J. OF PUBLIC BUDGETING, ACCOUNTING & FINANCIAL MANAGEMENT, 14(2), 175-195 SUMMER 2002 INSTITUTIONAL STRUCTURES UTILIZED IN STATE REVENUE FORECASTING William Voorhees* ABSTRACT. Approaches taken by states in their revenue forecasting are extremely diverse. This research identifies six institutional structures that states utilize in their revenue forecasting processes. The results show that the “typical” state utilizes a non-consensual approach to forecast formulation with the forecast being done by a single executive agency or cabinet office and with the executive having the final say in the forecast. The “typical” state will not have an economic advisory council, but will utilize faculty from local universities. The “typical” state updates its forecast about every six months and the forecasters perceive their forecast as binding the state budget. INTRODUCTION One of the most critical functions of a state government is the production of its revenue forecast. If the actual revenue falls short of the forecast, the state must readjust its annual plan by cutting appropriations. On the other hand, if the actual revenue exceeds the forecast, supplemental appropriations are in order. In either case the appropriation levels are often modified outside of the decision making process that produced the original fiscal plan. In order to minimize this disruption, states must focus on improving forecast accuracy. One tool at the disposal of the state is the institutional structure under which the forecast is generated. Just how important is it to states that accurate revenue forecasts are made? Poor forecasts are manifested as either a revenue shortfall or a revenue surplus. In the first instance, the government will be faced with raising additional revenues, cutting expenses or some combination of ---------------------* William Voorhees, Ph.D., is an Assistant Professor, School of Public Affairs, Arizona State University. His publications and research interests include topics in revenue forecasting, governmental accounting, and public finance. Copyright © 2002 by PrAcademics Press 176 VOORHEES the two. In the early 1980s several states implemented contingency taxes, which were automatically triggered when revenue collections fell a certain percentage below the projected revenues (Gold, 1983). Other states with revenue shortfalls might opt to reduce operating expenditures to meet the reduced revenue levels. Cutback management is a reactionary response performed after shortfalls have occurred and in the end may not result in optimal budgetary allocations. Reductions can take several forms including line item reductions, across the board departmental reductions or programmatic reductions. Line item reductions may result in hiring and salary freezes, early retirement, unpaid furloughs, layoffs, reduced maintenance on equipment and fixed assets, and elimination of new equipment purchases (Lee & Johnson, 1998). Departmental cuts may be across the board with each department required to contribute a fixed percentage, as was the case for Indiana in 1992 (Zorn, 1996). Across the board cuts, where all departments bear an equal burden, is often contrary to optimal budget allocation. Few would argue that state park services are of equal or greater importance than medical services, especially when the medical services may be reduced below needed capacities due to cutbacks. Unfortunately, in the heat of the moment, budgetary allocations are frequently reduced by a uniform amount across all departments. Programmatic cuts on the other hand fall on specific programs, as was the case in Georgia in 1992. Programmatic cuts normally fall on programs that are allocated large amounts of funds and are not federally funded, mandated or supported by earmarked funds (Lauth, 1996). In this case reallocation may tend to be somewhat more desirable than an across the board cut; it is also a redistributive process as opposed to a distributive process. The redistributive aspect can be troubling in light of the limited citizen and government input that occurs in the allocation of cutbacks. It has been shown that budget adjustments tend to be “less visible and more technically driven, giving a greater role to administrators than to either the public or the legislature” (Forrester & Mullins, 1992, p. 467). While more accurate forecasts will not improve the revenue picture, advanced notice of shortfalls can result in a more optimal allocation of funds under greater pubic scrutiny. Additionally, the knowledge of a INSTITUTIONAL STRUCTURES UTILIZED IN STATE REVENUE FORECASTING 177 shortfall provided by a more accurate forecast will allow the government to take corrective action such as raising taxes or implementing user fees. To this point the focus has been on revenue shortfalls; however, errors that underestimate revenue are also a concern. Excess revenue usually does not place the same kind of stress on government as do shortfalls. However, consistent overestimation may result in citizen dissatisfaction due to excessively held funds by the government. Indeed, Gold (1983) suggests that excess revenues were a primary cause of Proposition 13 and the subsequent tax revolt that swept the nation in the late 1970s. Thus, whether one speaks of shortfalls or windfalls, the importance of accurate forecasts is obvious. INSTITUTIONAL STRUCTURES AND REVENUE FORECASTING While many revenue forecast errors are attributed to randomness, studies have shown that several other factors can be attributed to forecast error (Bretschneider & Gorr, 1992; Bretschneider, Gorr, Grizzle & Klay, 1989; Cassidy, Kamlet & Nagin, 1989; Gentry, 1989; Mocan & Azad, 1995; Voorhees, 2000). These factors include economic variability, political composition of the state government, forecast methodology, and institutional structure. Of these factors, institutional and methodological factors are the only characteristics that the state can readily change. Institutional characteristics that impact revenue forecasts are often artifacts of previous attempts to improve the budgetary process. Institutional structures seem to come under pressure for change when revenues fail to meet projected revenues, as was the case in the early 1990s in Virginia. Facing revenue short falls, the state legislature ordered a review of its forecasting procedures including both organizational and methodological procedures. This review resulted in the state’s revising procedures to increase both the sharing of information and the documentation of judgmental forecasts (Jonas, Rest & Atkinson, 1992). Contingency theory suggests that organizations often alter their structures when faced with changing environments in order to optimize performance (Thompson, 1967). This research explores current institutional structures utilized by the states and the regional variation in structures. To determine the 178 VOORHEES institutional structures that governments are currently utilizing, a survey was mailed in the spring and summer of 1999 to the person(s) responsible for forecasting in each of the fifty states. Forty-eight states responded with information on their forecasting processes. Six institutional structures that influence the forecast are examined in this research. - How do states formulate the forecast? - How do states agree to the forecast? - Does the forecast constrain the budget? - Does the state use university consulting? - Does the state have a formal council of economic advisors? - What is the frequency of the state forecast? Forecast Formulation Any one of a number of organizations within a state government or, for that matter, any combination of those groups may formulate the revenue forecast. The structure in which the forecast formulation takes place can have a significant impact on the accuracy of the forecast (Voorhees, 2000). Some structures are inclusive and provide for a great deal of boundary spanning, which in turn increases information flows to forecasters. The greater the level of information, the less likely forecasters will experience “assumption drag” or the inability of an organization to base its forecasts on accurate and up-to-date assumptions (Ascher, 1978). To offset the effects of assumption drag, states will often form panels of forecasters with each forecaster developing his/her own forecast. The forecasts are then compared and the panel of forecasters will come to a consensus as to the best forecast. In some cases a new model will be developed that includes assumptions from several of the original models. Weltman (1996) suggests that improvements from consensus forecasts provide additional information as to the possible range of a forecast. This allows planners to adjust planning accordingly. Additionally, when done regularly, the comparison of a panel of INSTITUTIONAL STRUCTURES UTILIZED IN STATE REVENUE FORECASTING 179 forecasts will aid in determining trend changes or turning points that a single forecast might not pick up. From the business literature, there is substantial support for a consensual approach to forecasting. Studies, which have examined the accuracy of consensus forecasting, have shown the benefit of the consensus approach. In a study of twenty-two forecasters, Batchelor and Dua conclude that there are benefits to combining even a few different forecasts when they are produced with different theories or techniques (Batchelor & Dua, 1990). In a similar study of seventy-nine forecasters, Zarnowitz, (1984) found that the mean forecast was more accurate than three- quarters of the individual forecasts. Confirming Zarnowitz's study, McNees found that out of twenty-two forecasters, the mean was more accurate than all but five individual forecasters (McNees, 1987). If the accurate forecaster could be determined a priori, one might simply use the most accurate forecaster. However. Batchelor concludes that there is no significant difference in the accuracy of forecasters, so without the benefit of hindsight, determining the most accurate forecast is problematic (Batchelor, 1990). Of course a consensual approach must be counterbalanced by the political necessity to minimize conflict in the forecast formulation process. The states were grouped into six categories with each category representing a point in which a forecast may be originally formulated: - A single executive agency or a single cabinet department, - A single legislative agency, - A separate forecast by the legislature and executive, - A forecast based upon the consensus of multiple executive agencies, - A forecast based upon the consensus of multiple executive and legislative agencies, and - An independent conference. Table 1 contains the classification assigned to each state, based on the description the respondents provided in the survey. By far the largest 180 VOORHEES category for formulation of a state forecast is that of a single agency (or cabinet agency). As shown in Table 2, 42% of all respondents fall into this category. The western states led all regions with 55% of all the states in the region using this approach. The Midwest with 42%, the Northeast at the mean of 40% and the South with 33% follows the West. Frequently, the agency that is responsible for revenue collections may be called upon to provide some or all of the revenue forecasts to the executive. These agencies will generally have the necessary data required for sophisticated analysis in addition to personnel who are highly knowledgeable about the specific taxes levied by the state. The typical collection agency or department of revenue might well be broken into divisions that are responsible for each of the taxes a state levies. In some instances, the forecasting for many states will be done within these separate tax divisions (e.g., Sales Tax Division, Income Tax Division). In other states, the department of revenue might have separate divisions that forecast all of the taxes levied by the state. In addition to the revenue collection agencies, the executive budget agency may also be responsible for the revenue forecasts. In this case, the forecast formulation is likely to work in concert with the governor's fiscal plan and hence have more exposure to political influences than found in a traditional agency. Of course, agencies should not be considered immune to political influences. TABLE 1 Institutional Characteristics by State State (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------Alabama M B No Yes No 12 Alaska E I No Yes No 6 Arizona M N No Yes Yes 3 Arkansas E G Yes Yes Yes 3 California E I No No Yes 6 Colorado E L Yes No No 3 INSTITUTIONAL STRUCTURES UTILIZED IN STATE REVENUE FORECASTING 181 TABLE 1 (Continued) State (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------Connecticut E B Yes Yes No 1 Delaware I B Yes Yes Yes 2 Florida M B No Yes Yes 6 Georgia E I No Yes Yes * Hawaii I N No Yes Yes 3 Idaho E I No Yes Yes 6 Illinois E B No No No 3 Indiana M N Yes Yes No 12 Iowa I C Yes Yes Yes 3 Kansas I N No Yes Yes 6 Kentucky I C No Yes Yes * Louisiana I C No Yes Yes 3 Maine I N Yes No Yes 6 Maryland I I Yes Yes Yes 4 Massachusetts E I No No No 3 Michigan M I No Yes Yes 6 Minnesota E I Yes Yes Yes * Mississippi I B No Yes Yes 6 Missouri M N No Yes Yes 12 Montana S L No Yes Yes 24 Nebraska I C No Yes Yes 4 New Hampshire L L Yes Yes No 12 New Jersey E I Yes Yes No 6 New York M B No No No 4 North Carolina M N Yes No Yes 3 North Dakota E I Yes Yes Yes 6 Ohio E L Yes Yes No 12 Oklahoma M C No Yes Yes 12 Oregon E I Yes Yes Yes 3 Pennsylvania E I No No Yes 6 Rhode Island M B No Yes Yes 6 South Carolina I B Yes Yes Yes 1 South Dakota E L Yes Yes Yes 12 182 VOORHEES TABLE 1 (Continued) State (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------Tennessee E B No Yes No 6 Texas E I No Yes Yes 12 Utah L L Yes Yes Yes 3 Vermont M B Yes Yes Yes 6 Virginia I B Yes Yes Yes 12 Washington E C No No Yes 3 West Virginia E I Yes Yes Yes 12 Wisconsin S N No Yes No 12 Wyoming I B No Yes Yes 6 Notes: Column (1) = Forecast Formulation where E = Single Executive Agency; L = Single Legislative Agency; M = Multiple Executive and Legislative Agencies; I = Independent Conference; S = Separate Legislative and Executive Forecast; Column (2) = Forecast Agreement where G = Governor Only; L = Legislative Only; B = Governor and Legislative; I = Independent Cabinet/Governor; C = Independent Conference; N = No Agreement Column (3) = Economic Advisor; Column (4) = University Consulting; Column (5) = Bind Budget; Column (6) = Forecast Frequency (in terms of average months between forecasts) and * = as needed Legislative bodies may also assume responsibility for generating the official forecast. In this instance, the legislature’s fiscal committee staff will usually be the source of the revenue forecast, although house and senate leadership may also be participants. Only two states, New Hampshire and Utah, use this approach. This is not to say that other legislatures do not prepare revenue forecast; many do. However, it is only in these two states that the legislature is responsible for the official forecast. In addition to legislative agencies taking the lead in forecast formulation, Table 2 shows that two state legislatures, Wisconsin and INSTITUTIONAL STRUCTURES UTILIZED IN STATE REVENUE FORECASTING 183 TABLE 2 Institutional Characteristics by Region (Percentages in parenthesis) Northeast Midwest South West Total (N=10) (N=12) (N=15) (N=11) (N=48) ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------Panel A. Forecast Formulation-Consensus Single Executive Agency or Cabinet 4 (40) 5 (42) 5 (33) 6 (55) 20 (42) Single Legislative Agency 1 (10) 0 (0) 0 (0) 1 (9) 2 (4) Separate Executive and Legislative Forecast 0 (0) 1 (0) 0 (8) 1 (9) 2 (4) Multiple Executive Agencies 0 (0) 0 (0) 1 (7) 0 (0) 1 (2) Multiple Executive and Legislative Agencies 3 (30) 3 (25) 3 (20) 1 (9) 10 (21) Independent Conference2 (20) 3 (25) 6 (40) 2 (18) 13 (27) Panel B. Forecast Agreement No Agreement 1 (10) 4 (33) 1 (7) 2 (18) 8 (17) Independent Cabinet or Governor 3 (30) 3 (30) 4 (27) 4 (36) 14 (29) Governor & Cabinet 0 (0) 0 (0) 1 (7) 0 (0) 1 (2) Legislature Only 1 (10) 2 (20) 0 (0) 3 (27) 6 (13) Independent Conference0 (0) 2 (20) 3 (20) 1 (9) 6 (13) Governor and Legislature 5 (50) 1 (10) 6 (40) 1 (9) 13 (27) Panel C. Economic Advisory Council Yes 6 (60) 6 (50) 6 (40) 3 (27) 21 (44) No 4 (40) 6 (50) 9 (60) 8 (73) 27 (56) Panel D. University Consulting Yes 6 (60) 11 (92) 14 (93) 8 (73) 39 (81) No 4 (40) 1 (8) 1 (7) 3 (27) 9 (19) Panel E. Forecast Frequency As Needed 0 (0) 1 (8) 2 (13) 0 (0) 3 (6) Monthly 1 (10) 0 (0) 1 (7) 0 (0) 2 (4) Every 2 months 1 (10) 0 (0) 0 (0) 0 (0) 1 (2) Every 3 months 1 (10) 2 (17) 3 (20) 6 (55) 12 (25) Every 4 months 1 (10) 1 (8) 1 (7) 0 (0) 3 (6) Every 6 months 5 (50) 3 (25) 3 (20) 4 (36) 15 (31) Yearly 1 (10) 5 (42) 5 (33) 0 (0) 11 (23) Biennially 0 (0) 0 (0) 0 (0) 1 (9) 1 (2) 184 VOORHEES TABLE 2 (Continued) Northeast Midwest South West Total (N=10) (N=12) (N=15) (N=11) (N=48) ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------Panel G. Bind Budget Yes 5 (50) 8 (67) 13 (87) 9 (82) 35 (73) No 5 (50) 4 (33) 4 (27) 0 (0) 13 (27) Montana, create separate official forecasts. In these two states, both the executive and the legislative branches are responsible for generating a forecast. While this provides each branch with a revenue forecast on which to base its budget, they both must in the end come to some agreement, either directly or indirectly, on the amount of revenue in order to finalize appropriations for the state. Such a process may not only delay the resolution of the forecast, but also re-open budgetary conflicts that had previously been resolved. The final three approaches to forecast formulation are commonly referred to as consensus approaches. With these approaches, multiple agencies or groups are responsible for generating the forecast. The first of these three approaches is a consensus of multiple executive agency departments. For instance, some states require participation from both the department of revenue and the budget office in formulation of a forecast. In such a setting, the more politically oriented budget office will work in concert with the agency or agencies responsible for revenue collections. Responses show that only Oklahoma utilizes this approach. Another form of consensus forecasting requires members of the legislative staff and the executive agencies to jointly formulate a forecast. Such a consensus formulation will often include not only members from the governor's office and executive agencies such as the department of revenue and budget office, but also members of the house and senate leadership and fiscal committees. Staff from the fiscal committees will frequently sit in place of the legislators, but work under the guidance of the legislative leadership. This form of consensus often INSTITUTIONAL STRUCTURES UTILIZED IN STATE REVENUE FORECASTING 185 has the unique advantage of obtaining an inherent agreement to the revenue forecast from both legislative and executive branches, thus reducing conflict over the revenue forecasts during the appropriations process. Survey responses indicate this is one of the more popular approaches to revenue forecasting among the states, with 18% of the states using this approach. The greatest usage of this approach is found in the Northeast with 30% utilization, followed by the Midwest (25%), the South (20%), and the West with the fewest states (9%). A third form of consensus includes outside, independent individuals in the formulation process and generally entails the implementation of a forecasting conference. Membership in the conference will typically include representatives from the legislature, the executive, and the outside members. The governor and the legislature may appoint the outside members from the private sector, or there may be standing appointments, such as economists at state universities. This approach also has the advantage of an inherent consensus on the revenue forecast between the executive branch and the legislative branch prior to the appropriation process. In addition, consensus forecasting has the ability to bring to the table the knowledge of both academics and private sector leaders who may be able to illuminate the forecast beyond the capabilities typically found in government. For example, many large corporations also perform economic analysis and sales forecasts for the upcoming year. To say the least, private sector sales forecasts and government revenue forecasts are not unrelated. When the private sector forecasts fail to substantiate the public sector forecasts, there is cause for concern. The utilization of private sector members in public sector forecasting allows for the interchange of both a public and private sector view of the economic prospect for the forth-coming year(s). Independent conferences are second in popularity after the single agency reporting to the executive and are utilized by over 27% of the states that responded to the survey. It is important to note that generation of a forecast does not necessarily mean that the forecast is agreed upon, but rather it is merely the starting point. Naturally, this raises the issue of partisanship both within and between the legislative branches. Conflict is likely to increase when both the majority and minority parties participate in formulation of 186 VOORHEES the forecast. Likewise, a bi-cameral legislature with each body controlled by a different party may also increase conflict in forecast formulation. Depending on the rules governing the committee, such conflict may or may not result in compromise forecasts being made. If unanimous consent is needed, then more conflict and compromise is expected than if a simple majority vote on the forecast is required. Forecast Agreement After the forecast is formulated, the next point at which error may be introduced into the forecast is when the formulated forecast is agreed upon. Depending on the state process, agreement may be required by the executive only, the legislature only, a combination of the legislature and the executive, or an independent conference. In some circumstances, there need be no agreement at all. Of the states surveyed, Table 2 shows that 29% require only the approval of the executive, or in a few cases, an elected cabinet official. In 27% of the states, both legislative and executive agreement must be obtained, while only legislative approval and independent conference categories are requirements of 13% of the states. In 17% of the states, no agreement is required at all. Presumably, the earlier in the process that agreement is reached, the sooner the revenue forecast is not subject to change. A forecast subject to change in the later stages of the appropriations process is likely to be subjected to pressures that are juxtaposed to production of an accurate forecast. A government in the waning stages of the annual (or biennial) session and pressured to pass appropriations bills is more likely to modify the forecast to achieve budgetary balance if the forecast is still subject to change. To the contrary, a forecast that has been previously agreed upon by the parties and/or their representatives is less likely to be subjected to revisions derived for the convenience of budgetary balance. Second, a forecast subject to change in the latter stages of the appropriations process will likely face the problem of satisfying the objectives of a larger contingent with broader interests. As the number of the decision-makers increases, there is a greater likelihood the forecast INSTITUTIONAL STRUCTURES UTILIZED IN STATE REVENUE FORECASTING 187 will be made with a greater focus on the amount of money available for appropriations rather than on obtaining an accurate forecast or as Charles Lindblom (1959) termed it, a decision based on the means rather than the ends. To clarify this point, consider a small group of conferees charged with agreeing upon the forecast. Although sub-objectives may exist, their primary objective is to agree on an accurate forecast. Once the entire legislature becomes involved, the objective becomes considerably more muddied as each legislator now introduces multiple policy objectives into the calculus of determining the forecast. Academic Participation One way in which states can broaden their forecasting experience and knowledge is to utilize faculty from local universities. The advantages of doing this are twofold. First many university economists develop state level economic forecasts for use by the private sector and thus bring to the forecast additional knowledge of economic conditions. The additional knowledge may be beneficial in setting revenue forecast assumptions. If these forecasts are not used outright, they do provide a good benchmark for in-house developed projections of the state economy. Second, faculty familiarity with forecasting methodology provides an opportunity to infuse this technology into state government. For instance, the University of Iowa has been instrumental in developing a vector auto regression (VAR) approach to forecasting in Iowa (Otrok and Whitman, 1997). It is unlikely that either the knowledge or resources exist within the typical state level government to identify and implement these “new” methodologies. From Table 2 the reader will see that most states consider university faculty an important resource and include them in their forecasting process. Over 80% of the states make some use of university faculty, although not all of those states have faculty as members of a consensus committee or for that matter even have a consensus forecasting process. The South (93%) and the Midwest (92%) make the strongest use of university faculty, while in the Northeast only 56% of the states make use of faculty in their forecasts. Many states INSTITUTIONAL STRUCTURES UTILIZED IN STATE REVENUE FORECASTING 188 such as Iowa and Tennessee actually fund university research that aids the state in arriving at its forecast. Balanced Budget Requirements One institutional measure that has been utilized in previous studies has been the requirement of the state to balance the budget. However, given the broad range of balance requirements summarizing this into a single variable can be difficult (National Association of State Budget Officers, 1995). Some states require merely the submission of a balanced budget by the governor, while other states require the enacted budget to be balanced; still other states require the budget be balanced when the year is over (Mikesell, 1999). In some instances, the state constitution prevents the state from running a deficit, but often the definitions of a deficit are not those of common usage. Additionally, many states operate under limitations that bind expenditures to growth in personal income, population or inflation (Joyce & Mullins, 1991) that could make balance requirements moot. Instead of trying to categorize this hopeless array of requirements, it was decided to ask the forecaster if the budget was bound by their forecast. This also follows the format of previous surveys posing this question (Federation of Tax Administrators, 1993; Rubin, Mantell & Peters, 1999). In many respects this produces more desirable results in that this captures the perception of the forecasters as to whether the budget is bound by the forecast they are responsible for making. Table 2 indicates that 73% of the survey states consider their budgets to be bound by the forecast. The South lead all regions with 87%, followed by the West with 82%, and the Midwest with 67%. The Northeast was the lowest with 50% suggesting that the forecast bound the budget. Council of Economic Advisors The underlying economic assumptions utilized in the state forecast can have a significant impact on the accuracy of a revenue forecast. While national estimates may provide a baseline for the states, differences are to be expected (Shkurti, 1990). Many state governments utilize a council of economic advisors to recommend forecast INSTITUTIONAL STRUCTURES UTILIZED IN STATE REVENUE FORECASTING 189 assumptions in much the same manner that the President's Council of Economic Advisors does in the United States Federal Government. Some states such as New York actually have two councils, one for the legislature, and one for the executive (Rubin, Mantell & Peters, 1999). The establishment of a council of economic advisors may provide several benefits and is recommended by the National Association of State Budget Officers (Howard, 1989). First, this provides a means of enlisting the best and brightest economists in the state. These economists will presumably provide superior information as to the state of the economy for the forthcoming forecasting periods. Second, by enlisting an advisory council, the ability to isolate bias introduced by policy preferences and politics can be minimized. In reality, this may not be as true as many would like to believe. One need only look to the selection process to realize that many council members are often closely linked to the executive of the state because of the executive’s authority to appoint council members. Table 2 indicates that 44% of the surveyed states have a formal council of economic advisors. The Northeast leads the country in use of economic councils with 60% of the states having councils. The Midwest follows the Northeast with 50%. The West utilizes councils the least, with only 27% of the states having an economic advisory council. It needs to be mentioned, however, that these are formal councils. Many states do make use of informal councils by calling upon government leaders, business executives, and academicians for advice and recommendations on the forecast and its underlying assumptions (Federation of Tax Administrators, 1993). Frequency of Forecast Update The final institutional factor is the frequency of the forecast update. Various factors such as budget periodicity, volatility of the economy, and the manpower available to perform the updates will influence the update frequency. In fact, even within the state, different revenues may be forecast at different frequencies. For all of these reasons and more, there is no consistent approach to the forecast update. Because of this, the term forecast frequency will be limited and defined as the average number of months between a statewide forecast of all revenue sources. 190 VOORHEES Generally speaking, many states will institute the initial forecast three or four months prior to the submission of the forecast to the legislature. Just prior to submission of the forecast, a second forecast might be made to verify the accuracy of the initial forecast. Several states indicate that yet another forecast may be made at about the time the appropriation bills are being considered by the legislature. Several states indicated that they forecast on an “as needed” basis, while still others who make biennial budgets only forecast every 24 months. On Chart 1, states that have indicated they forecast on an as-needed basis have been coded as zero months. This is not meant to indicate that the forecast processes are ongoing or that these states perform forecasts on less than a monthly basis. States categorized into the “as-needed” category may forecast at any interval. Indeed, some states in this category may forecast on a monthly basis while others forecast on a biennial basis. The frequency of forecasts for the 1998 sample of states shows that on the average states forecast every 5.42 months, excluding states that claim a forecast on an “as-needed basis.” In 1991 the same states averaged a forecast every 5.7 months, resulting in a decrease in forecast frequency of 0.05 months. Although the magnitude of the forecast frequency change over this period is small and hardly worth considering, it should be noted that the direction is one that would be expected. Most of the study period took place during an expansionary period resulting in revenue growth. Given the propensity of state forecasts to be consistently biased towards underestimation (Bretschneider et al., 1989; Cassidy, Kamlet & Nagin, 1989; Frank, 1988; Joyce & Rodgers, 1996; Voorhees, 2000), a poor forecast during this period would in the best case be more accurate and in the worse case result in excess revenues. On the other hand, in times of recession it might be prudent to increase the revenue forecast frequency to monitor potential short falls of the projection. Chart 1 shows that between 1991 and 1998, the number of states that forecast on a monthly, bi-monthly, and biennial basis was unchanged. The number of states forecasting on a quarterly basis decreased by two for this period and states that forecast on a semi- INSTITUTIONAL STRUCTURES UTILIZED IN STATE REVENUE FORECASTING 191 CHART 1 Forecast frequency distribution for 1991 and 1998 18 16 14 Number of States 12 10 8 1991 6 1998 4 2 0 0 1 2 3 4 6 12 24 Average M onths Between Forecasts annual basis decreased by one, while the number of states forecasting three times a year and annually increased by two and six states, respectively. Perhaps most informative is the decrease in the number of states forecasting on an “as-needed” basis. CONCLUSION Approaches taken by states in their revenue forecasting are extremely diverse. States have taken different approaches to formulating the forecast, to agreeing on the forecast, to use of university faculty and economic advisory councils, and to the frequency of the forecast. This research has found that the “typical” state utilizes a non-consensual approach to forecast formulation with the forecast being done by a single executive agency or cabinet office with the executive having the final say 192 VOORHEES in the forecast. The typical state does not have an economic advisory council to generate baseline assumptions for the forecast, but will almost certainly utilize faculty from local universities in developing their forecast. The typical state updates its forecast every six months and forecasters in these states perceive their forecast as binding the state budget in as to its expenditure level. 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