Good evening to everyone of this very distinguished audience. First of all, I would like to start by expressing my deepest gratitude and appreciation to the organizers of the conference for inviting me to speak here today. It is a great honor to be talking this important day in front of you. The aspect that I have been asked to analyze is the “New Euroscepticism and Migration”. At this point, I have to clarify that traditionally euroscepticism was associated with the democratic deficit, while today the new euroscepticism is fed by a series of hard and soft factors that appeal to the public opinion and enhance the anti-European feeling, as confirmed by the data drawn from the Eurobarometer. What do you think are the two most important issues facing the EU at the moment? Source: Standard Eurobarometer 81 / Spring 2014 - TNS Opinion & Social On the one hand, since 2008, Europe has been facing a multidimensional crisis -economic and cultural due to increasing migration flows from the countries of the Arab Spring-. On the other hand, the uncontrolled globalization enhances the mobility of workers and enterprises between the Member States. This dual problem encourages popular demand for cultural protectionism and social cohesion at a period of economic austerity. The response to this dual threat constitutes of abuse in the form of racism and intolerance against migrants and protests against the Eurocrats. This trend is ambiguous to the extent it is based on knowledge about the costs and benefits of migration or on irrational fear in response to the imminent deterioration of national identity. Meanwhile, the anti-European sentiment finds expression both through the extreme and the established political forces seeking to strengthen their popularity and legitimizing skepticism towards the EU through the instrumentalization of populism. In the light of this, the parties adopt either revisionist oriented behavior based on post-materialist rhetoric, or a more hardline antiEuropean stance demanding the withdrawal of their country from the EU aimed, inter alia, the recovery of sovereignty over the control of the state borders. However, a paradox emerges: Despite the fact that internal migration for job hunting from the European South to North is a daily phenomenon and northern enterprises expand in Eastern Europe, South and North deny the right to economic refugees and to European and not European citizens, respectively, to seek better living conditions in their countries. Expressions such as "France for the French," the idea of the EU as an "anti-national steamroller" that denounces the opening of borders through the Schengen and introduces unfair competition between the States, and also the obsession of Britain and Scandinavian countries with the idea of national exceptionalism, are representative of the situation. Concerning this situation it is obvious that the States forget what the meaning of the EU is if they undermine the free movement of persons, services and capital. Additionally, critics of immigration policy denounce the cost that tourism of social benefits brings. A typical example is the Conservative Party David Cameron that has developed its own anti-integration space and conduct calls for an extension of the claim for welfare benefits given to immigrants. On the other hand, states, mainly in the South, demand less Europe at the same time that they seek more help in guarding the external borders, as for example in 2011 in Italy during the massive flow of migrants in Lampedusa from Tunisia and Libya. It is important that anti-immigrant sentiment will be mitigated by the benefits of this practice, which are namely the contribution of immigrants to address aging of the continent and achieve significant financial results. In conclusion, no country can seal its borders to immigration and especially if we consider that Europe is the highest migratory destination. Personally, I adopt a less pessimistic view and I think that it is a delusion to believe that we will solve the challenge of migration with less Europe. Given the scale of the phenomenon is needed to consider if host countries are capable both in terms of infrastructure and culture to manage this challenge without the European funds (assigned through the four thematic funds: Action, Integration, Return and External Borders ), the operational cooperation and assistance from neighboring countries. Migratory routes Map Source: FRONTEX http://frontex.europa.eu/trends-and-routes/migratory-routes-map. Undoubtedly, an effective European migration policy requires progressive steps towards a holistic approach beyond legislative provisions aimed at harmonizing the policies of Member States, including measures to raise public awareness and capacity building of law enforcement. However, the crisis of confidence in the EU seems once again to postpone the goal of "ever closer union among the peoples of Europe" (Article 1TEU). Thank you very much for your attention. Σύντομο Βιογραφικό Σημείωμα Η Δήμητρα Μισσιρά σπούδασε Διεθνείς και Ευρωπαϊκές Σχέσεις στο Πανεπιστήμιο Πειραιά (2008-2012). Ολοκλήρωσε με άριστα τις Μεταπτυχιακές της Σπουδές με ειδίκευση στο Ευρωπαϊκό Δίκαιο και Πολιτική του Παντείου Πανεπιστημίου (2012-2014). Από το 2012-2014 διετέλεσε ερευνήτρια στο Ινστιτούτο Έρευνας και Κατάρτισης Ευρωπαϊκών Θεμάτων. Παράλληλα, είναι μέλος της ΜΚΟ-Νεολαία Ευρωπαϊκή Έκφραση και αρθρογραφεί για τη διεθνούς εμβέλειας ΜΚΟ-One-Europe, με σκοπό την προώθηση του διαλόγου για το μέλλον της Ευρώπης. Από τον Οκτώβριο 2014 μέχρι και σήμερα πραγματοποιεί την πρακτική της άσκηση στη Βουλή των Ελλήνων