a female respondent not experiencing dissonance included “I have my own beliefs and my own spiritual practices that teach me to live and experience life freely. Life should not be restricted based off society’s influences.” As discussed here, respondents were able to indicate if they had experienced dissonance, and provide explanations for their experience. However, the results revealed that only those in the conservative attitudes/low sexual behavior group had a significantly negative association with dissonance. This suggests that those with conservative values reported cognitive dissonance from the few sexual hookup encounters they had experienced. It can be assumed that when it comes to dissonance and sexual regret, it only takes one sexual hookup to cause psychological distress. It is not surprising that those in the liberal sexual attitudes group were not as likely to experience dissonance. Liberal sexual attitudes should be consonant with consensual sexual behavior, and the results support the assumption of dissonance theory. The combination of conservative sexual attitudes/high sexual behavior, however, was not significantly correlated with dissonance. This may be due to the fact participants within this group may have already reduced their dissonance, therefore indicating they had not experienced dissonance because their sexual behavior had already been rationalized. 63 Associations Between Variables What may cause dissonance and sexual regret may also depend on several different variables, including religiosity, sexual attitudes, and sexual behavior. Researchers have indicated that hooking up and religiosity should be examined more closely (Oswalt et al., 2005; Paul et al., 2000). As a result, several correlations were computed to help uncover the relationships between variables. For males and females, conservative sexual attitudes were associated with high religiosity and low sexual behaviors. A surprising finding was that for females, sexual regret was significantly associated with liberal sexual attitudes. Since sexual behavior was significantly associated with liberal sexual attitudes, it’s possible that the higher amount of sexual experiences allowed more opportunities for regret to occur. Many of the response categories for regret were not attitude based (e.g., didn’t use a condom, infected with an STI), so it is plausible that those with liberal attitudes and higher sexual encounters had more opportunities to experience regret from the consequences of their sexual choice, not from the attitude behind their choice. As predicted by hypothesis 2, there was a significantly positive relationship between dissonance and sexual regret for both males and females. This is not surprising as cognitive dissonance theory poses that dissonance may cause regret to occur. In line with dissonance theory, the results show that as dissonance increases, sexual regret also increases. In addition, the results revealed that out of all the variables (sexual attitudes, sexual behavior, dissonance, and religiosity) dissonance was a significant predictor of regret for both males and females. In line with previous studies, the effect was small. However, the predictor variable explained 10% variance for males and 19% variance for 64 females. Sexual attitudes was an additional significant predictor of sexual regret for females only. As with dissonance, there was a small effect size. Sex Differences in Cognitive Dissonance and Sexual Regret Hypothesis 3 predicted there would be significant differences between males and females in reports of dissonance and sexual regret. Consistent with Oswalt et al., (2005) the results revealed that there were no significant differences between males and females with regard to sexual regret. However, in support of the hypothesis, females reported dissonance significantly more than men. This may be explained by the nature of the two psychological experiences. Respondents indicated an array of explanations for experiencing regret and some responses were not related to sexual values or attitudes. For instance, some regretted a sexual experience because they developed an STI, didn’t wear a condom, or didn’t want the same thing as their partner. As a result, regret tends to stem from the consequences of a behavior. Dissonance, on the other hand, typically occurs due to an attitude being inconsistent with a behavior. In situations where behavior is contradictory to attitudes, dissonance is likely to occur because the individual chooses to behave and takes responsibility for the behavior. However, in cases where a student develops an STI, or later finds their partner wanted different things from the encounter, the individual may feel regret but not feel responsible for the consequence. Dissonance Reduction Strategies Research question 1 sought to determine which strategies were used to reduce dissonance. The results of this study provide insight as to how students could experience 65 dissonance and regret, yet continue to engage in hookup behaviors. Over half the respondents (63%) reduced their dissonance by changing an attitude or behavior. Examples of changing a behavior included attending less parties or drinking less alcohol. By doing so, their behaviors were able to become consonant with their attitudes. Some respondents changed their attitudes by changing their sexual attitudes from conservative to more liberal. It is possible that some students had more conservative attitudes and less sexual experiences when they first arrived to campus, but due to social pressure and/or an increase in independence, soon began to adopt the values of their peers or modify their own values. Thirteen percent of participants reported adding consonant or deleting dissonant cognitions. Rationalization was accomplished by adding cognitions such as “You build a relationship with that person, you feel good. It also raises your self-esteem.” This response is consistent with Paul and Hayes (2002), who noted that students may hook up because they anticipate heightened self-esteem and self-confidence. Participants also deleted cognitions indicating guilt or remorse. Finally, 10% of respondents were able to rationalize their behavior by trivializing their hookup encounters. By trivializing, or normalizing their hookup behaviors, some students were able to reconcile their conflicting emotions. Limitations and Future Directions There are important limitations to the study that must be considered when interpreting the results. First, the sample was not random: Caucasians and heterosexuals were over-represented in the sample. It is not possible to draw generalizations about ethnic minorities or non-heterosexual hookup behaviors from the study. Another implication 66 of a nonrandom sample is the potential for a selection bias. Due to the nature of the topic, it is possible that those experiencing the most amount of dissonance declined participation due to the anxiety of addressing issues that have caused psychological discomfort. In addition, the reliability of the self-reported methodology of dissonance and sexual regret also raises the potential for bias. Although Meston, Heiman, Trapnell, and Paulhus (1998) found that self-reported instruments used under anonymous testing conditions are not typically sensitive to biases based on social influences, respondents may still skew their responses to fit that of social norms. Based on social constructions of appropriate sexual behavior, males may skew their responses to fit sexual permissiveness norms, and females may skew their responses towards sexual restraint. Considering the limitations of the current study, questions emerge for future research. For instance, do sexual and ethnic minorities hook up as often as Caucasian heterosexual students? If so, are there any significant differences between heterosexuals and homosexuals, or Caucasians and ethnic minorities? What are these differences, if any? Finally, after a hookup, are minorities as likely to experience dissonance and sexual regret? The additional insight this study provides into hookup culture is particularly useful for university officials, as well as those working in the residential life field on college campuses. Understanding hookup culture, and the varying factors involved in hookup behaviors, is the first step towards addressing the negative physical and emotional consequences that may result from this behavior. Most colleges and universities are well equipped to educate students on the consequences of risky sexual behavior, alcohol abuse, and sexual assault and rape on campus. However, there seems to be limited education on hookup culture and the potential emotional consequences, such as disson- 67 ance and sexual regret, that may lead to depressive symptoms. Students arrive to campus with varying religious backgrounds, sexual values, and personality characteristics. As a result, not everyone will respond to a hookup experience in the same way. While some may enjoy the sexual experimentation, others may suffer with negative emotional consequences from regret to depression. By recognizing and predicting the potential risks involved, university officials and residential life staff may be more proactive in educating students on the dynamics of hookup culture on campus. By doing so, students may be more prepared to navigate this complex culture and make more responsible and emotionally sound choices regarding their sexual hookup behavior. In addition, the present study contributes to the study of communication and to the existing literature on the sexual phenomenon of “hooking up” by providing a theoretical explanation for the psychological discomfort that may occur after a hookup encounter. Cognitive dissonance theory is a theory of intrapersonal communication as one addresses their inner conflict between inconsistent cognitions. Given the many negative consequences that may occur after a hookup, exploring what is happening cognitively when students’ sexual attitudes clash with their sexual behaviors provides an explanation as to why students may be experiencing psychological discomfort and how they are rationalizing their sexual behavior. Moreover, this study makes the argument that hookup culture is a network set in place for socialization and companionship. Due to social conformity, many individuals engage in hookup behaviors because of the perceived social acceptance and influential sexual talk among their peers. Communication scholars may want to explore the impact of social conformity within hookup culture more closely in future research. 68 When considering the historical context, varying factors, and outcomes to hookup culture, a fascinating element isn’t how much sexual behavior and sexual equality has changed over the past 50 years, but rather, how much hasn’t changed. Since the sexual revolution of the 1960s and ’70s, there is no doubt a dramatic shift occurred on college campuses where sexual experimentation that was once taboo became a socially acceptable rite of passage. However, despite hookup culture’s normative acceptance, previous research, along with this study, provides evidence that some students are experiencing negative outcomes to what is perceived as a positive sexual experience. Furthermore, the sexual double standard creates a more emotionally risky environment for women engaging in sexual hookup behaviors. The minimal sexual progress over the past 50 years raises the question: Is the perceived acceptance of party and hookup behaviors on campus a façade, reflecting an evolving sexual saturation of the media, rather than reflecting the actual human experiences of risky sexual behavior? Or, perhaps Festinger’s (1957) theory provides a simple explanation: when our behavior conflicts with our attitudes we experience psychological discomfort. Just as it was 50 years ago, the United States is still a country operating under Judeo-Christian values, despite the sexual saturation in the media that may allude otherwise. It’s not surprising, then, that Knox et al. (2001) found that most of their participants held relativistic sexual attitudes. If most students have fairly conservative sexual values, and studies also show most college students are experiencing hookups, cognitive dissonance theory tells us that negative psychological reactions to hookup behaviors may be a likely outcome. Unless there are dramatic shifts towards more liberal personal values and attitudes surrounding casual sex 69 behaviors in American culture, we should not expect the outcomes of hookup behaviors to change anytime soon. Conclusion Paul et al. (2000) were one of the first teams of researchers to examine hookup culture. Based on their findings, the question was raised, “What role does dissonance play in the predictors of and the experience of hookups” (p. 87)? The present study was able to address this question by examining the relationship between hookup behaviors among college students and the experience of cognitive dissonance. The findings support the assumptions of cognitive dissonance theory on multiple levels. First, conservative sexual values and sexual experiences (even a limited amount) were significantly associated with dissonance. Consistent with Mahaffey (1996), this supports the idea that when attitudes are in conflict with behavior, dissonance may occur. Second, the results revealed that there is a significant relationship between dissonance and sexual regret. In line with the theory, the results revealed that dissonance is a significant predictor of sexual regret. And last, the current study revealed those experiencing dissonance chose to reduce their dissonance in order to reconcile their conflicting cognitions. Most chose to change their behaviors and/or attitudes in order to reduce their cognitive dissonance, however, all of the reduction strategies were represented in this study, including adding and deleting attitudes and trivialization. While many students do not become infected by an STI or become pregnant due to their sexual choices in college, many will experience dissonance and sexual regret. Considering the variables involved in their sexual choices (i.e., alcohol use, sexual 70 values, the sexual double standard, sexual conformity, and religiosity), this study supports the notion that sexual education considering only the physical consequences may not be enough to address the holistic experience of sexual hookups while in college. 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