STATE, MARKET AND DEVELOPMENT IN SUB SAHARA AFRICA (SSA): WHY PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION CANNOT BE NEUTRAL BY AKONGBOWA BRAMWELL AMADASUN Ph.D, M.Sc, MPA, MBA, MEPE, PGD, B.Sc, MCIM, MNIM, ASCA, CAN EMAIL: [email protected], [email protected] CELL: +2348039445333, +2348055612923 AND HENRY IGIEBOR OGHOATOR Ph.D, M.Sc,MPA, MCIM WESTERN DELTA UNIVERSITY, OGHARA, DELTA STATE, NIGERIA EMAIL: [email protected] CELL: +2348023453968 ABSTRACT The focus is on the paradigm that sustainable development in Sub Sahara Africa (SSA) can only be achieved through the interaction of the state and the market that is conceived or modeled and directed in a well structured framework of Public Sector Management and not the reverse. The paper posits that because the SSA does not and is not likely to have a proactive and developed private sector, socio-political and socio-economic systems, Public Administration cannot be passive in managing the affairs of SSA Nations (political and economic affairs inclusive).The paper argues that the socio-political and political economy of the SSA states is premised on such shaky fundamentals that it is imperative that Public Administration be an active participant in the development process; in terms of developing new axioms and concepts or in adopting tested development nexus, frameworks, theories and process in the SSA (political and economic inclusive). The paper further posits that why the dichotomy between the state and the market as a tool for driving the economy and sustainable development might be relevant in the developed North, China and in the nations that make up 1 the Asian Tigers, it cannot hold sway for countries that makeup the SSA. It opines that in the developed North, Public Administration has created the symbiotic relations and synergy on which a strong partnership between the public and private thrives as the fundamental for state development and growth. This, the paper states should be more relevant to SSA countries considering the fact that their political and economic and social systems are fragile, crisis ridden and far from been described as rudimentary; in addition the SSA is a home to 38 of the 44 poorest countries in the world. Consequently the Paper states that Public Administration should not be neutral in the SSA but should serve as the incubator, pivot and driving force for state development and growth. Taking this into consideration the paper is of the view that what should be paramount is not the neutrality of Public Administration in the SSA but: What kind/type of Public Administration should be put in place in the SSA? What should be the constitutive elements of Public Administration in the SSA? How can Public Administration in the SSA create a strong synergy and symbiotic relations between the state and the market for development and growth? And what are the barriers to Public Administration in the SSA? Taking the foregoing questions into cognizance the paper examined the model of the developmentalist state and the market in the SSA in the context of the interactions of Public Administration roles; Neoliberal globalisation and the SSA in the context of global competition, development and growth; and the challenges of development theory and agenda in the context of engaging neolibralism in the ramifications of Public Administration. Finally it made some policy prescriptions and conclusions. The paper is intentionally provocative with a view to provide the basis for further research. INTRODUCTION The question of national and regional development and citizen’s wellbeing is critically dependent on the level of partnership between government and the private sector. This in its core essence rest on the economic condition and process that is linked to the political, social, economic , and cultural dimension that is fundamentally dependent on a nations soundness and weakness of its public managerial architecture (the collectivity versus individualism). In this context national and regional development can be better understood from the perspective that the material and human growth of a nation is multifaceted and embedded in the definitive values of public management. Consequently the primary agenda of public management’s collaborative and cooperative effort of citizens is to build and maintain mechanisms and processes that should induce and reinforce their well being. What this means is that public administration has as its major goal, the elimination of poverty, raising living standards, providing 2 employment opportunities, health facilities, health, education, agricultural productivity, shelter etc. Hence, public administration cannot afford to be neutral. Increasingly public administration due to its eclectic nature has become expansive, branching out into private and non-profit sectors. In the above context public administration cannot offend to be neutral in the SSA nation’s development process for the following reasons: (Shafritz et al, 2011); 1. Public Administration is what government does. The SSA has been Balkanized into states that are manned by bureaucrats with the aim of delivering services to citizens. Consequently to dismantle this structure will be counterproductive, since the SSA cannot begin now to import and learn to manage a new non-administrative system. 2. The increasing expansive nature of public administration that has provided the platform for branching out into the private and non-profit sector has given new meaning to governance to which the SSA cannot be excluded. The implication is that what was once a synonym for the process of government has evolved into inter-organizational efforts to cope with crossboundary problems by using networks of people and organizations. Again providing the plat form for public administration for being merely indirect to being extremely convoluted and this has great implications for SSA development and governance. 3. Public Administration represents a phase in public policy making cycle: Sub Sahara population is remarkably on the increase due to several factors and this places high demand on public policy. In this context government is constantly in a fury of whether to do or not to do; at the end of this decision is the implementation by the bureaucrats. However public policy is a continuous process it cannot end with implementation because there will be an evaluation which set the stage again for another policy and implementation. Consequently for proper functioning of governments in the SSA public administration cannot be neural. 3 4. Sub Sahara Africa before the colonial incursion was made up of numerous atomized empires and dukedoms, though some were quiet large. However, most started as a community of people where public administration as a mature manifestation of community spirit became central to process and indeed collectively that which cannot be so well done individually for the interest of common good. As at today the SSA conflict situation and desperate aspiration to integrate in global economy, further provides the basis for the collective management of public resources for common good. 5. Public administration is at work when policies are enacted to regulate and actively participate in the market (through public enterprises and corporations) in situations where the generality of the citizenry are not financially in position to establish and operate the private sector enterprise or corporation. Besides, there are situations were government cannot leave the establishment and operations of strategic and or citizens welfare industries or corporations to market forces. This is particularly so in states where poverty is endemic, such as the SSA states. Even in the United States of America, a case in mind is the creation of the National Rail road Passenger corporation commonly known as Amtrak to assist in revamping dwindling unprofitable passenger rail service. (Nice D and Fredericksen P,1999:1)This function reiterates the importance of public administration the world over. Taking the above into cognizance, the need for a balance and holistic participation of public administration in the SSA in the collective management of public resources becomes pertinent. In this context it must encompass the above proceedings from the point of view of collective action. This offers a reflection on inter-related and fundamental issues relating to public management: i. What fundamentals for propelling collective management of public resources in the SSA? What interests and agenda are served by public administration? ii. Has public administration impacted on the development experience in the SSA and has this enhanced citizen’s welfare and dignity? 4 iii. What has happened to the role of public administration vis-à-vis that of developmental process? Can it continue to play a pivotal role? These questions raised the need for a consideration of public administration as a catalyst or pivot to the development and growth of SSA economies. The indication is that it will continue to revitalize, re-affirm and rededicate public administration for the advancement of citizens’ welfare and dignity and as a result cannot be neutral. Following the introductory section, the rest of this work is structured as follows: Public Administration in the context of state and market dichotomy; (Section 2) and Public Administration in the context of a developmentalist State ( Section 3); and Conclusion and Policy Prescription (Section 4) 2. PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION IN THE CONTEXT OF STATE AND MARKET DICHOTOMY The importance of the interventional role of the state as a fundamental element in the growth of regions such as Asia, Europe and North America cannot be over emphasized. Here the dynamics of the state was very important and the dichotomous view that set the state against the market was avoided. The capacity to develop such collaboration or synergy grew from strategic and institutional collaboration between political and economic actors and coordinate agencies towards goals established by the state in a market context was the handiwork of public administration. The question this raises is why this must be different in the case of Sub Saharan Africa where market forces have led to degenerative performance in the context of a non-glocalised globalization. The view is that both the state and the market in the SSA must forge collaboration for optimal national development which can only be brought about by public administration if the region is to successfully integrate into global economy. This seems difficult because of the neo-liberal view of the state and market dichotomy 5 that set the two segments at opposing poles. This neo-liberal view stresses the need for the states in the region to surrender their economic role to market forces (Abdul Rahman Embong 2005). In his view this neo-liberal policy is a manifestation of the ideology of developed North and Breton Wood institutions which are not necessarily in accord with reality (perhaps with the tenets of public administration), whether in Europe, North America and the late industrializers such as Japan and the Asian Economic tigers. This neo-liberal view according to Embong, 2005 (citing Holton 1992) is rooted in the nineteenth century economic liberalism with its emphasis on individual sovereignty and supremacy of self regulating market. A philosophy of that rest on the doctrine of the irrelevance of the large and strong state in the public management of the economy in the SSA, where the role of the state should be restricted to the establishment of social order and the implementation of a legal system that permits capitalists to carry out their businesses. But this cannot work in the SSA in the absence of a well focused public policy/management because of endemic nature of the problems of grinding poverty, unemployment, negative characteristics of a dominate neoliberal market sector policies, public sector driven economy and backwardness of the SSA. This to a large extent relegates the role of public administration in the SSA. What has led to the gap that relegates public management of the SSA economies in preference to market forces can be found in the theory postulated by Polanyi (1944)- state and market dichotomy. In his argument he opines that the market cannot be set aside from the state; that it is the state that establishes the market. However the key actors (the capitalists) having successfully keyed into the market demands independence and as such articulate strategies to free it from the clutches of the interventionist state. Consequently Polanyi (1944), calls for a retreat of the state from the economy. However Embong (2005) is of the view that this is not in reality with the dictates of the social contract and economic development that public administration is an incubator and a facilitator Embong (2005) in this context argues that the truism is that the historical reality indicates that industrialization in Europe that brought about the industrial 6 revolution became possible because the state through public management functioned as any incubator for the rise of the capitalist economy and the market system through the establishment of the necessary institutional environment that is fundamental for its growth. In addition state activities such as war and conquest provided the needed platform and hastened action(s) for the growth of iron and steel industry that served as the vital ingredients for the production of armament, the cotton textile industry for clothing (uniforms inclusive). Besides, the state owned a portion of the industry(ies), the state established monopoly for textile and iron and steel industry-padagogical statism. This provided a demonstration effect to the private sector. Consequently the argument of some scholars is that Capitalism would not have been able to develop without the interventionist role of a strong state (Miss and Hobson, 1995) and (Embong 2005). This is what the SSA need and not the neutrality of public management. In Britain-the pioneer in world capitalist development-the state played an important role in nurturing the market, above all through war. England (subsequently, Britain) was engaged in war for 70 of the 127 years between 1688 and 1815 – a time of industrial transition. Towards the end of that period, at the time of the Napoleonic Wars, there were 350,000 persons in the armed forces in 1801, increasing to half a million by 1811 (or about 10 per cent of the labour force). Hundreds of thousands of workers were engaged in production activities provisioning the army with weapons, uniforms, food and transport. In the half century between 1780 and 1830, state consumption was larger than the total value of exports. Evidently, the British state played a catalystic role in spurring and driving Britain’s development during that era (Harris 1992, 74). 3. PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION IN THE CONTEXT OF A DEVELOPMENTALIST STATE As at today the SSA states exhibit strong inability to confront the negative impact of neo-liberal policies, poverty, unemployment, corruption, heavily burdened external debt and the political will to set and implement national 7 agenda, and a lack of or decaying social and physical infrastructure for national development. But this appears not to be the case with East and South East Asia states that achieved independence almost the same time with SSA states that were also confronted with the same development problems. Compared with SSA states they have produced favourable development outcomes, developed and installed competent bureaucracies and planning agencies as strong components of public management vis-à-vis the private sector (the market). These public management achievements some scholars have attributed it to the specific circumstances of East and Southeast Asia as front line states in the cold war, directly facing the countries of the socialist block (Soviet Union, China, North Korea, Vietnam, Cambodia, Laos etc). This made it possible for them to receive much greater attention from the United States in terms of assistance and opportunities for foreign capital investments. Consequently the growth of international trade benefited them and assisted their exports to enter European and American markets. The foregoing notwithstanding, the truism is that they established and sustained a strong public management architecture that developed strong institutions, weak individuals and committed elites and citizenry to state development vis-à-vis market development. In essence there was a rebirth of the state as an interventionist state through public management/ administration whose primary role was to drive, protect and regulate development vis-à-vis the market in a public-private sector partnership. What this means is that good public administration was the fundamental on which East and Southeast Asia development rest. Flowing from the above, it is pertinent to note that SSA nations have shown abysmal performance due to very weak and corrupt legal system and a dysfunctional public administration. This has invariably affected the potential to attract foreign investors and the entry of technology to the region. All this put together has prevented the existence of strong, competent and effective states in the region that should build social cohesion and institute equitable development for citizens. In this context African elites compare to their Asian counterparts has become a typical case study in political arrogance, waste, indiscipline, corruption, 8 violence, rascal leadership and subservience to foreign powers, tastes and interests. They have also turned governance into instruments to punish, impoverish, oppress, harass, intimidate and dehumanize the citizenry basking in arrogance, insensitivity, fraud and political dishonesty. In addition those charged with public policy have turned it into an instrument for criminal and pathological fixation for the capture and development of raw power to the detriment of development (Julius Ihonvbere 2003). Taking the above into cognizance and its implication for good public management vis-à-vis the market, the SSA has attracted so much attention. Issues that have attracted attention centers on what type of capitalism should the SSA develop and what challenges does this pose to the mainstream capitalist model (integrating into mainstream capitalist model inclusive). But this seems marred by the huge or monumental problem of corruption. Undoubtedly corruption exists in both East and South East Asia and Africa (SSA inclusive). The problem is that the nature of the corruption differs and this is what has made it impossible for good corporate governance of the public sector and the marriage between the state and the market ineffectual in the SSA. Why corruption in East and South East Asia functions as a lubricant for development in these regions, with those engaged in the corruption having an interest in seeing that development succeed and within such context will they have their share. However corruption in the SSA is the degenerative type, parasitic, sucking up vital public funds that are needed for critical development. Consequently what SSA needs are states that can critically intervene in the economy. Such states are states that are strong and successful and possess certain capacities and capabilities. This capacities and capabilities does not necessarily mean power of coercion that can only yield compliance based on punishment as against voluntary participation/integration that should yield real and continuing compliance that should produce real strength for growth and development. As explained by Weiss and Hobson (1995), a strong state is one that possesses infrastructural power comprising three dimensions of power: 9 1. Penetrative power, that is, the capacity to move freely and interact directly with the population and obtain their support. 2. Extractive power or the capacity to obtain various resources, both material and human, from society, whether for taxes, war, welfare, or development and so on. 3. Negotiated power, or the capacity to negotiate and establish cooperation between various groups such as economic groups and interest groups or lobbies of various kinds, such as trade unions, NGOs and so on. The capacity to develop such cooperation involves strategic and institutionalized collaboration between political and economic actors, as well as the capacity to coordinate various agencies towards goals established by the state. There are of course country-to-country variations of the developmentalist state model (Sity Daud 2002). However, of importance is that each developmentalist state must possess power with those three capacities and this is what the SAA states need. Where such power exists, and is informed by a developmentalist ideology, the state is able not only to establish state-owned industry (especially in strategic sectors) but, more importantly, it can establish ‘smart’ partnership, between government and business and other groups, through its negotiated power. In such partnerships, the state plays a leading role, occupying the driver’s seat (Henderson & Appelbaum 1992). In addition, the developmentalist state pays heed to the political agenda of nation building, and not only to the strengthening of the state apparatus and economic growth. Its governance takes as its departure efforts to ensure the continued existence of the state and the society, and is attentive to the politics of unity for building the nation. Thus, it makes developmentalist ideology into a tool to establish legitimacy and unity, with specific political projects besides building a competent technocratic state apparatus. Hence, for the developmentalist state, development is not the ultimate objective. It is a means to break free of the condition of dependency and to uphold national interests in the international arena (Caftells 1992). 10 Most of the above-mentioned characteristics do not exists in the states and governments in Africa. This is their problem, a political elite governs, but the state institutions under its leadership have been unable to adequately establish the three dimensions of infrastructural power. Although the political elite has, with certain limitations, adopted a developmentalist ideology, this ideology has not become an instrument of legitimation for that elite, nor has it functioned as a unifying ideology opportunities and circumstances to attract more investment, technology and so on to generate economic growth. Instead, they remain indebted, misusing a portion of that loan for projects that did not bring the desired development, thus plunging them into the debt crisis and underdevelopment. At the same time, they were struck by various forces, which undermined the state’s capacity to undertake development programmes. This occurred especially after the start of the neo-liberal counter-revolution in the 1980s marked by the rise of Reaganomics and Thatcherism, following the election of Ronald Reagan as US President and Margaret Thatcher as Britain’s Prime Ministers that seriously undermined public administration. 4. CONCLUSION Public Administration has come to occupy a very important place in the SSA states. This is because these states survival and effectiveness are more than ever before dependent on efficient public administration. Taking into consideration some variables that include but not limited to the ever increasing population, urbanization of the rural settings, integration of national economies into global economic etc. in the foregoing context public administration has become great stabilizing force in governance that not only ensure the crafting but also the implementation and continuity of policies, and programmes with minimum effort and risk. In addition to being a great stabilizing force in governance it has become a veritable instrument for social change and economic development; assisting in articulating plans, policies and programmes of government that has as its fours the uplifting of the social and economic standard of the citizenry 11 (ensuring the overall economic and industrial development inclusive). Furthermore the emergence of the welfare state in the SSA has made Public Administration of pivotal importance in the actualization of the ideals of the concept. This includes ensuring progress, prosperity and protection of all the citizens in the state, compared to the past when the citizens expect nothing but oppression from public authorities. What is certain is that as at today 38 to 44 poorest nations of the world are in the SSA region. Largely as a result of bad governance and corruption to which a re-engineered public management/administration stands out as the solution. To be able to make the leap from developmentalist state (poverty stricken) to that or a developed region (post developmentalist) countries that make up the region,it must establish and sustain a public governance (or administration) architecture that should ensure strong governments, ability to discipline domestic capitalist entrenched developmentalist ideology and aggressive policies that should guarantee entry markets of the developed countries; policies that provide for coordination and cooperation between the state and the market. Because of the eclectic nature of public administration all these issues falls within the purview of public administration. Consequently if the SSA states are to progress from largely under developed/developmentalist state to that of a post developmentalist state to the point of convergence where the United State is, public administration cannot be neutral to the developmental aspiration of the SSA states. 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Henry Igiebor Oghoator, is a Lecturer in the Department of Public Administration, Western Delta University, Oghara, Delta State, Nigeria. 14 15
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