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THE EUROPEAN
AFFAIRS DAILY
europolitics.info
5000
and counting
www.europolitics.info
Wednesday 15 April 2015 5000 Special
43rd year
The European affairs daily - www.europolitics.info
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EUROPOLITICS N° 5000 Special Wednesday 15 April 2015
3
Contents N° 5000 Special
43 years of passion and perseverance .....4
Jean-Claude Juncker:
A new start for Europe ............................ 5
Interview with Yves Thibault de Silguy,
commissioner from 1995 to 1999:
“We should put a eurozone
treaty on the drawing board” ................10
Interview with Françoise Laborde,
French journalist and writer:
“I learnt my job in the editorial
department of Europolitics” ..................16
Europolitics in the days
of the Cold War ...................................... 6
Opening up the Commission
press room .............................................12
Testimonials ..........................................17
Martin Schulz:
Europolitics – Europe’s watchful eye ..... 8
A trip down memory lane with a
former Commission spokesman ...........13
1972-2015: Three generations of
Europolitics readers................................. 9
When the European Parliament
worked without computers ...................15
They helped make Europolitics ............18
Europe’s potential leaders
look to the future ..................................19
Editorial
Anticipating and innovating
Europolitics is marking a major milestone: publication of the 5,000th issue of its daily. Over 43 years, several generations of journalists keen to anticipate and explain the facts have enabled several generations of readers to follow closely the different steps of
European integration, small and large alike.
This anniversary issue is an opportunity for the editorial and sales teams to express their gratitude to all subscribers and advertisers
who have placed their trust in us and continue to do so, despite the European Union’s economic, identity and institutional crises.
With a staff of around 40 and a network of correspondents (Athens, Berlin, Berne, Istanbul, Paris, Riga, Shanghai, Strasbourg,
Warsaw and Washington) that will continue to expand, this team delivered, in 2014, a complete overhaul of its digital service in
response to changing trends and needs. Given the encouragement it has received in recent months, Europolitics intends to play
more than ever its role as a critical, independent and genuinely European media business. It is committed to meet, in 2015 and
beyond, its subscribers’ expectations in three essential areas: even more quality information, more responsiveness and more services. This effort will continue, as seriously and with the same determination as in the past, because the future is promising.
Christophe Garach
Editor-in-Chief
Pierre Lemoine
Editorial Director
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Wednesday 15 April 2015 N° 5000 Special EUROPOLITICS
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43 years of passion and perseverance
By Marc Paoloni
A tribute by Marc Paoloni, co-founder
and former managing editor of
Europolitics
It is not without a hint of pride that
Europolitics signs this 5,000th issue.
Behind this round figure stand 43 years
of passion and perseverance for the
to
European cause and countless editorial conferences, information chases,
es,
moments of excitement or writer’s
r’s
block, times of frustration over commpetitors’ scoops or satisfaction at
h
having beaten them to it. A 5,000th
s,
issue to tell the story of Europolitics,
our story, that of a collective adven-ture.
Europolitics was founded in latee
1972, the result of an alchemy
of four ingredients: a handful of
French-speaking journalists at
Agra-Presse, the European agricultural press agency that published
Agra Europe and the European
section of the weekly Agra Alimentation; a bold and enterprising
boss, Gérard Rousselot-Pailley; a
man who placed his trust in them,
devoted himself to the project
and had a high enough profile
to champion it in France and
even in the Europe of Six largely
characterised by its agricultural
ecdimension: Henri-Jean Cayre, director-general of the General Confederation of Beet Producers; and a particular
political and media context.
This context also featured the undisputed dominance of the ‘European’
news published at the time by Agence
Europe, a press agency heavily tinged
with Atlanticism and openly federalist.
Its daily publications were considered
by the ‘fathers’ of Europolitics as severely
disparaging towards other approaches to
European integration and as ostracising
towards the French authorities and their
positions even after the federalists’ bête
noire, General de Gaulle, had left the
Elysée and was succeeded by Georges
Pompidou, who nevertheless opened
the doors of the European Economic
Community to the United Kingdom.
www.europolitics.info
Paris was not indifferent to this perception, or trial as some put it, nor was Agriculture Minister Michel Cointat or his
immediate successor, a certain Jacques
Chirac.
The publication of the first issue of
Europolitics, on 22 November 1972,
was extremely difficult, as were its early
years in the challenger’s role. But, as
always, things became easier over
First issue of Europolitics - 22 November 1972
time. After experiencing many
of the unanticipated events that tend
to happen in the life of any media firm,
from disappointments to successes, the
weekly Europolitics was transformed
into a daily in 2006.
Europolitics is increasingly going digital and now also publishes a quarterly
magazine by the same name – again in
two languages. This independent publication scrutinises without hesitation the
European idea in its hours of doubt and
uncertainty.
This 5,000th issue also salutes the
hundred-odd staffers who have helped
make Europolitics what it is over these
last four decades: the men and women
who have filled more than 200,000
pages (articles), first by hand, then on
typewriters – Olivettis, Olympias and
Remingtons. Their work became easier
with the arrival of the first desktop computers in the 1980s, which in fact were
little more than machines that saved
brief texts on fragile cardboard magnetic
cards, but that made it possible to revise
them over and over without having to
retype everything out neatly on stencils for the mimeograph machine. This
technical revolution made it possible to
tech
write up articles with the validation process still under way since
the layout could be done in one
go, before the arrival of real computers, and later, of the internet.
A 5,000th issue also to remember
the numerous related initiatives
and
a projects, some successful, some
more
short-lived: European Insight,
m
Social
Europe, Europe Enterprise,
S
Monthly
Report on Europe, MulM
tinational
Service, Tech Europe,
ti
Europe
Agri, Green Leaves, Europe
E
Environment,
Europe Energy, World
E
Economic
Service, Akhbar Arabia
Ec
Ouroubia,
Euro East, South-East
Ou
Europe
(with Agence BETA-EkoEu
Press),
EEC/Asia Report, etc, to say
Pre
nothing
of the creation of the Euronot
pean
pea Centre for Public Affairs – projects steered with conviction by the
successive
directors of the agency and
succ
alongside
the flagship product – the
alon
twice-weekly
Europolitique/European
twic
Report,
Repo then the daily Europolitics in
French and English. 
A 5000th issue to thank our
loyal readers
The 5,000th issue is meant above
all to thank our tens of thousands of
loyal readers who, across Europe and
beyond, have sustained Europolitics:
in the European institutions, national
political bodies, professional associations, trade unions, non-governmental organisations, enterprises, law
firms and so on. Readers, but also
hundreds of sources and ‘explainers’
of the events, initiatives and projects of all kinds that have marked
European integration.
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EUROPOLITICS N° 5000 Special Wednesday 15 April 2015
5
A new start for Europe
By Jean-Claude Juncker
Message from Jean-Claude Juncker,
European Commission president
Congratulations on your 5,000th
edition.
afflicting society. Above all, to restore
jobs, growth and investment for our
people. The crisis is not over as long as
there remain 25 million out of work.
If this seems a tough challenge – it
is. But we have a new Commission
equipped for the task. With a College
of commissioners that is highly political, highly experienced, and highly
focused on the issues that matter.
We must be big on the big things,
and small on the small
things: we can and
will make a difference,
but not every problem
in Europe is for the
Commission to solve.
That focus on priorities is the motto for my
mandate: the essence of
my Political Guidelines,
fully translated into our
2015 Work Programme.
And we have already put
that into effect – starting with a proposed regulation to plug Europe’s
investment gap, helping
at least €315 billion
flow to our economy.
Our goal can be
achieved. But there
is no time to lose:
this is a last-chance
Commission.
Much has changed since 1972;
much must continue to change. But
one thing that has not changed is the
need for a free and pluralistic media:
one which can explain, expose and
—yes—criticise political ideas and
actions to a wider public. That is
something I have long appreciated
and supported. It should come as no
surprise that I support something with
both “euro” and “politics” in its title:
but I congratulate Europolitics for its
43 years’ of service. 
© EC
When the first Europolitics came out
in 1972, I was still a young student, yet
to launch into politics. The generation
pean politicians, aware of when and how
Europe can make a difference.
Today, the EU has stripped away many
blockades and barriers. We have free
movement. And we have a single currency – avoiding dangerous monetary
disorder, the devaluations and realignments I witnessed all too often as finance
minister.
Yet in spite of that work, many borders remain. In energy and in capital
Jean-Claude Juncker
that came before had seen the cost of
European disunity; the price they paid
was still all too apparent. Around that
time, I visited Berlin, a city divided by a
very visible and violent border.
Politicians are inventive people: forever coming up with new ideas. But of
all the foolish inventions politicians ever
thought of, the border is the worst. In
Europe, we cannot each stick within our
own fortresses; the fates and fortunes of
our nations are too closely intertwined.
Even national politicians must be Euro-
markets; in data protection; in digital
policy. In a single market that needs to
be deeper and fairer; an economic and
monetary union that needs to be solid,
stable, and socially fair. Meanwhile, the
economic crisis has opened a new division, pitting North against South, East
against West: undermining our pride,
faith, and unity.
My goal is to reunite Europe. To
bring down those borders, and bring
our Union closer to its people. To
focus on and fix the major problems
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Wednesday 15 April 2015 N° 5000 Special EUROPOLITICS
Europolitics in the days of the Cold War
Back in the days of the Berlin Wall,
pean Community and Moscow and its
Eastern European satellites were at a
total standstill, virtually non-existent.
There was a bare minimum of trade.
This was also the time when anyone
with access to the European Commission and who was consequently autho-
spies from the Soviet bloc roamed the
corridors of the Berlaymont and Belgian state security services kept Europolitics’ journalists under surveillance.
January 1981: I joined the Europolitics team as a young journalist and
was assigned to cover relations with
state-trading countries (Comecon),
namely the USSR, the countries of
Central and Eastern Europe, China and
Cuba. This was the age of the Iron Curtain and the Cold War. With the USSR
occupying Afghanistan since December 1979, relations between the Euro-
rised to enter the Berlaymont – accredited journalists, for example – could
roam around freely just about anywhere. There was no need to contact
these countries’ representatives to the
EEC: they came on their own, introducing themselves as “trade attachés
and regular readers of Europolitics”.
But they were also journalists (and consequently accredited by the European
institutions) or even spies.
After a few weeks on the job and some
initial contacts, I was called into the
office of Marc Paoloni, editor-in-chief
By Anne Eckstein
© Fotolia
Staff member Anne Eckstein remembers the days when certain ‘fellow
journalists’ were in fact spies
at the time. He asked me questions
about my family and whether I had any
ties to one or other Eastern European
country. He suggested that I take certain precautions, telling me the story
of a former Europolitics journalist who,
having been invited to Bulgaria, took
to his heels when he realised he
was being put through a genuine
brainwashing.
His message was clear: I was
setting foot in a nest of spies.
But he reassured me: “I’m your
superior and will always cover
you. Let me know if you have
a problem”. I admit that, at
the time, I took it all as a joke.
Right, me, a James Bond girl?
Microfilms hidden in my heels,
a pen that doubles as a pistol
with silencer and a microphone
and camera concealed in my
jewellery? “That’s only in films,”
I told him, brushing aside his
warnings.
One day, though, reality hit.
Brutally. During a daily press
conference, a Polish ‘fellow
journalist’ offered to help me
“find my family in Poland”. Our
dialogue that seemed surrealistic at the time went as follows.
“What family? I don’t have any
family in Poland.” “But your
mother was born in Poland,
wasn’t she, in Lodz?” “Did I tell
you that?” “No, but we know,”
he answered. He insisted a bit
when I refused but then let the
matter drop. All my alarm signals
started ringing. This couldn’t be
happening, it couldn’t be real. Here I
was in the midst of a true-to-life James
Bond scenario.
Then the signals started multiplying: the Belgian state security services
started stopping by the office regularly.
Two, sometimes three men, would
come to see Marc. They also contacted
me directly. “We” would like to talk to
you. State security… It was tempting to
refuse but that didn’t really seem like
a good plan. We agreed to meet “at
the little café at the end of the street,
not far from your office”. So he knows
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EUROPOLITICS N° 5000 Special Wednesday 15 April 2015
rue Albert-Elisabeth. I don’t know this
man, how will I recognise him? “Don’t
worry. I know you.”
I was very uneasy: how long had they
been following me? I discovered that
day that, because he was a cop, this
guy knew everything about me, my
family, what I had studied, all my jobs
including when I was a student and the
people I frequented. Gosh, this is getting serious.
Meanwhile, I kept doing my job.
News on the subject was limited mainly
to subsidised sales to the Eastern countries of European farm surpluses or
negotiations on Community imports
of steel products, under strict quotas.
No high level meetings, no political
summits. But the contacts with my
‘colleagues’ continued. Well, well,
another Pole, and that Bulgarian who is
bowing and scraping, wanting to know
whether I have access to such and such
a report…
GROUP S
One day, during a discussion with
a senior Commission official, I asked
how it was possible for these people to
be accredited and to roam about freely
in the Commission’s corridors. “It’s
better that way,” he answered. “At least
we know who they are.”
So I started being careful, never
taking a handbag or any papers to meetings… These were also the days when
a number of spying cases came to light
in Brussels, particularly at NATO. So
it was best to be cautious. I imagined
myself being followed, photographed at
every meeting.
Then one day a Czech ‘journalist’
presented me with very concrete proposals for working with him, opportunities to “move up in my career if…” and
“even more if…”
I asked a question or two, just to
be sure I was understanding the right
thing. Yes, indeed, he was suggesting
that I “do what Mr X was just sentenced
7
to several years’ imprisonment for
doing,” in other words to transmit documents, to spy, literally. “But no one will
know,” he assured me.
That was when I decided enough was
enough.
It may seem laughable today – and
I’m the first to laugh about it now – but
at the time I was a young mother and
in a flash I had visions of my son being
kidnapped, my family threatened, subjected to despicable blackmail.
I left. I think I’ve never run as fast as I
did that day from Rond-Point Schuman
to the Europolitics office. I picked up
all my files, sat in Marc Paoloni’s office
and waited, rooted to my chair, for him
to come in so I could give them back to
him and say “I’ve had enough”.
The state security henchmen continued calling me in for years.
That was 30 years ago, in the days of
the Cold War, in Brussels. That was
Europolitics. 
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8
Europolitics – Europe’s watchful eye
By Martin Schulz
Message from Martin Schulz,
European Parliament president
their trust. The EU’s institutions, but
also the member states, by not heaping
extra tasks onto the EU, must see to it
that this mistake is not made.
The economic and financial crisis
from which we are tentatively exiting
has had a deep and disconcerting effect
on the social fabric of the EU and its
member states.
The inequality gap has widened everywhere; the welfare state in the most
exposed countries has been trimmed;
unemployment, and especially youth
unemployment, darkens the daily life
and prospects of millions of Europeans.
In this scenario, it is key for the European Commission to venture into areas
which are jealously guarded by member
states. If there is one area in
which Europeans can no
longer tolerate impasse, this
is the fight against tax evasion, tax avoidance and tax
fraud. Citizens have borne
the brunt of the crisis, have
footed the bill to stabilise
countries and the financial sector. Law-abiding
European citizens cannot
tolerate that while they pay
what is due, companies and
wealthy individuals flout
their responsibilities, make
enormous profits and take
advantage of the presence
of disparate national tax
rules.
Now it is the time to move from a
crisis-fighting agenda to a post-crisis
resolution. And that is why we need to
look for, and swiftly implement, credible and viable solutions judging every
policy thoroughly under a watchful,
independent and competent eye.
I am glad that Europolitics will
continue to provide such scrutiny in
Europe’s exciting and challenging
journey. 
© EP
Harold Wilson once famously stated
that “a week is a long time in politics”.
By this measure, 43 years in European
politics is an unequalled longevity. On
its 5,000th issue, I cannot but congratulate Europolitics for its maturity but also
for the qualities which made it long-lasting: its clarity, its sharpness and its
conciseness. Its characteristic editorial
style allows readers, professionals and
politicians to quickly decipher obscure
aspects of policy making, get immediately to the crux of an issue and be able
of ideas gaining strength and legitimacy
before becoming reality.
The competition for the Spitzenkandidat in the 2014 European Parliament
elections between the leaders of the
main political parties in Europe could
be another such example. A year ago,
few people would have guessed that
Jean-Claude Juncker would be elected
as president of the European Commission at the end of the first, seminal,
pan-European campaign. It is my opinion that the deep impact of the change
brought by this real political competition at the European level will become
increasingly apparent with hindsight.
A more political EU and a more political European Commission are already
Martin Schulz
to form an opinion on it.
The European project has come a
long way since Europolitics was established. 1972 was the year of the creation of the Exchange Rate Mechanism
(ERM), the ancestor to the euro, which
was going to see the light only 30 years
later.
The metamorphosis from the ERM to
the euro shows how the history of European integration is ultimately a history
www.europolitics.info
bearing fruit. There is a strong refocusing of policies so that the EU prioritises
its action on issues and themes where
it can make a real difference: investment, energy, capital markets, financial
reforms, trade and macroeconomic governance, for example. If the EU is transformed into an enlarged version of the
nanny state, it is set to fail. If it focuses
on tangible measures with an added
value to Europe’s citizens, it will regain
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EUROPOLITICS N° 5000 Special Wednesday 15 April 2015
9
1972-2015: Three generations of Europolitics readers
By Nathalie Steiwer
43 years ago, Europolitics and the
first European dynasties were born.
The Maguire family from Ireland
were part of this history...
feel like this: that they are not really at
home anywhere.”
These ‘European-born’ children often
go on to work at the EU institutions.
“Almost 50% of those who passed the
BAC alongside me 30 years ago work
in the European bubble,” says Conor
Maguire. Some passed the competition to work at the institutions immediately after finishing school. “They
have never seen or done anything
else. This can create a narrow vision
of life,” he says, although Méabh does
not agree. “Having studied among all
nationalities, traditions and languages
© Anke Hartoorn
On 18 June 1972, British European
Airways flight 548 to Brussels crashed
shortly after take-off from Heathrow airport, killing all 118 people on board. It
was one of the worst air disasters in British history, and led to the installation of
black boxes on planes. It also propelled
three generations of an Irish family into
board flight 548, but at the last minute
he gave his seat to a young colleague.
Sadly, the colleague died, as did the
chamber of commerce’s entire board of
directors.
The tragedy changed Noel Maguire’s life forever. He began working at
the Council of Ministers in 1974, and
remained there for almost 20 years. “He
was one of the first Irish officials,” says
Conor, his son, who works in Brussels
as a lawyer specialised in European law.
Conor and his brother were among the
first English-speaking students at the
European schools.
Conor and Méabh Maguire
the European bubble.
“This accident changed my family’s
destiny,” says Méabh Maguire, who
grew up in Brussels and now works for
a public relations firm. At the time of
the crash, her grandfather, Noel Maguire, was employed by the Irish chamber
of commerce. He should have been on
Méabh was also educated at a European school. “Going to this school creates a European identity,” she says. “I
feel Irish on St Patrick’s day, or when
my team plays, and I have a very Irish
name,” she says, but, she adds : “When
I was studying in Dublin, I didn’t really
feel Irish. No doubt, all expat children
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from childhood onwards...opens your
mind,” she says. “Many of my former
classmates left Brussels but came back,
because there are plenty of professional
opportunities here, and the standard
of living is good,” the young woman
says. In the end, they have a European
identity... 
www.europolitics.info
Wednesday 15 April 2015 N° 5000 Special EUROPOLITICS
10
“We should put a eurozone treaty on the drawing board”
By Marc Paoloni
economic policies’. Procedures and
structures were put in place: the stability pact, multilateral surveillance,
the excessive deficit procedure, the
Eurogroup and so on. The problem
arose from governments’ non-compliance with the commitments made
at the euro’s launch:
constitution of a ‘pot’
instead of earmarking
surplus tax revenues
for government debt
reduction,
negotiations to challenge
the stability pact,
a
Franco-German
agreement not to
apply penalties for
non-compliance with
fiscal rules, to say
nothing of policies
of ‘deficits today for
growth
tomorrow’,
whose results we have
seen.
If
the
economic
policy commitments
made in 1998 had
been respected, we
would not have suffered the effects of
the 2009 crisis to the
same degree because we would have
entered into it with sound fiscal situations, notably in France. New measures and even a treaty have come
into existence since the crisis hit. This
strengthens economic governance and
integration. What is important now is
for these commitments to be better
complied with than the earlier ones.
© EC
Interview with Yves Thibault de
Silguy, commissioner from 1995
to 1999 with responsibility for preparing the transition to the euro
the ‘euro’ and endorsed the two-stage
scenario. From 1 January 1996, the
launch process took place as foreseen
in the green paper but with a number
of political issues, over-reactions and
ups and downs, notably over the stability pact and compliance with the
Yves Thibault de Silguy
Europolitics followed, at the time,
every stage of the creation of the
euro, to which you made an immense
contribution. The delivery was not
easy. Where did resistance lie? Do
you have any particular memories of
those negotiations?
When the Santer Commission came
into office in early 1995, there was no
work under way to prepare the introduction of the euro. We published a
green paper, ‘A currency for Europe’,
in spring 1995. It set out the scenario
of a two-stage transition: 1999 (creation of the euro) and 2002 (notes and
coins placed into circulation). The
most difficult period, without a doubt,
was the year 1995 up to the Madrid
European Council in December,
which confirmed the date of 1 January 1999, named the single currency
www.europolitics.info
convergence criteria. Memories? The
creation of the ‘€’ logo, which the
Commission had printed on scarfs
and T-shirts and distributed on the
eve of the Dublin European Council
(December 1996) in the press room.
It was made public in the press worldwide the next day and the heads of
state and government discovered it on
their arrival.
There were critics of the project from
the very beginning, who warned that
the euro could not walk very far on
just one leg, ie monetary policy. The
debt crisis demonstrated that this
warning was well founded. Was it
necessary to take this risk?
The euro was launched with appropriate economic governance. It was
called ‘enhanced coordination of
Greece is back on the European
agenda: have the Europeans applied
the wrong remedy?
Greece was not approved by the Commission for entry into the eurozone
at the time of the euro’s launch on 1
January 1999. We found that it did not
meet the criteria. It joined three years
later and since it is part of the eurozone, solidarity came into play, which
is perfectly normal. The remedies are
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EUROPOLITICS N° 5000 Special Wednesday 15 April 2015
very hard to endure given the degree
of over-spending of earlier years. The
year 2014 was the year of recovery in
Greece. It would be harmful to this
country and to the entire eurozone to
bring an abrupt halt to the recovery
under way.
The question of governance of the
euro is still open. The four presidents (Eurogroup, European Council, European Commission and
Central Bank) are working on this
behind the scenes. What do you see
as the priorities? Should we consider
a eurozone parliament to strengthen
democratic accountability?
European integration, necessary for
the continent’s peace and prosperity,
has always been built on the deepening/widening tandem. Deepening has been at a standstill since the
European Union enlarged to Eastern
Europe. Today, it would be advisable
to reinforce integration of the eurozone, the only credible way forward to
further deepening.
To do so, we should put a eurozone
treaty on the drawing board, involving
the European countries that participate in the single currency in an open
process, giving the others the opportunity to join. Such a treaty should consolidate and strengthen the existing
institutional acquis with the creation
of economic governance institutions
with decision making authority and a
form of democratic accountability to
be determined. The treaty would have
the purpose of developing a more integrated fiscal policy to ensure the sound
management of our public finances.
It would include the recently created solidarity mechanisms. It would
establish banking union. It should
also permit oversight of differences
of competitiveness between the euro
states through monitoring of structural policies. But a eurozone finance
minister should also be appointed: the
euro needs a face.
Thirteen years on from the introduction of the euro, how do you see
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11
your creation? How do you see the
eurozone in 20 years?
The euro is a key accomplishment
of European integration. It is a protective shield: two thirds of our trade
is done in euro. It is sheltered from
international crises and fluctuations
in the dollar. It helps ensure price stability and maintain purchasing power:
inflation always penalises the weakest.
It improves the competitiveness of
businesses by doing away with conversion costs and exchange rate coverage in Europe. The return to steady
growth presupposes structural reforms
and control over public spending:
these are the responsibility of member
states.
In 20 years? I don’t have a crystal
ball. Europe stands at a turning point.
Either it keeps moving towards economic integration or it may face a process of gradual disintegration, the first
element of which would be the disappearance of the euro. I think that our
heads of government are enlightened
enough to choose the first solution. 
www.europolitics.info
Wednesday 15 April 2015 N° 5000 Special EUROPOLITICS
12
Opening up the Commission press room
By Rory Watson
The push for transparency trumped
the critics
in the daily press briefings. Next, on,
rather than off, the record became
more and more the norm. Then, the
most contentious decision was to allow
an outside television channel – Europe
by Satellite – to broadcast to an outside
audience proceedings
from inside the press
room.
The changes did not
go down well with many,
largely francophone old
hands. Opponents of
the TV initiative used
a variety of imaginative
arguments.
Their questions and
even face were copyright, claimed one. Editors sitting in national
capitals would be able
to monitor what their
correspondents
were
doing, said another.
The EU was so complicated that people
could not understand
it in its raw state, the
news had to be filtered
and explained by experienced
journalists,
argued a third.
But the push for transparency
trumped the critics. The introduction
of television cameras has, arguably, also
affected the flow of information negatively in two senses. Firstly, spokespeople, aware they are addressing a wider
audience and being closely monitored
by their national counterparts, are far
more cautious about what they say.
Secondly, it is increasingly tempting
for Brussels-based reporters to remain
in their offices and passively follow proceedings on their screens.
Despite the changes over the past 40
years, there are certain constants. The
media are never satisfied with the quantity and quality of the information they
receive.
The Commission continually agonises over the most effective way to get
its message across. And most of the real
business is done outside, not inside, the
press room away from the spotlight. 
© PE
The current European Commission
were more equal than others. Danish
was frequently absent as Commission
President Roy Jenkins once found to his
embarrassment when a Danish journalist asked a question in his native tongue
and no interpretation was forthcoming.
European commission press room - Brussels, 1977
press room is a far cry from its distant convivial predecessor in the Berlaymont four decades ago. That one
contained a small bar at the back of
the room with a noisy coffee machine
and dispensed soft and alcoholic
drinks before, after and frequently
during the regular midday briefings.
It was possible to smoke and since
there were fewer journalists, virtually
everyone knew everyone else.
Transparency was an almost unheard
of word. All the briefings were off
except for Thursdays when the edicts
from the weekly Commission meetings
24 hours earlier were formally communicated. French was the only permitted language, leading to excruciating
exchanges between linguistically challenged non-francophone journalists
and spokespeople,
Even when the other official languages were permitted during formal
Commissioner press conferences, some
www.europolitics.info
But the daily midday briefing for
journalists had established itself as an
institution.
So much so, that German Chancellor
Helmut Kohl tried to pressure Commission President Jacques Delors into cancelling them, claiming they gave the
Commission too much influence in the
media. Delors refused.
The move to the Commission’s temporary headquarters in the Breydel in
the early 1990s as the Berlaymont was
being renovated began the transformation which gave birth to today’s present
arrangements. The first to go was the
bar. It was located well away from the
press room itself. Next, smoking was
banned.
SUBSTANTIVE CHANGES
But the real substantive changes
began when Jacques Santer became
Commission president in 1995. First,
English was given parity with French
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EUROPOLITICS N° 5000 Special Wednesday 15 April 2015
13
A trip down memory lane with a former Commission spokesman
By Anne Eckstein
Interview
with
Willy
Hélin,
former Commission spokesman
Willy
Hélin,
who
was
a
EuroWilly Hélin
pean Commission
spokesman from 1978 to 1992, gives us
a friendly but honest view of Europolitics, and of his journalist and spokespeople colleagues.
When I say 'Europolitics', what are
the first words that come to mind?
Specialisation, seriousness, diligence.
Honestly. I am not going to comment
on your competitors because that
would not be fair, but compared to
them you went into more depth, you
produced dossiers. At least that's how
it was in my time, I don't know how
things are now. Europolitics wasn't
happy with the daily pittance from
the spokesmen, just to reproduce what
it was told. You dug below the surface. You had good relations with the
spokesmen. In any case, that is how I
remember it. Also, there are good reasons why some Europolitics journalists
have gone on to become spokesmen
or European officials: people get these
jobs because they know their dossiers.
That is one of the rewards of working
for Europolitics.
So, now you've buttered us up, any
criticisms?
I wasn't buttering you up – not at all.
I was being sincere. I didn't try to
influence Europolitics journalists, but
to help them to write their articles
and to go beyond the daily briefing.
I must thank my commissioner and
vice-president bosses for the ability
to do that. They knew I was going to
say more in the press room than I was
supposed to, but they also knew that
they could trust me. I'm not boasting
when I say that since I respected the
media, I respected my journalist bud-
dies – although we raised our voices
from time to time if required – I think
I had their respect in return. My goal
was not to be a parrot, but to provide
information. Not 'communication'
but information. Of course, there
are aspects of communication in this
job: one must know how to behave,
but I always made sure that journalists received real information, good
information they could freely use.
Can you tell us about one big mistake, a major faux pas, made by Europolitics?
According to the dossiers I handled, I
personally dealt with many Europolitics journalists who knew the material
very well and, I would even say – I
am thinking particularly of one – who
knew the dossier better than me. He
had his own direct contacts: there was
no need for me to call Mr Duchmol
at DG Internal Market on his behalf.
Anyway, I didn't have the time or the
inclination to spend all my time on
that dossier because I had others on
my plate.
I can also tell you something else which
is not me buttering you up: I brought
my students (from the executive master's at IECHS) to the press room several times, and one of the people they
appreciated most was Jonathan Todd
– a Europolitics alumnus - because he
didn't waffle.
I have had friendly disputes in my office
with journalists, but this has been rare.
I have had more troubles with journalists from the big agencies. There were
two really nice women who did their
work really well, but they were producing 'fast food news'. I'd barely have got
my words out on a competition dossier
and they would leave the press room
to send their article. Now they do it in
the press room, which is even worse.
Before, they had to go out so as not to
disturb the others. I would tease them,
I'd say: “Wait, I have to stop my briefing because of the tap-tapping”. Generally, it was Reuters and Bloomberg.
Now, it's tap, tap and it's already been
Sold by subscription only © reproduction strictly prohibited in any language
tweeted. Twitter is information fast
food. When there is content, people
are interested. When its a tweet it's
ephemeral. I call it the 'fast food information' generation.
The role of spokesman has also
changed...
I think the Commission's press service,
which I know a little, has moved on
from friendly with content to technological and a bit nasty. I may sound like
an old duffer, but in my time we could
talk in the press room, and we could
also say something was off the record,
that it was background information –
and the press would respect that. The
fact that that has changed is the fault
of certain types of journalist, who were
already behaving that way when I was
spokesman and did not respect the
rules – for them, everything is on the
record. They go for dinner with a politician and what he says between the
cheese and dessert is on the record. I
find that unfair. Both sides should be
responsible.
However, once again it is easy to judge.
I don't go to the Commission every day
any longer, but I do have the impression that more talking is done in the
corridors now than in the press room.
In the press room things seem to run
smoothly, and frankly I find that a
shame because that's not what it was
created for. 
Background
Willy Hélin was spokesman for
Commissioners Martin Bangeman (Germany), Etienne Davignon (Belgium), Jean Dondelinger
(Luxembourg), Nicolas Mosar
(Luxembourg), Karl-Heinz Narjes
(Germany), Filippo Maria Pandolfi
(Italy) and Karel Van Miert (Belgium). He was also spokesman
for the EU’s mission to Washington from 1998 to the end of 2003,
and subsequently director of the
EU’s representation in Belgium.
www.europolitics.info
EUROPOLITICS N° 5000 Special Wednesday 15 April 2015
15
When the European Parliament worked without computers
Information gathering was rudimentary, but all things considered it worked
pretty well
When Europolitics was founded in 1972,
the European Parliament was very different
from what it is in 2015. Today, it has a Facebook page and Twitter accounts, well-organised procedures, IT experts and an army of
parliamentary assistants with their own statute. At the outset, though, Parliament had
to work with limited means and improvise.
In the beginning,
MEPs from the six
founding countries
did not have offices
at all and later were
assigned three to an
office in premises
where there was only
one meeting room,
remembers
Astrid
Lulling (EPP, Luxembourg), until last
year the most senior
MEP, in office from
1965 to 1974 and
again from 1989 to
2014.
Due to a lack of
staff, the minutes
of Parliament’s plenary sessions were
drafted by officials of national parliaments,
seconded for the duration of the sessions.
That continued until the national parliaments made it known that they could not
go on much longer seconding such a large
number of their staff.
Before the computer age, EP assistants
wrote out amendments by hand and transmitted them to Parliament’s secretaries, who
typed them up. Parliament worked at the
time with a pool of secretaries. Typewriters
were later made available for the shared use
of MEPs and their assistants. The amendments were cut up and then grouped and
pasted by the committee secretariats onto
a single sheet of paper, making for a somewhat makeshift presentation.
It was not until the late 1980s that all
MEPs had a typewriter in their office. They
had to buy it themselves, though, notes an
EP assistant on the job since the mid-1980s.
In terms of communication, faxes arrived in
1989. But in the beginning there was only
one machine for all MEPs, then a bit later
one per political group. So the addressee
had to give the correspondent a precise time
at which to send the fax, and then be waiting
by the machine to receive it.
In pre-internet days there was a lot of paper
in circulation. “Piles of pages of the Official
Journal” were sent to each MEP’s office in
Brussels, but also to the constituency. They
accumulated and ended up being thrown
out, at a time when sorting for recycling did
their existence by drafting a report. Since
then, they’ve invented all sorts of things
to keep busy and become visible”. “You
were rapporteur on a text because you
had no personal interest in the issue. I
was rapporteur on the common organisation of the market for raw tobacco precisely because there was no raw tobacco
in Luxembourg.”
“We did everything ourselves,” adds Lulling. Parliament had a grand total of around
40 assistants. “In the Socialist group [Lulling was a Socialist from 1965 to 1974 – Ed]
there were three officials and secretaries.”
The French miss
the days when Parliament spoke French
and when Emile
Noël, secretary-general of the Commission from 1958
to 1987, imparted
the tradition of
the French public
administration
on
the institutions. The
Germans let them,
because they had
their own fight for
Parliament to take
on the dimensions of
the German system.
After the Single
Act and the prospect
of a single market,
the European Parliament gained power
and resources at the same time. Enrique
Baron Crespo (EP president from 1989
to 1992) ordered the construction of the
Altiero-Spinelli building in Brussels, just
before the end of his mandate in early
1992. With its inauguration in 1997,
and that of the Louise-Weiss building
in Strasbourg in 1999, working conditions improved significantly. In parallel,
with the growing scope of co-decision,
the movement to keep assistants based
permanently in Brussels took on importance. The MEP’s office is now more
permanent, since assistants stay in Belgium. The budget to finance them has
increased and assistants now have their
own statute, entitling them, among other
things, to sickness and unemployment
insurance. 
© EP
By Ophélie Spanneut
Plenary session in Luxembourg (October 1976)
not exist, recalls the assistant. Information
gathering was fastidious, but since assistants
and MEPs had to go to the documentation
service, they collected information when
they crossed paths in hallways.
Those were the days when, despite the
absence of e-mails, information still circulated very well. Indeed, “everyone knew
everyone else” and had to leave their office
to interact, confirm several former officials.
There was no need for a badge to enter the
buildings. And there were fewer formal
deadlines for tabling amendments because
there were fewer MEPs, fewer reports and
fewer amendments.
Those days are gone forever, regrets
Lulling. Before the direct elections in
1979, “MEPs were involved only in
what concerned Parliament. They were
national MPs and did not need to justify
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www.europolitics.info
Wednesday 15 April 2015 N° 5000 Special EUROPOLITICS
16
“I learnt my job in the editorial department of Europolitics”
By Christophe Garach
Interview with Françoise Laborde,
French journalist and writer
meeting in Brussels as a pretext to jump
on the first train so that I could present myself to the management. That is
where it all began.
You left Europolitics two and a half years
later to return to Paris…
I remember my departure as if it were
yesterday. Everyone was very sweet. But I
nevertheless
returned to
Paris where
I was taken
on by RMC
(radio).
That was in
1982, I was
29-years-old.
© BELGA
You did not
completely
sever the ties
since a few
years
later
you wrote a
novel about
1
Brussels …
Françoise Laborde
Françoise Laborde, 62, is a grande
dame of the French audiovisual landscape. Following a lengthy career at
France Télévision, she was nominated to
the Superior Audiovisual Council (CSA)
in 2009 and has, since 2015, been seated
at the High Council for Equality between
Women and Men. But it is in the editorial
department of Europolitics that she learnt
her trade…
It is through a classified ad in Le Monde
that you discovered Europolitics, which
at the time was called Europolitique…
That was in 1979. And it was merely by
chance. I had just finished my law studies and had published a rather general
classified ad in order to find my first
job and the head of Europolitics at the
time, Gérard Rousselot, called me. In
the beginning, he offered me a position
in the commercial department. I quickly
made him understand that I would not
be of much use to him there, but that,
on the other hand, I was much more
interested in journalism. We were due to
meet in Paris and then, finally, I used a
www.europolitics.info
Were these really your first steps in the
profession?
Europolitique taught me my job. In the
beginning I was hired on a trial basis. I
did not write. I sifted through the replies
to MEPs’ questions. I did not understand a thing, it all seemed so complicated and technical. And then I began
to write my first articles. They were
so bad that they were never published
[laughter]. But I caught on. I found it
fascinating. My colleagues trusted in
me. I learnt to decipher, to analyse the
information that I succeeded in obtaining. Brussels is a paradise for journalists,
with so many sources to be found. I
remember that I used to wander along
the Commission’s corridors. I went to
see the secretaries. I met lots of people.
I say this to every young journalist that
I meet. It is not by remaining glued to
your screen that you will obtain information. And then I was entrusted with
the entire agricultural sector. I subsequently handled EEC-Comecon
relations.
It was a thriller
[laughter].
I had great fun writing it. It was fiction,
but in writing this story I was inspired
by real characters that I had met in the
Commission.
What is your view on the work of
journalists on Europe?
As far as France is concerned, I find that
they are not very interested in these issues
which are, however, important. The
majority do not have a global vision of
Europe, neither do they have a political
vision. Above all, however, I have the feeling that they do not want to understand.
Have the successive enlargements of
the Union contributed to this feeling of
estrangement? I do not know, but I note a
genuine shortcoming with regard to their
analysis. I find that all young journalists
should have a compulsory internship in
Brussels. To defend journalists, however,
I think above all that our political class is
pathetic in terms of European issues. 
1. Dix jours en mars à Bruxelles, éditions
Ramsay, 3 March 2000, pp 324
Sold by subscription only © reproduction strictly prohibited in any language
EUROPOLITICS N° 5000 Special Wednesday 15 April 2015
17
Testimonials
Philippe Busquin
I welcome the 5,000th issue of Europolitics,
which I had the pleasure of knowing as European commissioner and MEP.
More than ever, it appears to me that European construction requires information and
communication efforts in order to meet the
challenges at hand. My generation naturally
adopted the European idea to build peace and a cohesive society
born from the debris of the last world war.
Today, Europe as an institution is in need of a sense and it is essential that we identify with it as European citizens.
Information and communication on the need for ‘more’ Europe is
a necessary condition but it is not sufficient. It seems to me that
we must go beyond the economic and institutional positions to further illustrate the experiences of European youth. The employment
crisis associated with the austerity policies of neoliberal inspiration is disastrous on this subject. It is necessary to put forward
possibilities for a future richer in cohesive values.
In this respect, I regret that the values and talents that exist among
our youth are not emphasised. On the subject of the European
Research Area, I have been able to measure the creativity of our
young researchers and innovative companies that have not been
sufficiently highlighted. I am struck by the resources of the European institutions in terms of communication and information,
which are insufficiently utilised and which should be optimised
through better cooperation with Europolitics.
Likewise, the work of MEPs should be further explained in order to
strengthen the democratic and humane approach.
I hope that you will have the synergy resources essential to achieve
these objectives. Keep up the good work!
Message from Philippe Busquin, commissioner responsible for scientific research (19992004)
Guy Verhofstadt
“Europolitics provides valued insight and
analysis of European affairs, in an accessible way. I hope it will continue to go
from strength to strength.”
Message from Guy Verhofstadt, president of ALDE group
at the European Parliament
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Manfred Weber
Happy birthday Europolitics! On behalf of
the European People’s Party (EPP) group
in the European Parliament, I wish you all
the best on your 5,000th edition and lots
of success for the next (at least) 5,000
editions.
For MEPs, their assistants and all the
European Parliament staff, reading Europolitics is the best
way to stay informed about all issues and legislation currently
being discussed in the EU institutions. Your journalists have
the rare skill of combining the accurate and precise reporting
of technical facts with in-depth political analysis, which shows
the clear added value of your publication. Reading Europolitics
regularly is a must!
Thank you very much Europolitics, thanks to your whole team
for the quality of your work. We wish you all the very best!
Message from Manfred Weber, EPP group president in European Parliament
Jerzy Buzek
With its critical, in-depth and objective
analyses of all aspects of European decision making, Europolitics has now accompanied the process of European integration for more than 40 years, managing to
keep the highest professional standards
while the complexity of European politics
and the need for ever “faster” information has grown almost
exponentially. It is no surprise it has become the specialist
source of choice for key European stakeholders – not just
businesses and law makers, but also those European citizens
who seek to follow in detail the internal dynamics of EU politics. But Europolitics is much more than that. With a decadeslong history, it is today an invaluable source in looking back
at how European integration advanced. Europolitics’ thorough
and objective approach helps demystify EU politics, which so
often, especially at a time of crisis, is the scapegoat of choice
for national politicians.
Message from Jerzy Buzek (EPP, Poland), European Parliament president 2009-2012
www.europolitics.info
Wednesday 15 April 2015 N° 5000 Special EUROPOLITICS
18
They helped make Europolitics
By Christophe Garach
Journalists
A tribute to the army of scribes who (by alphabetical order) :
have contributed to Europolitics over A - Dafydd AB IAGO, Martine ALLAIS, Craig
ANDERSON, Nick ANTONOVICS, Lindsay
its 43 years of existence
Without them, there would have been
no scoops, no analysis, no perspective
on European developments over the last
four decades. Europolitics pays tribute
to all its contributors and apologises in
advance if any names have been omitted unintentionally. Europe Information
Service, which publishes Europolitics,
also takes this opportunity to thank all its
employees and contributors (administrative staff, printers, technicians, photographers, print and digital graphic designers,
etc.) past and present, who have helped
and continue to help keep alive our
publications.
Editors-in-chief
(by chronological order):
Gérard Rousselot-Pailley
Yann de l’Ecotais (+)
John Robinson
Marc Paoloni
Marion Bywater
Eric van Puyvelde
Alex Scott (+)
Jonathan Todd
Jean-Chistophe Filori
Solange Villes
Peter O’Donnell
ARMSTRONG.
B - Jasper BECKER, Fathi B’CHIR, Hugues BELIN,
Aziz BEN MARZOUK, James BINNING, Patrick
BONAZZA, Laurence BONSOM, Chris BOOTHBY,
Jim BRUNSDEN, Olivia BRUYAS, Marion
BYWATER.
C - Pol CARREWIJN, Karen CARSTENS, Thierry CASTILLON, Leo CENDROWICZ, Corinne
CERF, Patrick CHALMERS, Hilary CLARKE, Lionel
CHANGEUR, Jean CHARTIER, Amanda CHEESLEY, Alain CHEVENIER, Yves CLARISSE, Sarah
COLLINS.
D - Samantha DAVID, Philippe DE CLERCQ, Yann
de L’ECOTAIS (+), Jean-Pierre DELORME, Carole
DEPASSE, Leonard DOYLE.
E - Amanda ELLERTON, Jacques ESPERANDIEU.
F - Jeremy FLEMING, Alain FRALON, JeanChristophe FILORI.
G - Nicolas GROS-VERHEYDE, Juan Carlos
GONZALEZ, Peter GUILFORD.
H - Julian HALE, Gillian HANDYSIDE, Fiona
HARNEY, Anne HENKELS, Charles HODGSON,
Radek HONZAK, Greta HOPKINS.
I - Shada ISLAM.
J - Martin JAY, Anna JENKINSON, Jeannine JOHNSON MAIA, Chris JOHNSTONE,
Christopher JONES.
K - Rupert KRIETEMEYER, Tamás KUGYELA,
Henrik KURTA (+).
L - Françoise LABORDE, Yannick LAUDE, Brigitte
LOUSTEAU, Philippe LEMAÎTRE, Olivier LEROY,
Sara LEWIS, Brian LOVE, Anna LUBINSKA, Vanja
LUCSIK.
M - Grainne McCARTHY, Tristan MacDONALD, Mary McCAUGHEY, Janet McEVOY, Rich-
Editorial advisors:
Marc Paoloni
Rory Watson
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Editor-in-chief:
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Editors:
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www.europolitics.info
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Petitjean, Andreas Rogal,
Isabelle Smets, Ophélie
Spanneut, Joanna Sopinska,
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Translators:
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Betty Jackson
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Jessica Smith
ard McMAHON, David McWILLIAMS, Emilie
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MORRICE.
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P - Marc PAOLONI, Anthony PEPE.
R - Patrick RAHIR, Doug RAMSEY, Fabrice RANDOUX, Chris REDMAN, Bill REIDY,
Julie RICHARDS, John ROBINSON, Gérard
ROUSSELOT-PAILLEY.
S - Célia SAMPOL, Alex SCOTT (+), FrançoisXavier SIMON, Gaspard SEBAG, Marianne
SLEGERS, Jackie SMITH, Adrian STRAIN, Lucy
SWAN.
T - Martial TARDY, Simon TAYLOR, Brooks
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VAUDIN D’IMÉCOURT, Solange VILLES.
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Z - Marina ZNAMENSKI
Translators
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David BROWN
C - Christl COZORT
D - Anton DARBY, Patricia DE SEUMES,
James DREW
H - Jessica HINDS-MINGO, Sylvie HUYGEN
J - John JANSSENS DE VAREBEKE
M - Caroline MARICOURT
O - Chiade O’SHEA
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SCHWEIZER, Ryan STEPHENS (+)
W - Martine WAUTERS, Nick WOOD
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ISSN 1811-4121
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EUROPOLITICS N° 5000 Special Wednesday 15 April 2015
19
Europe’s potential leaders look to the future
By Rory Watson
Europolitics organised for the first
time in its history an essay competition for the 2014-2015 intake of
Commission trainees
With the title, My Europe, My Future,
entrants were asked to consider ways
to encourage the peoples of Europe
‘Mandate Union’ and the renewal of
the European Vision
Olivier Leroy, DG for Financial Stability, Financial Services and Capital Markets Union
The 2014 European elections were meant to
mark a turning point in the EU’s history. For
the first time, voters would have a real incentive to go to the polls since they could now
directly influence the appointment of the Commission President. The change came as part
of a continuous effort by the EU to improve
its legitimacy by increasing participation in its
democratic process. Yet the historically low
turnout this summer has only served to reinforce an argument which now seems incontrovertible: Europeans share a lack of interest
in the EU, caused by a persistent belief in
the predominance of domestic politics. The
EU’s continuous effort to achieve legitimacy
through internal reform has undeniably and
definitively failed.
In failure however, lies opportunity. Instead
of persevering in our fruitless attempts to
persuade Europeans to pay attention to the
distant political debates in Brussels, I suggest that we focus our attention on the ways
national politics can be used to rekindle interest, vision and hope in the European project.
What if we could create a European dimension to national elections, which would turn
the focus of voters away from narrow-minded
domestic approaches to European issues,
while simultaneously providing a real incentive for national politicians to cooperate at
the European level? What if, on top of all of
this, such reform could not only be realistically achieved today, but also quickly and
at little cost, while completely preserving
national political systems with no transfer of
sovereignty to supranational institutions?
to become more involved and more
committed
to
their
common
future.
The competition, held under the auspices of the Commission DG for Education and Culture, invited participants
to be as imaginative, but as realistic, as
possible.
Entries were limited to 1,000 words.
They could be submitted in either
English or French and in a variety of
styles: personal opinion piece, speech,
memo or traditional essay.
A five-member independent jury
chaired by Rory Watson, Europolitics
editorial advisor, selected the three winners: Olivier Leroy, Francesco Scatigna
and Pavlina Ivanova.
We present them below, unedited, as
they were submitted.
This solution is called ‘Mandate Union’, and
if properly implemented, it could provide the
answer to many of the EU’s current problems. Mandate Union entails the alignment of
political mandates at the national and supranational levels. It is composed of three main
elements.
First, the heads of state and/or government of
the EU countries would meet in the context of
an intergovernmental conference to discuss
the alignment of their terms of office. In short,
each leader would agree that they and their
successors should be elected for the same
length of time as their European counterparts.
Secondly, the signatories would also agree
to align national election dates as closely as
possible so as to create a ‘European electoral
season’, in which 375 million eligible voters
would simultaneously head to the polls to
renew the Union’s political leadership.
Through this agreement, which, like the
Schengen Accords, would operate completely
independently from the EU, all European leaders would commit to a common political
mandate, spawning new incentives for them
to work together and forge a common vision
for Europe. Once elected, a politician would
know exactly who he or she would have to
work with for the rest of their term. The coincidence of election dates would incite parties
in different countries to campaign together
during the European electoral season, advocating common policies and reform programs. Thus domestic politics would become
‘Europeanised’, without requiring any intervention by, or sovereignty transfer to, the EU.
These two reforms are much easier to implement than it might seem. First, the terms of
office of European leaders are already considerably aligned. 11 states grant their leaders a 5
year mandate, while the remaining 17 appoint
theirs for 4 years. This means that, regardless
of the agreed mandate length, it is unlikely
that the necessary adjustments would be
particularly significant. As for the alignment
of election dates, the adaption costs in each
country would be relatively minor since it
would only require a one-time adjustment
period of no more than a few months.
Of course, given the political and constitutional nature of these changes, popular
approval would most likely be needed in each
country in the form of national referendums.
There is consequently an inherent uncertainty
associated with the project. However, the
non-intrusive nature of these changes and
the potential associated benefits means that
they are unlikely to spark popular disapproval.
The suggested reforms do not alter the way in
which politicians are elected in each country,
nor do they fix a cap on the number of times
an incumbent can be re-elected. Instead, supportive politicians could effectively endorse
the reforms by vaunting the benefits of having
simultaneous elections for the effective
coordination of national political agendas.
I mentioned at the beginning of this essay
that Mandate Union is composed of three
core elements. The third and final one will
perhaps sound much less exotic for connoisseurs of European reform: the President
of the European Commission should be
appointed through direct election by EU citizens. This argument has already been advocated countless times, but I would argue that
it only makes sense if coupled with the other
elements of Mandate Union.
Indeed, as the European Parliament elections
have shown us time and time again, simply
giving citizens a right to vote does not automatically lead them to do so. In this case
however, the election of the Commission
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20
Wednesday 15 April 2015 N° 5000 Special EUROPOLITICS
President would happen immediately after
the national plebiscites, thus constituting the
second and final major event of the European
electoral season. The election of the Commission President could, thus be directly linked to
that of national leaders, and benefit from the
popular interest generated by them. Linking
European debates to domestic elections, will
inevitably make supranational politics ring
much closer to home for every citizen.
In this paper, I have briefly outlined a Mandate Union project for Europe, as well as
my reasons for believing in its feasibility.
These critical times call for bold leader-
ship and an unwavering commitment to
the European project. Our national leaders
must now move together towards a new
European vision, one in which national
politics do not undermine, but instead
reinforce, the democratic legitimacy of the
European Union. 
United in complexity
The European Union is suffering from the
very same disease. What I call for, then,
here, is a de-construction of our mental
categories. A real Union of the European
polities is much more than our constructed States, our self-induced sense
of pride. Overcoming the current system
of States in Europe is pivotal to a coherent, new institutional setting in the EU.
Addressing issues such as, inter alia,
States, nations, communities, majorities
and minorities, would require much more
in-depth analysis as can be provided here.
‘Nation’ ought be confuted (‘deconstruction’) as a political category. A new set of
unifying, pan-continental values should be
identified.
Jurgen Habermas talked about “patriotic
constitutionalism”, meaning that people
should form attachment to values rather
to a national culture. If our current set
of States and ‘nations’ is artificial, why
cannot we autonomously choose our own
set of values? The EU has, at least on
paper, some suggestions already: human
rights, a focal role for culture, freedom
of speech, grassroot democracy. This is
exactly what Habermas was referring to:
‘a patriot of values’ which do not owe their
existence to any given place.
Leaving those general remarks behind
us, I feel it would be very important to
close this brief intervention by mentioning
one far-reaching vision and two concrete
policy recommendations.
The future is local. Environment, sustainability, democracy, smart development. Take a look around you - listen to
the discussions between the European
cities, look at the inter-regional projects:
cities and local areas are moving faster
than their States, because they still have
a function; they are not dragged down by
some ancient ‘national’ pride: their engine
is the future.
Why do our Federalist - even the brightest among us, such as Daniel Cohn-Bendit and Guy Verhofstadt - denounce the
end of the nation State (read it if you will
in For Europe!) and then dream of a Federal Europe based on these very same
constituencies? Let’s be brave and say
it: a Federal Europe has a sense only if it
overcomes these stale political categories; and if cities, along with rural areas,
came together as federate constituencies of a federal union, we might just get
a closer and double-level democracy:
from Granada to Brussels, to Rovaniemi.
After all, experts of regional policy would
surely concur in saying that it would
be challenging but possible, to redraw
the map of Europe in order to make
cities and rural areas the focal points
of coherent polities: diverse, complex,
democratic, and federated.
So far for the far-stretching vision. What
about policy undertakings we can commit
to now, and execute tomorrow? To be
sure, they will not necessarily bring about
the end I - perhaps naively - pictured
above. For the world is complex, and the
paths are innumerable! But if the direction
is towards an ‘ever closer union’ - with
the many meanings it brings with it - the
following could be viable suggestions.
Education & Culture. We live in a world
that tries hard to look simple. We learn
skills, but do not have the ability of critically assessing them. We are used to
speed. Solutions must come fast. The
next generation ought to learn something
more: complexity. Otherwise said, the
possibility of the absence of an answer or of its multiplicity. Complexity, and the
ability of critically address it. Simply more
funds to education and culture will not do.
I am not suggesting any easy answer (that
would be ironical): but any clever polity
would place these two fields at the fore-
Francesco Scatigna, DG for Education and
Culture
Mooreeffoc...Charles Dickens saw it
once, through a glass door and into a
greyish London air. A suggestive, mysterious word. G.K. Chesterton saw it too.
And many more, including J.R.R Tolkien,
became fascinated with it.
What did this word mean? It turned out
it should really have been read from
another perspective, from the other side
of the glass door, and read: ‘coffee room’.
And yet, how much richer this word had
become - Moorefoc was another way of
seeing a coffee room - is another way of
seeing reality. It shows complexity.
We are, nowadays, very scared by complexity. We prefer sticking to our wellknown, routine, coffee room, no matter
what richness complexity and a little
change in perspective might bring us. This
is true on a personal level. It is true for
most debates on the future of Europe.
But wait, are we sure there is any debate
on the future of Europe - at all? This scare
of complexity, this lack of will for anyone
to go sit on the other side of the glass door
and dare to see our reality from another
angle has deprived Europe of any real
debate. The shadow of a debate that we
have actually looks like a petty quarrel on
‘contemporaneistic’ short-term, issues.
Our age is the age of speed; the age of
instantness. Does it mean we are advancing faster? Not necessarily. We reached
what we perceive to be as a ‘golden standard’ world. We crystallised our frontiers.
We idolised our polities. We ended up
considering the accidents of history - our
borders, our languages, our ethnic communities - as God-given, or nature-determined matters of fact. We lost sight of
complexity; of that eye-opening change of
perspective. We lost flexibility.
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EUROPOLITICS N° 5000 Special Wednesday 15 April 2015
front of the political discourse.
Mobility & Multilingualism. If you ask me
what elements will or might just be key
to the success of the European ‘utopia’, I
would name these two. I strongly believe
that mobility and the ability of speaking at
My Europe, My Future
Pavlina Ivanova, DG for Environment
Dear 50-year-old me,
I am writing this letter at the age of 25 for you
to read in 25 years’ time.
I hope that your life has undergone important changes, you have witnessed some great
inspiring events over the past years and that
you are pleased to find yourself in the place
where you wanted to be, doing the work
you dreamed about 25 years ago. I do hope
that you are leading a comfortable, safe and
enriching life in a country with a stable economy and a society composed of open-minded
engaged individuals, one that could very well
be any of the European Union countries. Or
perhaps you have gone back to Bulgaria after
the impressive progress that your country
has made in its political, economic and societal environment. Wherever you may now be
I hope that you still feel the European spirit
within and that the people around you are
proud and confident European Union citizens.
I believe that you have in front of you some
strong political leaders who keep their decisions transparent and continue serving for
the better common good of their people. I do
hope that those in charge of your government
have preserved their focus and determination
in making the right geo-political choices and
have contributed to the formation of a more
united Europe. I hope that you are observing political independence and democracy
as much as interstate collegiality among the
EU countries where employment opportunities have grown more prosperous than ever
before. I do hope that you and your peers
form part of a vigorous productive work force
within a robust job market where youngsters
are equally well finding jobs and gaining the
confidence they lack at the moment. I believe
that in your time you should be witnessing
remarkable technological progress, dynamic
innovation and blooming entrepreneurship
across whole Europe. And I am hopeful that
21
least two languages besides one’s mother
tongue can save Europe. If combined
together, and once coupled with the ability
of critically thinking, the toolkit to address
complexity would be decent enough.
And once complexity is befriended, it is a
wonderful companion. And the old cast
of nation, the rotten constrictions of our
self-imposed categories could be cast away.
And then, maybe, we will be able to be, to
act, to think as individuals: complex within,
without, in-between. United in complexity. 
you now hear about less economic austerity
and poverty, less untreatable diseases and
casualties, less natural disasters. I hope that
you can clearly observe among Europeans
the enduring examples of human solidarity,
compassion and tolerance for every individual’s race, color, gender, religion, national
origin, age, disability and personal beliefs.
I do hope that my Europe continues to be
a place where human rights and freedoms
are fully respected, for every single citizen,
in every region and community so that in
the world you live in now equality and personal privacy can be of fundamental value.
I suppose that you have German, Spanish
or Hungarian neighbours, that your children
speak already more than three languages,
and all this is great! Dear 50-year-old me,
keep encouraging the expressions of cultural
diversity and integrity. It is the most precious
and valuable gift that my Europe has now and
I do hope that you will still witness it around
you in our Europe 25 years later. Please, make
sure that EU citizens cherish and respect
other countries’ traditions and customs, that
multi-cultural formations are seen as something good and positive, which instead of
alienation brings about lasting European unity
and collaboration. And yet, my most sincere
hope remains that you are feeling safe over
there, that violence, terrorism and war are
only vague words fading away from a once
distressing gloomy past.
Dear 50-year-old me, I realize that I am writing my letter in a moment when one can still
discern the traces of a widespread euroscepticism around and that the future looks uncertain for many Europeans. So even in case
you are not witnessing some of the things I
mention here, please, do not despair. If your
Europe doesn’t look as bright as I imagine it
now, be sure that this will change. Every great
power undergoes over time inevitable political
or socio-economic downturns but remember
that Europe can withstand the confrontations
and will rise stronger than ever before. Think
for a moment about the 25-year-old you, who
writes this letter at a time soon after another
financial crisis has passed while most of her
peers have no trust in political governance
and no hope in their future. As her 5-month
traineeship is coming soon to an end, the
25-year-old you has no definite plan for her
future either. She doesn’t know what will
happen with her in a month from now, where
life may take her but she is not afraid. Determined to create a bright future for herself, she
prefers to keep her optimism alive knowing
that as long she has her Europe aside, it will
be all fine.
Dear 50-year-old me, in case of doubts or
insecurity look back at the 25-year-old you
and the chain of events she has been through
as they can certainly remind you of what the
EU legacy is about and the opportunities this
brings with it. Remind yourself that you are
born in the year of the fall of the Berlin Wall,
that you are part of a generation which grew
up in turbulent uncertain times to witness
the formation of a new modern-day Europe.
You are among the many youngsters who
could reap the benefits of an EU citizenship
by going beyond what their country could
offer them, reaching for an education across
national borders. You could enjoy your right
of free movement and seize the opportunities for academic and professional pursuits
in several EU countries, travel freely from
one to another, learn those countries’ languages and get immersed into unique cultural settings. So if things look different for
you and others around, do not be afraid to
take courage and call for the changes you
want to witness. Do not forget that you are
nurtured with the European spirit and that
you are the bearer of a strong European
voice.
Dear 50-year-old me, the future is in no one’s
hands but yours and it looks as promising
and exciting as you wish. I am the author
of this letter, I am the master of my future.
Follow me as I embark on this journey. 
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