Unintended effects of self-tracking Elisabeth T. van Dijk Eindhoven University of Technology Eindhoven, The Netherlands [email protected] Femke Beute Eindhoven University of Technology Eindhoven, The Netherlands [email protected] Joyce H.D.M. Westerink Eindhoven University of Technology; Philips Research Eindhoven, The Netherlands [email protected] Wijnand A. IJsselsteijn Eindhoven University of Technology Eindhoven, The Netherlands [email protected] Abstract Although self-tracking is generally thought of as a self-improvement tool, it may also affect its users and the social context in which it is employed in unexpected ways. Here we make a first attempt at an inventory of known and theorized unintended effects of self-tracking. Although this inventory is mostly based on theory, personal experience and anecdotal evidence, the impact some of these unintended effects might have highlights the need for empirical investigation of these matters. Author Keywords Personal Informatics, Quantified Self, Evaluation ACM Classification Keywords H.5.m [Information interfaces and presentation (e.g., HCI)]: Miscellaneous. Introduction Permission to make digital or hard copies of all or part of this work for personal or classroom use is granted without fee provided that copies are not made or distributed for profit or commercial advantage and that copies bear this notice and the full citation on the first page. Copyrights for components of this work owned by others than ACM must be honored. Abstracting with credit is permitted. To copy otherwise, or republish, to post on servers or to redistribute to lists, requires prior specific permission and/or a fee. Copyright is held by the owner/author(s). Publication rights licensed to ACM. CHI’15, April 18–April 23, 2015, Seoul, South-Korea. Workshop on ‘Beyond Personal Informatics: Designing for Experiences of Data’. The idea of the ‘quantified self’ (QS) was initially devised as a way to obtain more objective knowledge about oneself, resulting in avenues for improvement tailored to the individual. Thinking about – and, consequently, design of – self-tracking currently seems to be dominated by this conceptualization of self-tracking as a means of gaining insight and improving oneself. This is reflected in Li, Dey and Forlizzi’s stage-based model of personal informatics [4], which describes how a person engaged in self-tracking might progress through five stages: preparing to track (setting goals, determining what and how to track), collecting data, transforming that data into a usable format, reflecting on the data and finally taking action based on the lessons learned. start living farther away from their workplaces, thus yielding the opposite effect from the one that was intended. Even though technologies may themselves be deterministic, their patterns of adoption and use are not. In the realm of self-tracking, such unintended effects may also play a role. In recent years, voluntary self-tracking has become more widespread, and self-tracking technology more widely available. In addition, there seems to be an increasing interest in applying self-tracking as an intervention or a way for third parties (e.g. physicians, therapists, sports coaches) to gain rich information about those in their care (also referred to as ‘pushed’ or even ‘imposed’ self-tracking [6]). However, as self-tracking technologies become more common and gain traction beyond the dedicated ranks of the QS movement, it has been found that actual usage of self-tracking technology does not always conform to the stage-based model of personal informatics [9]. By their very nature, unintended effects are difficult to predict. But with the increasing popularity of self-tracking, it nevertheless seems worthwhile to explore them. Even if such explorations are necessarily incomplete, they still serve to stimulate scientific and public debate and to inform design of self-tracking systems to better support previously unexplored benefits and avoid possible drawbacks. In what follows, we will present a selection of known and theorized unintended effects of self-tracking. People often use new technologies in unexpected ways, finding unforeseen ways to interact with it and give it meaning. And even when technology is used as intended, it may affect its users and the social context in which it is employed in unexpected ways. This resonates with a social constructivist view of technology (see e.g. [7]): individual choices and cultural forces shape the use and eventual impact of technology. Indeed, as Edward Tenner argues in his book ‘Why things bite back: Technology and the revenge of unintended consequences’[10], there are many examples of how the adoption of new technologies has had unforeseen and unintended effects. For example, governments may want to reduce traffic congestion by building better roads. As an effect, however, better roads may attract more traffic, and may stimulate people to Awareness and self-focus Self-tracking is generally intended to put its users on a path of self-discovery, which involves gaining an increased awareness of the parameters being tracked. In addition to promoting awareness of tracked parameters, self-tracking may also provide an increased awareness of other factors, like time. Although such awareness may be useful if it leads to actionable insights, excessive self-focus may be detrimental as well. It has been argued that that there are two kinds of attentiveness to one’s inner thoughts and feelings [11]. One is a ruminative style, involving evaluation or judgment, while the other is a philosophically oriented self-reflection. The ruminative style of self-attentiveness is thought to be maladaptive while the reflective style is considered more adaptive [11]. Specifically, it has been found that abstract thinking, about outcomes, meanings and implications tends to be maladaptive, while concrete thinking about processes and plans makes for better problem solving [13]. This suggests that self-tracking systems should seek to promote the latter while avoiding the former. Reductionist assessment The measurements used in self-tracking tend to be relatively simple and limited compared to the real-world phenomena they aim to represent (e.g. BMI vs. healthiness, also see discussion in [8]). Such limited representations of tracked phenomena may lead to unnecessary or unproductive behavior changes. That is, users may be prompted to change their routine to better suit what the system can reliably track (e.g. avoiding certain foods to suit the diet app’s capabilities [14], or replacing one type of exercise with another because the activity tracker cannot reliably recognize certain activities). Such behavioral adaptations to technological constraints have been identified by other scholars as well. For example, Jaron Lanier, in his manifesto ‘You are Not a Gadget’ [3], describes the limitations in musical expressivity imposed by the MIDI standard, transforming the notion of a musical note into a “rigid mandatory structure you couldn’t avoid in the aspects of life that had gone digital”. The reductionist assessments often offered by self-tracking systems may also cause users to optimize the tracked parameter rather than the underlying concept, leading to a kind of ‘cheating’. Examples might be shaking a step counter (mentioned in [9]), switching on a GPS running tracker during a bike ride or opportunistic use of preset categories (‘ketchup’s mostly vegetables, right?’). In this way, self-tracking may serve as a means of perpetuating self-deceit rather than ameliorating it. Alternatively, cheating may not be about self-deceit, but about gaining rewards. As noted by Rooksby, Rost, Morrison and Chalmers [9], many self-tracking systems offer digital rewards like badges and other markers of achievement, and different schemes already exist whereby getting good self-tracking scores can lead to financial gains (e.g. getting a discount on car insurance by tracking your driving habits 1 , getting a bonus from your employer if you walk a milion steps2 or getting paid to reach your fitness goals, with money coming from less productive users3 ). Some users report that the promise of such rewards motivates them to keep using certain tracking systems [9]. Alternatively, though, some users might be tempted to find ways to improve their scores without doing the actual work, all the while still reaping the rewards. Over-trust of data Current automatic self-tracking systems often suffer from reliability issues. Although the technology is continuously advancing, automatic interpretation of raw sensor data is still difficult and often unreliable. Physiological parameters especially are notoriously difficult to interpret due to a myriad of confounding variables as well as individual differences. Nevertheless, self-tracking data is often presented in a way that seems to reflect a straightforward relationship with underlying behavior and physiological processes. In addition, the quantitative, numerical presentations often used tend to imply a higher level of precision than can actually be achieved (e.g. presenting calories as a simple number implies the number is accurate down to a precision of 1 calorie). This way of presenting data, combined with generally-held beliefs about the capabilities of technology, seems to leave users 1 http://www.progressive.com/newsroom/article/2011/march/snapshotnational-launch/ 2 http://hr.bpglobal.com/LifeBenefits/Sites/core/BP-Lifebenefits/Employee-benefits-handbook/BP-Medical-Program/Howthe-BP-Medical-Program-works/Health-Savings-OOA-Optionsummary-chart/BP-Wellness-Program.aspx 3 http://www.gym-pact.com/ convinced that data provided by self-tracking systems offer a more truthful, reliable and objective view of things than their own subjective experience, even when this may not always be the case. As a result of this over-trust, the use of self-tracking systems may cause users to discount their own experience in favor of the data provided by the technology. This in turn might lead users to become dependent on their self-tracking systems, relying on the system to tell them how they are doing and feeling uneasy or under-informed when that information is not available. In addition, users may feel that things are only real if they are tracked, so that achievements are not valuable unless they have been objectively documented by an external system. In addition, over-trust may cause feedback from self-tracking systems to take on the role of self-fulfilling prophecy. For instance, if a sleep tracker shows the user they have not slept well, they might not only believe, but internalize that view, feeling more tired and being less productive as a result. The same line of reasoning may lead to positive outcomes if the picture painted by the self-tracking data is more positive than the user expected. A recent study offers a preliminary indication that such a ‘good news effect’ may indeed occur when participants are given feedback about their stress level [12]. To encourage users to be more mindful and critical in their interpretations and use of self-tracking data, ambiguity in design [2] could be used to reflect the uncertainty of the underlying data and interpretation thereof. As noted in [2], “Ambiguity of information impels people to question for themselves the truth of a situation”, which in the case of self-tracking systems may serve to prevent some of the issues mentioned above. Healthism and responsibility Self-tracking seems to promote the idea that if something can be tracked, it can be improved. This fits into the ideology of ‘healthism’: being healthy is not only important, but is a responsibility that we each must take charge of [1]. As a result, people may feel obliged to try self-tracking. Similarly, users of self-tracking technology may feel a pressure to ‘perform’: to find self-knowledge through self-tracking and report progress. If this does not happen, users may hold themselves responsible, which may in turn lead to feelings of guilt and inadequacy. This is especially problematic since it is to be expected that self-tracking will not always be effective, simply because not all relevant factors are tracked, or can be controlled. In addition, as noted by Lupton, not all individuals may be willing or able to use self-tracking technology [5]. Conclusion In the preceding sections several possible unintended effects of self-tracking have been highlighted. Firstly, self-tracking may foster excessive self-focus, which is not always adaptive. Secondly, the reductionist assessments used in self-tracking may lead users to alter their behavior to suit the technology and may also lead to ‘cheating’. Thirdly, when users over-trust the data gathered through self-tracking, the data may turn into a self-fulfilling prophecy and users may develop a kind of data-dependency. Finally, self-tracking may inadvertently turn into an obligation, pressuring users to keep changing and improving even if, for whatever reason, they cannot. This inventory of possible unintended effects of self-tracking is by no means complete and is, as it stands, mostly based on theory, personal experience and anecdotal evidence. That being said, some of the possible effects identified here might greatly influence the overall impact of self-tracking. This highlights the need for empirical investigation of these matters, both to inform design of self-tracking systems and to stimulate discussion and more mindful use of self-tracking. References [1] Crawford, R. Healthism and the medicalization of everyday life. International journal of health services 10, 3 (1980), 365–388. [2] Gaver, W. 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