Chandi, Revankar 1 Academic-Athletic Scandals at NCAA Division I Institutions in the U.S. Mohit Chandi and Rishab Revankar ENGL 105i Health and Medicine Dr. Bradley Hammer 28 Oct 2014 The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill Chandi, Revankar 2 Academic-Athletic Scandals at NCAA Division I Institutions in the U.S. “My job is to protect The Entertainment Product ... You can hate that; you can hate the system. But at the end of the day, it's who they are. They're the raw material in a multibillion-dollar sports and entertainment business. And it's my job to protect them.” -Phil Hughes, Associate Director for Student Services, Kansas State University As stated by Phil Hughes, due to the role of intercollegiate athletics at U.S. universities, Division I Institutions have grown to assume their current state: “a multibillion-dollar sports and entertainment business.” In response to the argument proposing the prominence of intercollegiate athletics as justification for “protecting” student-athletes, contemporary American society has questioned the lawfulness and ethics of this form of protection (Branch). Simply put, the protection is geared towards ensuring that student-athletes meet minimum NCAA GPA requirements in order to maintain athletic eligibility. The resulting emphasis on meeting minimum GPA requirements has lead to the evolution of a sports culture that deprioritizes an institution’s core educational values in favor of meeting athletic eligibility as defined by the NCAA. According to a law student at Seattle University School of Law, “As collegiate athletics increased in popularity, the competition to recruit the best student-athletes has become rampant—in many instances without regard to a student’s academic ability. As a result, institutions sacrifice educational values, as evidenced by academic underperformance or cheating amongst student-athletes” (Gatmen 510-511). Simply, academic institutions undermine their core educational values in order to recruit the best student-athletes. Conclusive NCAA investigations can be found to support Gatmen’s claim that institutions, through their emphasis on cultivating athletic success, have contributed to an increase in the academic misconduct of their student bodies. For example, Francis Cullen, Distinguished Research Professor at The University of Cincinnati’s School of Criminal Justice, found that, “Increasing concern has been raised over the Chandi, Revankar 3 status of ‘big time’ collegiate athletics. NCAA investigations have turned up widespread and repeated instances of serious rule infractions. Indeed, as of 1989, 25 institutions were under NCAA scrutiny for ‘improper recruiting,’ ‘improper benefits to athletes,’ or similar forms of misconduct” (Cullen et. al 56). Yet, heightened NCAA scrutiny was unsuccessful in reversing the trend of increased academic misconduct; according to a 2011 report by USA Today, an analysis conducted by the news agency Inside Higher Ed revealed that the number of Division I institutions not merely under scrutiny but furthermore punished by the NCAA had more than doubled a decade later: 53, from 2001 to 2010 alone (Lederman). And, with this understanding as the foundation, our paper will investigate the causal links, not merely the corollary factors, that demonstrate not only “how” but “if” the American sports culture diminishes the integrity of the honor codes of Division I institutions. Examined collectively, these university scandals cannot be attributed to a single factor; rather, the problem is systemic of the American sports culture. “Coaches cautioned that much cheating and corruption could be traced to the intense pressures to win under which they labor (Cullen et al., 61-62).” Simply, corruption in college sports is not due to individual failings, but to the system that leads coaches to leave their moral mandates. Yet, as demonstrated by Cullen and his research team, the system cannot force athletic personnel to leave their moral mandates unless there is a lucrative reward: The pressure to win, moreover, is fueled by the large economic stakes inherent in major collegiate athletics. From an occupational standpoint, coaches occupy a high risk, but potentially lucrative, position. Although typically granted little job security, coaches draw not only substantial salaries but also a myriad of fringe Chandi, Revankar 4 benefits (for example, radio-television contracts, endorsements, paid speaking engagements, summer sports camp)—a total financial package. (Cullen et al., 62) Simply, coaches become absorbed in a system that rewards them generously with money and fame for winning at all costs. Consequently, through the authoritative emphasis on earning money, there is a considerable incentive for circumventing NCAA rules. Yet, wouldn’t the blatant circumvention of NCAA rules cause administrators and staff in the athletic department and university to report infractions to the appropriate governing body? On the contrary, according to the NCAA’s University of Miami Public Infractions Report, academic scandals in Division I schools such as Miami were permitted to evolve despite the knowledge of head football coaches and staff. Regarding the 1994 scandal wherein academic advisor Tony Russell was found guilty of helping 80 athletes falsify applications for Pell Grants, “the head football coach and the associate director of athletics for compliance and internal operations were aware of (scandalous activity)” (NCAA). Simply, coaches, due to their prioritization of the athletic eligibility of student-athletes on the football team, did not attempt to expose or make amends for academic misconduct. As demonstrated by the failure of athletic authorities to report incidences of academic misconduct, there exists a direct correlation between generously rewarding coaching staff for athletic success and the abandonment of moral mandates and NCAA regulations by the coaching staff. In response to the slew of expository NCAA investigative reports that implicitly point a finger at the administrations of Division I institutions, respective authorities have given various arguments to justify the occurrence of academic-athletic scandals. In the wake of the publishing of a report detailing the academic-athletic scandal at The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill spanning 1993-2011, Chancellor Carol Folt addressed the Chapel Hill community: Chandi, Revankar 5 It is important to separate the past from the present—and the future. (The investigation) found that the irregularities were confined to one department, peaked almost a decade ago and ended in 2011. Since first learning of these irregularities four years ago, Carolina took action to stop the wrongdoing and implemented numerous additional reforms … We already are stronger as a result ... of our willingness to accept responsibility. (Folt) In simplified terms, the Chancellor attempts to qualify the negativity associated with the scandal by claiming the scandal to be a past occurrence as opposed to a current issue, limited in terms of the scope of academia concerned, and not without its positive outcomes, namely an experience that demonstrated the university’s ability to accept and handle significant responsibility. Much the same, student body president Andrew Powell wrote to students: “The media (has) been quick to use the 3,000+ number as an indictment of us as a student body. But I believe the context is also important: over the same period there were more than three million class enrollments at UNC. 9,000 illegitimate credit hours out of over 9,000,000 total hours do not define our student body or University” (Powell). In other words, by creating a comparison between the number of students who were receiving illegitimate credit hours and a considerably greater number of students who were concurrently receiving legitimate credit hours, Powell defends his institution by downplaying the severity of the scandal. Yet, UNC is not the only institution to publicly defend internal academic conflicts in the recent past. According to The University of Wisconsin Chancellor Rebecca Blank, “You can run a clean program. You can have student-athletes. And you can win big games—even in the big money sports ... I’m willing to defend our students as student-athletes—absolutely” (Wisconsin State Journal). Despite Blank’s stated confidence in Chandi, Revankar 6 the ability of the university to maintain a Division I athletic program without giving rise to student-athlete controversy, sports network SB Nation draws attention to seven major NCAA infractions committed by Wisconsin as of 1982 (KingOState). The nature of these scandals ranges from instances of academic violations by student-athletes to “falsified certifications of compliance,” “extra financial aid for basketball players,” and “illegal sponsorships” associated with the athletic department (KingOState). Thusly, Blank’s defense of student-athletes is contradicted by the institution’s history of scandals and blatant violations of NCAA regulations. Revelations of athletic scandals are damaging to the perception of a university and to athletes involved in intercollegiate competition. When an athletic scandal is uncovered by mass media, a university invariably responds in a manner that protects its public perception. John Fortunato analyzes Duke’s response to its 2006 lacrosse rape case. He writes: Duke’s public relations function was to attempt to frame the story. Administrative authorities at Duke wanted certain facts to be emphasized in the media coverage and communicated to its critical stakeholders, particularly its accepting responsibility for the incident, its corrective actions of forming committees to address the cultural environment and creating higher behavior standards for the lacrosse team, its positioning the university as a leader in addressing the issue of alcohol on campus, and the communication of the positive aspects of the university. (Fortunato) Simply, Duke attempted to minimize the negative implications associated with its athletic scandal by engaging in public relations. Consequently, the focus of the university was shifted from the actual misconduct to its public perception. Thusly, intervention provided by Division I universities like Duke does not target the central role-players in academic-athletic scandals: Chandi, Revankar 7 student-athletes. In conclusion, “To date, little or nothing has been done to address the fundamental cause of the recent scandals—the competitive pressures created by commercialization … (preventing incidences of academic misconduct) will depend on implementing reforms that diminish the persistent, intense pressures on coaches to win and accrue profits for their universities” (Cullen et al., 63). Chandi, Revankar 8 Bibliography Branch, Taylor. "The Shame of College Sports." The Atlantic. Atlantic Media Company, 07 Sept. 2011. Web. 08 Nov. 2014. Cullen, Francis T., Edward J. Latessa, and Joseph P. Byrne. "Scandal and reform in collegiate athletics: Implications from a national survey of head football coaches." The Journal of Higher Education (1990): 50-64. Elisia J.P. Gatmen, Academic Exploitation: The Adverse Impact of College Athletics on the Educational Success of Minority Student-Athletes, 10 SEATTLE J. Soc. Web. (2011). Folt, Carol L. "Message from Chancellor Carol L. Folt." Letter to Carolina Community. 22 Oct. 2014. MS. Chapel Hill, North Carolina. Fortunato, John A. "Restoring a reputation: The Duke University lacrosse scandal." Public Relations Review 34.2 (2008): 116-123. KingOState. "The Top 25 Dirtiest Athletic Programs In College History IV: Cheat Free or Lose Hard." Cowboys Ride For Free. SB Nation, 15 July 2011. Web. 26 Oct. 2014. Lederman, Doug. "Half of Big-time NCAA Programs Had Major Violations." USA Today, 7 Feb. 2011. Web. 25 Oct. 2014. Lewis, Guy. "The Beginning of Organized Collegiate Sport." page 224. American Quarterly, 197 Rossi, Rhiannon. The Representation of a Scandal: A Case Study of the Jerry Sandusky Sex Abuse Scandal. Diss. Gonzaga University, Spokane, Wash., 2012. Chandi, Revankar 9 "Students First and Athletes Second at UW." Wisconsin State Journal, 07 Sept. 2014. Web. 26 Oct. 2014. Thelin, John R. Games Colleges Play: Scandal and Reform in Intercollegiate Athletics. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins UP, 1994. Google Books. Web. 25 Oct. 2014. Powell, Andrew. "Message from the Student Body President Andrew H. Powell." Letter to UNC Students and the Campus Community. 24 Oct. 2014. MS. Chapel Hill, North Carolina. University of Miami Public Infractions Report, NCAA, December 1, 1995, retrieved October 26, 2014
© Copyright 2024