An Egyptian Rock Stela
tn
c
Timna
Published by Maney Publishing (c) Friends of the Institute of Archaeology of Tel Aviv University
Raphael Ventura
In February 1972, additional evidence of Egyptian presence in the Timnac Valley was discovered near the Hathor Shrine.!
On a cliff, to the north of the shrine and at an altitude of about 20 m. above
it, there is a large, perpendicular surface of rock, extending almost to the top of
the rock formation (PI. 9). The base of that surface can be reached quite readily
by climbing the rock from a point situated at the rear of the same "Solomon's
Pillar" (Rothenberg 1972: PI. 1), in front of which the shrine was erected.
Fgi. 1. Facsimile of the Timnac rock stela.
For previous publications, see Lipschitz (1972:158; PI. 27: A, B); Atzael (1972:
218 ff.; Cover photo); Giveon (1969:52); Rothenberg (1970:30-35;
1972:125 ff.,
132; Fig. 43). I wish to thank Dr. B. Rothenberg, for having drawn my atten:i::m to
this monument and for having enabled me to visit it and obtain photographs.
60
Published by Maney Publishing (c) Friends of the Institute of Archaeology of Tel Aviv University
Ventura:
Egyptian
Rock
Stela
in Timna'
The lowest part of the red sandstone surface, which is its only accessible area,
bears a typical royal rock stela of the Rameside period, of the kind that is often
found in mining regions (Couyat and Montet 1912; Gardiner and Peet 1952).
The rock stela which is 90 em. high and 55 em. wide was carved under apparently
adverse working conditions and by an artist of moderate skill. Weathered by time
and situated too high to afford an undistorted view, its inscription presents some
minor problems of decipherment and evaluation (Fig. 1; PI. 10: 1).
The left part of the border line was never incised except for three short chisel
marks at the lower part of the scene. Its lunette has been partially lost, possibly
due to erosion of the rock. The area within the border line is devoted mostly to
the representation of an offering scene in which Rameses III is shown offering two
vessels to Hathor, who stands facing him. In the space between the figures there
are two cartouches. A horizontal inscription in coarse hieroglyphs is inscribed at
the bottom.
The king stands, facing right.2 He wears the linen head cloth with the uraeus
and a streamer.3 He is dressed in a short, poorly executed ceremonial skirt,4' his left
leg is held forward. Due to the coarseness of the carving, it is difficult to ascertain
whether or not he wears sandals. A bowl held in his right hand is offered to Hathor
above the level of her nostrils. It should therefore contain some kind of incense;
such bowls are often depicted with a flame visible at their top. The nature of the
vessel in the king's left hand is not readily discernable; it is held at an angle which
tends to indicate that it is not meant as an offering. The peculiar way of holding
the vessel is reminiscent of libation offering scenes. In such scenes the libation is
poured from a pear shaped, spouted vessel onto a special stand (Nelson and
Holsche 1934: Fig. 18; Piankoff 1954: PI. 34).5
Hathor wears a long, tightly fitting dress, a heavy wig apd a horned-disc crown.
In her left hand she carries the cn~ symbol; her right arm extends downward at
a slight angle as if she were holding a staff. The characteristic apparel of the
goddess as well as the immediate proximity of the inscription to the Egyptian
shrine where Hathor was undoubtedly worshipped as "Mistress of the Turquoise"
(Giveon 1969 :52), offer positive identification of the goddess.
Even for an out-of-the-way rock stela, the scene has been poorly executed. The
figures were carved too closely to one another for such a scene. Consequently,
Hathor's staff, the conventional line of the libation flow, and the stand into which
Neither
beard
nor tail are visible;
these royal attributes
such occasions in the Rameside period.
Streamers are occasionally seen accompanying
4
are by no means
the cloth head-dress.
essential
Cf. Blackman
on
1913:
PI. 68:17G; Gardiner and Peet 1952: Pis. 69:249; 73:273.
For a similar skirt, worn by a king, see Gardiner and Peet 1952: PI. 68:244.
For the absence
of a spout, a stand and the traces of the liquid
I have no explanation
other than the carelessness of the work. In other scenes of the same nature, different
vessels may be used; instead of the bowl, there may be a brazier or a censor, and
instead of the libation vessel, a spouted or unspouted ~s vessel-but
the principle is
always the same, i.e., the coupling of incense and libation offerings. See hieroglyphic
text, and scene in Le M usee du Caire (1949:
PI. 90)-
61
Published by Maney Publishing (c) Friends of the Institute of Archaeology of Tel Aviv University
Tel Aviv 1 (1974)
the libation should be poured, all had to be omitted. Hathor's name was not written
and the enclosing border was not completed. The cartouches seem to have been
inserted as an afterthought into the only available spaces, and the usual complementing epithets had to be dispensed with for lack of space.
The upper car touche of Rameses III was carved between the heads of the two
figures and it end~..just above the offering bowl. It contains the king's prenomen
Wsr m3't r' mr(yJ zmn.G There are no visible traces of an epithet preceding the
cartouche, although one should expect, if not nyswt bity, at least nb t3wy, which
should parallel the epithet that actually precedes the second cartouche. The rock's
uneven surface at that very place, however, makes it impossible to determine
whether anything had ever existed there.
The second lower cartouche is carved between the legs of the standing figures.
It contains the nomen of the king: RCmss /.t~3 lwnw. The cartouche is preceded by
the epithet nb ~cw, but the formula s3 r' is lacking.
The inscription at the bottom is somewhat difficult to read; the upper part of
most of the hieroglyphs has been destroyed, as has the beginning of the line (PI.
10: 2) .
. . . arrival (?) (a) by (the) Royal Butlers (b) Ramesu, (c) ... deceased (?).
(a) Or some other infinitive derived from a verb of motion. For this combination with in, d. Erman 1933: pars. 316, 415.
(b) See discussion in Gardiner 1947: 43*£., for parallel orthography (except for the direction of the handle); d. also Couyat and Montet 1912:
PI. 4:12 1.13; Gardiner and Peet 1952: PI. 75:302. Wb. 1: 388 does not give
this orthography.
(c) R'msw should be the name of one of the royal butlers; the absence
of a determinative after this first name need not concern us too much; for a
parallel situation, see Couyat and Montet 1912:PI. 4:12 1.13. The name
of the second butler is not recognisable, but the latter has the determinative of
a deceased person and is probably qualified as (m3') ~rw.
Elsewhere in mining regions, royal butlers are also mentioned as staff members
of Egyptian expeditions (Couyat and Montet 1912: PI. 4:12; Gardiner and Peet
1952: PIs. 70:252; 71:250, 260; 75:302; 78:304; Pap. Harris I: 78,6, see Erichsen
1933 :95). The location of this inscription in the centre of the Timna' mining
region, and its association with Hathor (mistress of the Asiatic mining regions
during this period), tends to imply that, here again, the butlers were members of
such an expedition.7 As senior staff members they could have had inscriptions,
The hieroglyphs
Although
the
in both
inscription
cartourches
is situated
are directed
from right
on a cliff commanding
to left.
the
site of the
Timna'
Shrine,
(see PI. 9) one should not seek a direct connection
between the two,
inscription being too high up and too far back to be seen from the shrine level.
62
the
Published by Maney Publishing (c) Friends of the Institute of Archaeology of Tel Aviv University
Ventura:
Egyptian Rock Stela in Timna"
commemorating the occurence, carved upon rocks or stelae near the mines; it was
a common practice to have the king himself depicted in the offering scene to
Hathor.
In conclusion, we should mention that among the sources from the reign of
Rameses III there is a direct allusion to at least one expedition to a foreign, copper producing mine region called CAtaka (Pap. Harris 1:78, 1-4, see Erichsen
1933 :95). The information given there may very well fit the geography of
Timnac (Giveon 1969:52-53; Rothenberg 1970:201 ff.). Our inscription tends
to strengthen the possibility of this identification. Additional evidence is offered
by the two cartouches of Rameses III, discovered in Na!:lal Roded (Rothenberg
1972: 201).
REFERENCES
Atzael, 1972. Ancient Egyptian Rock Inscription and Relief Found at Timna.
Teva Vaaretz 14:218-221. (Hebrew).
Blackman, A. M. 1913. The Temple of Derr. (Les Temples Immerges de la Nubie).
Cairo.
Couyat, J. and Montet, P. 1912. Les inscriptions hieroglyphiques et hieratiques
du Ouadi Hammamat.
(Memoirs de l'institut franc;ais d'archeologie orientale
34). Le Caire.
Erichsen, W. 1933. Papyrus Harris I hieroglyphische Transkription
(Bibliotheca
Aegyptiaca 5). Brussels.
Erman, A. 1933. Neuaegyptische Grammatik. Leipzig.
Gardiner, A. H. 1947. Ancient Egyptian Onomastica I. Oxford.
Gardiner, A. H. Peet, T. E. 1952. The Inscriptions of Sinai I. (2nd ed. revised and
augmented by J. Cerny). London.
Giveon, R. 1969. Egyptian Inscriptions and Finds from a Temple in the Timna
Area. Apud The Proceedings of the Fifth World Congress of Jewish Studies:
50-53.
Le Musee du Caire. 1949. (Encyclopedie photographique de l'art). France, n.p.
Lipschitz, Ora 1972. Timna (Notes and News). IEJ 22:158.
Nelson, H. H. a~d Holscher, U. 1934. Work in Western Thebes 1931-1933. (Oriental Institute Communications 18). Chicago.
Piankoff, A. 1954. The Tomb of Ramesses VI 2. New York.
Rothenberg, B. 1970. An Egyptian Temple of Hathor Discovered in the Southern
Aravah (Israel). The Museum Haaretz Bulletin 12:28-35.
Rothenberg, B. 1972. Timna. London.
Wb 1. Erman A. and Grapow, H. 1931. Worterbuch der aegyptischen Sprache I.
Berlin.
63