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Samoa - Exploring the Linkages between Climate
Change and Population Movements
Presented at the
Samoa Conference III: Opportunities and challenges for a sustainable
cultural and natural environment
25-29 August 2014
National University of Samoa, Apia, Samoa
BY XIMENA FLORES-PALACIOS
Introduction
Climate change is one of the most serious problems the world faces today and the Pacific
Island Countries (PICs) are particularly vulnerable to it (IPCC 2007). Moreover, their limited
size, proneness to natural hazards and external shocks enhance the vulnerability of islands to
climate change (Mimura et al. 2007).
Although there is clear evidence that climate change is stimulating population movements as
people turn to migration as one strategy of adaptation, the interaction between climate change
and migration is little understood. In the case of the PICs, while there are some studies on the
atoll territories, there is little empirical research on the "middle sized" Pacific nations like Samoa.
Therefore there is an urgent need to understand how climate change is affecting peoples’ lives
in these countries and its linkages with migration.
This paper outlines the preliminary findings of my PhD study that seeks to understand whether
and how climate change is causing internal and international population movements in Samoa.
My research is underpinned by two different knowledge systems, a Samoan/Pacific perspective
and a Western-based pragmatic perspective, this is because I consider that there is not one
universal knowledge system, but instead there is a need to combine various ways of knowing to
address these problems.
Based on the preliminary findings of the first phase of the research, it is possible to say that the
effects of climate change are significant in Samoa and there is evidence of population
movements associated with it.
Theoretical framework and methodology
Over the centuries, Samoan people have adapted to environmental changes using their
traditional knowledge. However, climate change is now undermining existing livelihoods based
on the traditional use of natural resources and challenging the ancient knowledge on which
those livelihoods are based. In addition, current scientific knowledge about climate change and
global warming presents many uncertainties and does not provide all the answers to evaluate
and deal with rapid changes. The urgent challenge today is to find ways of combining both
traditional and scientific knowledge not only in the academic sphere, but also at the policy level
to help design and implement more responsive and effective policies to address the impact of
climate change while respecting specific cultural contexts.
Samoan people affected by environmental problems and climate change have witnessed many
transformations in their environments, livelihoods and social structures; therefore listening to
their voices is essential to really understand the dynamics and impacts of these changes. As a
development practitioner and researcher in the area of sustainable development and climate
change, I have witnessed how top down approaches sometimes fail to achieve its goals
because people’s voices are not taken into consideration. In some cases, solutions are
determined outside the small villages and communities without the full involvement of people
who are dealing daily with climate change. As Patton and Fairbairn-Dunlop (2010, p.30) said
“the voices of academics, scientists, politicians and development practitioners dominate the
climate change debate, yet local knowledge and beliefs, local realities, as well as local voices
and actions are essential elements of navigating the way forward”.
Given that my research focuses on the linkages between people and their environment, it was
essential to consider the integration of various worldviews and fields of knowledge. In my
opinion there are not universal values, knowledge systems, ontologies and epistemologies to
understand the linkages between climate change and population movements, but instead there
is a need to combine various ways of knowing to address these problems. In fact, this study is
underpinned by two knowledge systems. The first one is a Samoan perspective that recognises
and acknowledges the importance of Samoan’s knowledge, values and beliefs, and the ways
they impact on their lives. The second is a Western-based pragmatic perspective, which helps
understand the linkages between climate change and population movements in an
interdisciplinary way.
Taking into account the exploratory nature of the research, the study followed a sequential
explanatory mixed methods design which consisted of two distinct phases. The first phase of
this study was a qualitative exploration of population movements associated with climate
change in one selected village in Samoa. In the second phase, the findings from the village
level study were used as lenses to look at the phenomenon in a wider context (national level),
using quantitative information. It is important to highlight that the results at the village level were
not extrapolated to explain the situation at the national level, but they helped identifying some
issues related to population movements and climate change at the national level.
Village study - Lotofaga
Village selection
Three criteria were established to select the area of study: evidence of climate change-related
problems, both slow onset and sudden-onset events; evidence of internal movements and
migration to New Zealand associated with climate change; and pragmatic considerations,
including access to information, research budget, time frame to conduct field work, as well as
the possibility to obtain some institutional support in Samoa.
After analysing various options, the village of Lotofaga in Upolu was selected because it met all
the three criteria. The preliminary studies for this research, based on an extensive literature
review and interviews with key informants, suggested that there could be population movements
associated with climate change within the village and there could be also evidence of migration
to the main urban settlements as well as abroad. Thus, it was decided that the study would
focus on both the origin of migration and the destination areas.
The village of Lotofaga has been facing serious climate-related problems (sudden-onset and
slow-onset events) and there is evidence that different types of migration have been occurring
in the village. Hence, Lotofaga was considered as the “origin of migration”. Apia, the capital of
Samoa, was selected as the main receiver of rural-urban migration in Samoa (Samoa Bureau of
Statistics 2011) and New Zealand was identified as a host country because it is the prime
destination for Samoans migrating abroad. Auckland was selected because it is the place where
the majority of Samoan migrants have settled (Statistics New Zealand 2006).
The selected village: Lotofaga
Lotofaga is a village on the south coast of Upolu island in Samoa. It belongs to the Lotofaga
Electoral Constituency (Faiupule) which includes Lotofaga and other two villages, Vavau and
Matatufu. Lotofaga is characterised by south facing hills gently sloping to the sea. There are
some streams that dissect the village and they generally run north-south and can carry
significant volumes of water after heavy rain. The coastline they flow into is diverse with
outcrops of volcanic rock interspersed with pockets of coral sand beaches. A reef lies between
100 and 500 metres offshore (MNRE 2007a). The village has some of the most important
touristic attractions of the country which includes the To Sua Ocean Trench (a turquoise
swimming hole) and two waterfalls (Fuipisia and Sopoaga). There are also important cultural
sites.
According to the latest census (2011), the village of Lotofaga has a total population of 1,055
people (554 males and 501 females). In 2006, the population was estimated at 1,089 and in
2004 was estimated at 1,121 people. This information shows that the population in the village
has been decreasing due to significant levels of emigration (Samoa Bureau of Statistics 2011).
Life in Lotofaga is largely guided by fa’a Samoa, the Samoan Way of life, an umbrella term that
encompasses the social structure of the village. Fa’a Samoa has remained strong, despite long
exposure to Western influences and migration. Customary land is held in accordance
with Samoan custom and usage and it represents identity, culture and community.
Families in Lotofaga rely basically on subsistence agriculture and fishing for their livelihoods.
Almost all households raise backyard poultry (chicken) and pigs, and some households own
cattle. All of them have family gardens where they produce vegetables. Land-use practices,
such as deforestation, cattle farming and agriculture are increasing both the rate of inland
erosion and the supply of silt to the coast (MNRE 2007b). Apart from activities related to natural
resources, local schools, shops and very few family businesses provide employment and
income. Few people are employed in Apia and commute there on a daily basis. Remittances
play a crucial role in the village economy.
The impacts of climate change in Lotofaga are clearly visible. As in the rest of the country,
higher temperatures, rising sea levels, declining marine resources and loss of biodiversity,
associated with natural disasters are expression of this phenomenon. Lotofaga was once
located directly on the coast but now there are only some houses there. One explanation of
this relocation is that some people have moved inland as better access roads were built in the
village. Another reason is that a combination of slow-onset environmental events (e.g. coastal
erosion) and sudden-onset events (e.g. cyclones, tsunami) has forced people to relocate
inland. The coastal area of Lotofaga has been classified as a Coastal Erosion Hazard Zone and a
Coastal Flood Hazard Zone (MNRE 2007a).
Theoretical and methodological aspects for the study in Lotofaga
The aim of the exploratory study at the village level was twofold: (a) origin of migration. The aim
was to understand the impact of climate change on people’s lives and livelihoods, their
migration patterns within the village and their thoughts about possible future migration decisions
to other places, other than within the village, and (b) destination of migration. The aim was to
learn whether climate change had affected families’ or individuals’ decision to move to Apia or
Auckland.
The field study relied almost completely on a Samoan/Pacific perspective. According to the
“Guidelines on Pacific Health Research”, document prepared by the Health Research Council of
New Zealand (HRC) in 2005, Pacific research design, methods and approaches have to be
informed by Samoan worldviews. Pacific approaches to research should aim to be responsive
to changing Pacific contexts and therefore should be underpinned by Pacific cultural values and
beliefs (HRC 2005).
For the purpose of this research, I selected a Samoan research model called Fonofale, which is
grounded upon Samoan knowledge and cultural values and beliefs. The Fonofale model, in this
study, has provided guidance on how to conduct research on environmental migration and has
allowed me to study the problem in a holistic way.
The Fonofale model incorporates the metaphor of a Samoan house (fale). Each part of the
house has a particular meaning. The floor represents the extended family (aiga), centre of
social organisation. The aiga incorporates communal ties with the Gods, ancestors, and the
divine heritages, the sea, land and sky. The roof represents cultural values and beliefs that
shelter the family for life. Between the roof and the foundation are the four posts (pou) that
connect the culture and the family and also interact with each other. The posts represent the
spiritual, physical, mental, and other dimensions related to family wellbeing. The Fonofale is
encapsulated in a circle to represent the holistic worldview and that contains three dimensions
that have direct or indirect influence on one another (the environment, the time and the context).
The relationship between each of these factors is integral to the concept wellbeing (PulotuEndemann 2001).
Data collection and analysis
For this study, data was collected in Samoa and Auckland between November 2012 and
November 2013. The Pacific method of talanoa was selected for data collection, as a key
instrument for gathering information about perceptions, experiences and lived experiences. With
talanoa participants’ knowledge and experiences are presented in a more authentic way.
According to Vaioleti (2006, p.14) “talanoa is a personal encounter where people tell their
stories, their issues, their realities and aspirations in a more authentic way”.
In this research participants were not merely ‘knowledge providers’ as their role was to bring to
light and reinforce Samoan knowledge about environmental migration in Samoa. Respect of
cultural protocols and ethics principles were also part of the research process.
Another method employed for data collection was semi-structured interviews to interview nonSamoan key informants.
In order to analyse the data collected, I have chosen thematic analysis for qualitative data. One
of the advantages of thematic analysis is flexibility, as it can be used within different theoretical
frameworks and epistemologies to answer different types of research questions (Braun and
Clark 2006). Data analysis in this study was an iterative process of constructing and
deconstructing the information.
Sample
In an exploratory research, qualitative methods applied on a small sample can help explore
some phenomenon in-depth before studying it in a wider context (Creswell et al. 2003). This
study’s sample included individual and group talanoa with village residents (30 participants),
talanoa with migrants living in Apia and Auckland (10 participants), and talanoa with key
Samoan informants in Apia and Auckland (5 participants). Participants were selected based on
gender, age, socio-economic status and rank. In addition, five semi-structured interviews were
conducted with non-Samoan key informants.
Some preliminary findings from the village study
Climate change interpretation
Although the majority of people in Lotofaga are familiar with the term ‘climate change’, it is not
clear for them how the ‘scientific information’ can be applied to their daily lives. In contrast, they
are absolutely aware of the changes in their own environment and the effects that climate
change has been having on their lives and livelihoods. Some people rely on their traditional
knowledge to interpret the changes occurring in their environment and believe that climate
change is part of a cycle, while others associate climate change with God’s will.
I discussed this issue with many people in the village. All people I talked to stated that climate
has become warmer during the last three decades. One old lady told me:
J our weather has drastically changed from those days. It’s extremely hot these days
and there’s never a brief moment of breeze, but most of the time it’s really hot. For me,
there is an increase in diseases, our crops and plantations are under threat. Our bodies
feel weak; we don’t know what to do when weakness sets upon us.
A young man remembering the effects of the tsunami occurred in 2009 said:
J our family was not badly affected in the tsunami, only our road because the waves
went up that way. Although, you know, waves cleared everything, debris everywhere,
damages J our plantations destroyed J maybe it’s climate change, who knows J
An old lady evoking old better times told me;
“I don’t know the reason for these changes. I don’t know why, only God the Almighty
does! Because He rules over everything and controls the changes in weather”.
It is clear that people in the village need a better access to information about what climate
change is and its implications on their daily lives. A male matai (a chief chosen by consensus of
family members) living in Apia told me:
J we hear all these very technological terminologies from government and others, and
in the radio, but we really need to make sure that we understand what climate change is
J because much of these concepts are driven in terms of global processes when it's
very important for rural people to better align what they are doing at the village level
towards what climate change globally is, and what we can do in our own villages.
Young people and migrants have better access to information through mass and social media
and also through educational campaigns that raise awareness on climate change and disasters
risk reduction. Some adult migrants who have been living in Auckland for many years have an
idyllic vision of Samoa, and do not associate climate change with specific problems occurring in
the islands. For them, catastrophic scenarios are out of discussion in the case of Samoa. Some
other migrants living in Auckland have political concerns. One lady matai who migrated to
Auckland more than 20 years ago told me:
Climate change is created by scientists, the wealthy and politically influential individuals,
because they see “doubt as their product”. They use tactics of fear, uncertainty and doubt it’s a
pattern created to justify the lack of insight and understanding of the makeup of the individuals,
their cultural and traditional values.
One male matai living in Apia, referring to global warming and climate change said:
It’s quite unfair to start talking about climate change, how you adapt to climate change or how
much contribution you have to make towards a global responsibility when we have contributed
negligible or even nothing to the problem.
In general, people in Lotofaga do not describe themselves as helpless and victims of climate
change. They told me they have knowledge, they are governed by fa’a Samoa, and they have
their cultural values and beliefs. They said they have different adaptation strategies to deal with
environment and climatic changes that have been experimenting over generations.
Impact of climate change on people’s livelihoods
Climate change is a real issue in Samoa and there is no doubt that the country is very
vulnerable to climate change, considering that at least 70% of the population live in coastal
areas. Samoa is experiencing higher temperatures, rising sea levels, declining of marine
resources and loss of biodiversity (MNRE 2010). In addition, natural disasters, especially
cyclones and tsunami have had a devastating impact on the country over the last decades and
constitute a major threat to fishing and subsistence agriculture.
Considering that the country has a narrow resource base and its shallow soils, though fertile,
are vulnerable to erosion, the impacts of climate change on agriculture and rural development
are serious. Declining in productivity, salinization of agricultural land, coastal erosion,
salinization and pollution of groundwater resources, deterioration of coral reefs and lagoon
ecosystems, damages caused by severe tropical cyclones and flooding are factors that have
impact on agricultural production and food security (IFAD 2013). In addition, some agricultural
practices and conflict over land use are aggravating the problems. Forestry resources, for
instance, are declining as population pressure and the demand for agricultural land increases,
worsening problems of erosion and land degradation.
As in the rest of the rural areas in the country, people in Lotofaga rely on their natural resources
for their livelihoods, considering the fact that there are no other income generating activities in
the area, except for very few family businesses. Activities such as agriculture and fishing are
linked to a fragile environment and are affected by climate change and, sometimes, not
appropriate agricultural practices. A lady in her fifties told me:
We produce taro, banana, we produce also pumpkin, paw-paw, eggplant, cucumber, our regular
food. However, it was better in the past, now we have water problems, our rivers are dried. In
the old days, the plants would grow in excess such as taro and bananas; however these days
maybe it’s the weed spray that’s caused the drop in growth orJ maybe it’s the climate.
A male in his sixties added that;
Taros in the past were true Samoa taro species, however, nowadays, ever since the
occurrence of cyclones the Samoa taro and yam have disappeared and there are
different species of taro these days. In the past people used machetes to clear the land
before planting but now chemicals used to spray the bush before planting of the taro
root whereas in the past chemicals were never used, people used their hands in the
past ...
Traditional coping mechanisms in times of hardship include customary safety nets, where
remittances undoubtedly play a key role, and migration to diversify family income. Migration is
more prevalent among the younger and more entrepreneurial family members. Apia attracts
some workers, and New Zealand and Australia for seasonal work or longer periods.
From the conversations I had with village residents and key informants, it was clear that climate
change is affecting people in different ways. The most affected are the most vulnerable such as
families who are suffering hardship, families who don’t have access to remittances or enough
support from family members, and people (women and elders) who don’t have enough family
members to work on their crops and plantations. There are also differentiated gender impacts
as a result of gender inequalities that limit access to information and resources for women. In
addition, in situation of environmental stress women have reduced mobility because they are
those who care for children and elderly. A second wife/widow in her forties, living in the coastal
area and in dispute for land with her husband’s first family told me:
Some family members have gone away to America, New Zealand and Australia. They have
gone away in search of fortune and success and because of the change of weather and to look
for work to help and support family, but no one cares, no one loves me and my small children. I
would leave this place only if and when it is God’s will. But I can’t go away.
Climate change is not only affecting people’s livelihoods, but also their health. An old woman
told me;
“J there are lots of diseases within our country because of the changes in the
weather”. Another woman supported this statement by saying:
J in the past I was very strong and could collect up to hundred (100) coconuts, but
now I wouldn’t be able to get half that, my strength is not the same anymore. It’s hot
and I feel weak J
According to the World Health Organization (2012, p.12), the health impacts of climate change
include increased burden of waterborne, foodborne and vectorborne diseases; traumatic injuries
and deaths from extreme weather events; increased burden of respiratory illnesses;
compromised food security; and heat-related illnesses.
Impact of climate change on population movements in Lotofaga
In the case of Lotofaga, it is possible to say that migration decisions have been influenced by a
combination of economic, social and also environmental factors. Although it is difficult to
disentangle climate change from other migration drivers, there is evidence that environment and
climate change-related problems have influenced population movements. This situation is
evident when observing the old and new village settings. Both individuals and families can
decide to move and there is no evidence of special migration patterns. Some people in the
village have moved inland from coastal areas, others have moved to Apia temporarily or
permanently, and some others have migrated abroad. Human mobility is a strategy to diversify
family income, to look for better future in terms of better access to education and employment,
to expand social networks, and also to respond to environmental and climate changes. It is
possible to define four types of population movements linked to climate change in the village.
The first category is mobility within the village (own lands). Over the past 30 years, a significant
number of families have moved inland. These movements have responded to improvements in
infrastructure in the village (access roads and some other services). The new settlement is a
combination of modern and traditional buildings. In addition, there is evidence that families have
moved inland due to environment and climate change associated problems. Slow-onset and
sudden-onset events have pushed families to higher lands. These movements, in some cases,
have exacerbated problems related to land allocation for family members and also have caused
some conflicts over land use for different activities. However it is fair to say that families have
been adapting to this new setting while trying to preserve traditional practices for their
livelihoods.
One old lady who moved inland fifteen years ago because coastal erosion was making life
difficult in the coastal area difficult told me:
As for me and my family we are quite a distance from the sea. It was extremely painful
when my family and I moved up here. I know that it's been a long time, but I still miss
the old place.
Another woman in her forties who moved after the tsunami of 2009 added:
I think for us who live further inland we are not going to move away from here. Only
those who live next to the coastal areas have to go uphill. Those affected by the
tsunami [2009] no longer live down there [in the coastal area]. Other families have gone
further inland and have even gone into Apia to places where the tsunami cannot reach
them.
Very few families are still living in the coastal area, although they are aware of the risks
associated with their decision to stay. A young mother said:
We can live here if our place of residence is not affected by tsunami. If nothing happens there is
no reason for us to leave, if everything goes along well, if no waves come this way. Unless
another tsunami was to hit and the ground sinks or subdued (referring to ‘ko le eleele’
{expression ‘curse the earth’ perception of the changes in the weather}) as a resultJ it is better
if the ground is subdued and we are alive, but if the earth sinks and we die then there is nothing
we can do. However the waves, suppose the waves come and our land is affected, then we
should leave this place.
The second category is circular mobility that refers to population movements that involve
moderately long durations of stay at a destination followed by return to the places of origin. In
the case of Lotofaga, there is evidence of ‘circulation’ between the village and Apia. In some
cases, the stays in Apia are not too long because the village is not so far from the capital. A
young man who works in Apia for short periods of time and then works in his family land in the
village said:
J I work in Apia ... agriculture and fishing not very good now J the only thing is money
that’s sort of stuck us now. In Apia I sell sausages, coke [cans] and lots of Samoan
products [pork buns], fish J so we can get money for us back here, plan so far is for
me to live back here and go to Apia for work and come back.
There is also evidence of commuting for the day. Nonetheless, I couldn’t identify cases of
circular migration that involve the countries of the Pacific Rim, there might be. Some people
have applied for seasonal work in New Zealand under the Recognised Seasonal Employer
(RSE) scheme for horticulture and viticulture industries. Other options for circular migration are
more difficult considering the travel costs involved, distance and restrictions by the potential
receiver countries.
The third category is rural-urban migration. In my conversations with village residents this type
of migration was more related to social and economic aspects. Education is undoubtedly a push
factor; some families decide to migrate to Apia to support their children’s education. Moreover,
better economic prospects in Apia influence people’s decision to live in the capital. I had the
opportunity to talk with migrants who work in high level positions in government agencies and
private activities. They maintain ties with their village, support family members who live in
Lotofaga and participate actively of the family and community affairs.
Although, village residents mentioned economic and social aspects as main drivers of
migration, there are some examples that illustrate that climate-related problems are having
influence as well. An old lady talking about natural disasters and their impact on migration said;
J there are lots of families that have gone to Apia. They’ve gone to look for places to
live in Apia because they are very frightened [by tsunami] to stay here because they are
extremely frightened cos as time passes and if it suddenly happens again so they’ve all
gone away.
The fourth category is migration abroad. In the case of migration to New Zealand, work
opportunities, education and family reunion are some of the reasons people argue to leave the
country. Samoan citizens can apply for New Zealand residency under the Samoan Quota
Scheme (Immigration New Zealand 2014). There are other option to migrate to New Zealand as
well like the current points-based selection systems, provision for family reunion and
sponsorship.
Although, I couldn’t find evidence of families in Lotofaga that have moved to New Zealand
because of climate change, some young people (men and women) have the perception that life
in the village is getting harder because of climate change and lack of opportunities, so they are
considering migrating. A young woman, who just finished secondary school in Apia, told me:
J nowadays is different for young people. As for example me, now I’m preparing to go
overseas, to Australia. Life in the village is getting difficult J for me; I want to go
overseas and learn more and search a new life.
After the occurrence of natural disasters, some people look for different options to move away
from the village. After the 2009 tsunami, many people considered the idea to move overseas
and they started seriously to look for opportunities. An old man told me:
J what worries us are the disasters because there were many people who lost their
lives in the tsunami. Others have gone to New Zealand with their children; they’ve gone
because they no longer want to stay in Samoa now.
Based on my studies in Lotofaga, it is important to highlight that internal population movements,
although within the village, have modified traditional cultural structures. When people move
inland, they leave their traditional village setting, a central place in their lives where they used to
live and where they used to socialize. Activities responded to a specific order, men and women
would have different roles and responsibilities, including children. Every single piece of land has
a history, a significance which embodies cultural heritage. In some cases, these movements
involve a rupture of the family/community-land connection, difficult to recover afterwards.
A Samoan environmental activist, referring to the effects of population movements inland, said:
A lot of our oratory language is based on what happens in our villages and what is
happening inland and what is happening with our fishing, and everything in the sea.
When all is affected by climate change you have to re-organize your whole being to see
how you can align to this new exposure [new settlements inland]. That affects our
oratory language, when people don't find the indicators and the benchmarks by which
you could measure what you are saying. And you basically try and then recite them,
you know, recite the oratory language without having linkages on what you are actually
talking about J every oratory word has a whole story behind.
For migrants, the situation is different, although they have strong connection with their village
because that provides them a sense of identity and belonging, they now have to navigate both
worlds in urban settings in Apia and Auckland. Migrants living in Apia can participate of the life
in the community more frequently, while for migrants living in Auckland returning to the village is
a difficult endeavour. Both migrants in Apia and Auckland are committed to ceremonial and
family/Church/village obligations (fa’alavelave) and also to provide help to family members
affected by environmental problems and natural disasters.
Traditional knowledge and climate change Samoan people have been dealing with a changing
environment for centuries and they have learnt to adapt to these changes for generations. They
have lived with limited resources and, based on their natural resources endowment, have
developed practices compatible with their environment. Traditional knowledge, values, beliefs
and ancestral practices underpin the ability of the Samoan communities to successfully live in
their environment. In addition, people believe that social cohesion and fa’a Samoa and
resilience can help address environmental related problems.
An issue that requires further investigation refers to the impact of migration on traditional
knowledge systems associated with climate change. Successful past adaptation is not the same
as adaptive capacity to deal with these new challenges. Fundamental components of adaptive
capacity include the ability to learn and experiment. This is why it is so important for people in
the village to receive ‘modern science based information’ to include in their knowledge systems.
I consider that a synergy between traditional knowledge and other ‘scientific knowledge’ it is
necessary in order to enhance communities’ resilience to environmental and climate changes,
and improve their decision making processes associated with climate change. This fact can
influence adaptation strategies in situ and also may influence the decisions to migrate.
Some recommendations to study key issues at the national level
Based on the preliminary findings from the field study in one selected village, some critical
issues associated with the linkages between climate change and migration flows have been
identified. They will be researched in the second part of my study and, for the purpose of this
paper, they will be just mentioned.
Synergy of different knowledge systems on climate change related problems
At the village level, there is a need to improve access, understanding and utilisation of climate
change related information based on ‘modern sciences’. At the same time, traditional
knowledge has to be recognised as a ‘valid’ knowledge system, not just as anecdotal or
subjective.
Improving information on migration
Migration flows are heterogeneous in Samoa, requiring the development of improved tools to
properly capture their diversity. Different types of migration have different outcomes, i.e. longer
term or permanent migration, in contrast to seasonal, temporary or circular migration, while
relocation inland is an ongoing process for villages located in the coastal areas. Migration
decisions are complex and reflect the interconnectedness of environmental factors with
economic, social, cultural and political factors. Environmental problems and climate change are
just one of the causes that influence migration decisions.
Migration as an adaptation strategy to climate change in Samoa
Understanding migration as a coping mechanism for dealing with environmental problems and
climate change is absolutely necessary. Migration is one of the adaptive strategies that people
adopt to deal with environmental degradation. Therefore, migration is not an issue to be
addressed in isolation, as part of specific demographic policies, but it must be interpreted and
dealt with inside the mainstream planning process and sustainable development strategies.
Traditional knowledge has to be integrated into climate change adaptation policies
During my stays in the village, I could appreciate people’s strong connection to their lands and
sensitivity to their natural landscape. They talked about the social, cultural and physical features
of the village and strong emphasis was placed on the importance of maintaining traditional
knowledge, worldviews, values and beliefs in order to deal with the new challenges.
Although traditional knowledge is alive, it is subject of many threats, including migration. Some
people said that their traditional knowledge in some cases has been ‘moving away’ with
migrants and, in other cases, it has been ‘contaminated’ with new practices and experiences
that migrants and others are taking back home. Even the most reliable scientific finding and its
resulting climate change policies and actions have to be “translated” and locally contextualised
in order to become a part, as coherent as possible, of the traditional knowledge. Any external
piece of (Western) knowledge/action/technology has to be perceived as a integral part of the
Samoan knowledge, and has to be balanced with the various elements that support its
Fonofale, otherwise it will be rejected as an intruder or disrupt the equilibrium of the other vital
elements.
Policy responses to environmental migration have to start at the village level
Given the localised nature of climate impacts, decision making should take place at the village
level to ensure relevant and effective responses. Inclusion of vulnerable groups and a gender
sensitive approach are essential to ensure that adaptation plans (including relocation inland)
respond to different vulnerabilities and priorities. Integration of adaptation to climate change into
local planning processes can provide a channel for ensuring that village priorities are
considered.
Conclusion
This paper has presented some initial findings regarding the links between climate change and
population movements in Samoa. Based on an exploratory study in one selected village it was
possible to confirm that climate change is a real issue and that people have been relying on
their traditional knowledge to deal with its challenges. Far from taking climate change in a
fatalistic way, people have been designing adaptation strategies using their own knowledge.
They have not been seeking solutions aimed at adapting only to climate change, but rather
holistic solutions to increase their resilience to a wide range of changes. However, climate
change is now deteriorating the livelihoods which rely solely on natural resources and
challenging the traditional knowledge by which those livelihoods are supported
Another important aspect to highlight is that climate change is influencing people’s decisions to
move. Although population movements are not a new phenomenon in the village, climate
change now appears as a real contributing factor. The field study provided evidence that
different types of population movements due to climate change have been occurring in the
village, such as internal movements inland from coastal areas, circular migration, migration to
the capital Apia, and overseas migration.
Finally, the paper presents some recommendations on how to approach this issue at the
national level: (a) combining different knowledge systems to understand the impacts and
solutions to climate change; (b) improving information on migration flows; (c) migration is an
adaptation strategy to climate change and has to be addressed at the policy level; (d) traditional
knowledge has to be integrated into climate change adaptation policies; and (e) policy
responses to environmental migration and climate change have to start at the village level.
Acknowledgements
I wish to thank the villagers of Lotofaga and the Samoans I met in Apia and New Zealand, who
kindly accepted to talk to me about their experiences on climate change and migration. I also
thank the guidance of my Supervisors Prof. Peggy Fairbairn-Dunlop and Dr. Juliet Nanai. I am
particularly grateful to Fiame Naomi Mata'afa (High Chief of Lotofaga) who offered me her
support and time.
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