JOURNAL OF THE ANTHROPOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA Volume : 61(2) & 62 (1) July-Dec, 2012 & Jan-June, 2013 JOURNAL OF THE ANTHROPOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA ISSN : 2277 - 436X Formerly Bulletin of Department of Anthropology / Anthropological Survey of India / Human Science Editor: Prof K. K. Misra Managing Editor: Dr. Amitabha Sarkar Published by Director Anthropological Survey of India 27, Jawaharlal Nehru Road Kolkata – 700 016, India The Journal of the Anthropological Survey of India is the official organ of the Anthropological Survey of India, which is published biannually. It publishes original papers in all areas of anthropology and allied disciplines. It also publishes review papers, research notes, brief communications and book reviews. The views expressed by the author are those of their own and not of the Anthropological Survey of India. 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The authors may send their papers in CD which should be accompanied by one hard copy. Notes and references should be given at the end of the paper and there must be an alphabetical order in the arrangement of the references cited. The arrangement given below must be followed. Harris, Marvin (1980) Cultural Materialism: The Struggle for a Science of Culture, New York: Vintage Books Firth, Roymond (1975) "The Skeptical Anthropologist? Social Anthropology and Marxist Views on Society", in Maurice Bloch, ed, Marxist Analyses and Social Anthropology, London: Malaby Press, 29-60. Sillitoe, Paul (2000) (ed.) Indigenous Knowledge Development in Bangladesh, Dhaka: The University Press Limited Danda, Ajit, K (2009) "On Social Mobility Movement of the Rabha", Journal of Indian Anthropological Society, 44(3), 243-45. Relevant photographs having specific qualities of illustrating the theme of the paper may be sent but the printing must be clear on glossy paper. 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Phone: 033-2286 1733/81, Fax: 033-2286 1799 Email: [email protected] Volume: 61(2) & 62(1) Contents July-December, 2012 & Jan-June, 2013 The Holistic Approach to Anthropology: B. S. Guha’s Vision of the Anthropological Survey of India - R. K. Bhattacharya 365 Indigenous Knowledge in India: Dimensions and Relevance - P. K. Misra 373 Legislated Sedentarization and Pauperization: The Nomadic Muslim Hawadiga and Qalandar People of Karnataka - Ajit Kumar 379 Understanding Haemoglobinopathies in Public Health Scenario of Andaman and Nicobar Islands: An Anthropological Approach - S. S. Barik and B. N. Sarkar 409 Twin Infanticide: A case study from Arunachal Pradesh, India - Nakul Chandra Sarkar 427 Model for impact assessment of awareness programme in sickle Cell Anaemia - Development initiative for survival and well being - Shampa Gangopadhyay and Prodyot Gangopadhyay 435 Holistic Approach to the Gurkhas of Karbari Grant village (with special reference to origin, History, Ethnic Identity, Social Structure and Dispute Solving Mechanism) - Nishant Saxena 451 465 Sacred Complex in Karbary Grand Village (with special reference to Gurkha community) - Karuna Shankar Pandey 479 Migration pattern and Kinship system among Gurkha community in Karbari Grants, Dehradun - A critical appraisal to bio-social perspective - Mr. Subrata Kundu 497 “Health Care Practices and Traditional Medicine of Gorkha Population in the Village Karbari Grant” - Arnab Mukherjee 509 A Demographic Study of Gorkha Population in Village Karbari Grant, District Dehradun, Uttarakhand - Minakshi Sharma 523 Scenario of Parkinsons Disease in India - Jaya Sanyal, Biswanath Sarkar 535 549 Semiological Application of Plants and Vegetation in folk life and culture of Jaipur District, Odisha : An Introspection - R. B. Mohanty, B. K. Tripathy & T. Panda 559 Anomalies, Morbidity, Disease among Mukha Dora Tribe and Indigenous Healing Practices followed by the tribes in the Agency of Andhra Pradesh - S. Yaseen Saheb and T. S. Naidu 569 Gulf of Mannar Biosphere Reserve: Glimpses of Indigenous Knowledge on Coastal Fishing in Tamil Nadu - Anupam Datta 583 Traditional Life, Livelihood and Plantations : A study among the Mullu Kurumba - C. R. Sathyanarayanan, Nirmal Chandra 595 Sacred Complex of Port Blair City: An Anthropological Appraisal - Dr. D. V. Prasad 617 629 Prameha and its Ancient Ayurvedic Medicine in India - Pulakes Purkait, Dr. Moumita Bhattacharya 639 Palaeolithic Tools of Siulibona, District-Bankura, West Bengal: A Typological and Morphometric Study - Dr. Pinak Tarafdar, Mr. Subhankar Roy and Mr. Dip Pandey 651 Matriliny among the Arumbukuttam Vellalar: A little known Community of Tamil Nadu - M. Sasikumar 667 Assessment of the Functioning of Institutions: Criteria and Approaches - S. B. Roy 681 Comparison of Mandibular Arch Chords in Cleft Palate Patients - Dr. Suja Ani 689 Brief Communication Economic Profile of Oraon : A case study of forest village - Aheri Das 697 Importance of Clans in Marriage Alliances: Some observation on Mahali - Rapti Pan 719 Health profile of Gorkhas with special reference to Lifestyle vis-a-vis Hypertensive Condition in Village Karbari Grant of Dehradun, Uttarakhand: An overview - Priyanka Singh, Jayanta Kumar Nayak, Ankita Rajpoot, Tanisha Gairola and Lucy Pramanik 727 Obituary A Tribute to Professor N. K. Behura - Kamal K. Misra 743 Jr. Anth. Survey of India, 61(2) & 62(1) : (365-371), 2012-2013 The Holistic Approach to Anthropology: B. S. Guha's Vision of the Anthropological Survey of India R. K. Bhattacharya1 It is indeed an honour to have been invited to deliver the second B.S. Guha Memorial Lecture at the Shillong office of the Anthropological Survey of India (AnSI). Leaving aside the Head Office, the establishment in Shillong is the second oldest in the Survey, the first being the one in Port Blair in the Andamans that was set up around 1951. The Survey seems to have maintained the pecking order when organising these Memorial Lectures, as I learnt that the first one was delivered in Port Blair. I thank the members of the Survey, especially the Director, Prof. K. K. Misra, for giving me this privilege. I am conscious of the fact that this is a tribute to one of the most illustrious individuals of our country. Dr. Guha was the founder Director of the Survey. In this deliberation I shall provide a brief biographical sketch of Dr. Guha, besides highlighting his contribution in the making of the Anthropological Survey of India. Finally, I shall touch upon his scholarly work in anthropology with some discussion on its contemporaneity. The intellectual journey of B.S. Guha is indeed remarkable. After completing master degree in philosophy he was inspired to go on to study anthropology in the U.S. after which he qualified as a professional anthropologist specialising in physical anthropology. His transition from philosophy to a technical discipline with rigours of large-scale measurement, observation and recording is fascinating. This offers a glimpse into his capacities and the felicity with which he was capable of moving between the intellectual requirements of liberal arts and science. It also points to the diligence and perseverance that he must have had to pursue another discipline in his late youth. His perseverance of course is revealed in the way he established the all-India organisational structure of the Anthropological Survey of India carved out of the Zoological Survey of India in 1945. Biraja Sankar Guha was born on August 15, 1894 in Shillong, in the erstwhile Assam. He obtained an M.A. in philosophy from the University of Calcutta. Guha did not confine himself to philosophy for long. In 1917, he took a government assignment as a Researcher 1Ex. Director, Anthropological Survey of India. 2nd B. S. Guha Memorial Lecture held at Shillong, December 11, 2012 366 The Holistic Approach to Anthropology: B. S. Guha's Vision ......... Survey of India in anthropology under the Government of Bengal. During his tenure as a researcher, he studied the Khasis in the erstwhile Assam. The merit of his fieldwork among the Khasis helped him earn the Hemenway Fellowship in Harvard University in 1920. In 1922, he received the degree of A.M. in anthropology from Harvard. He held a position of Special Research Officer in the Smithsonian Institution, Washington D.C., undertaking field investigation among the Utes and the Navajos of Colorado and New Mexico. Guha was awarded a Ph.D. in 1924 from Harvard for his dissertation on the racial basis of the caste system in India. Dr. Guha came back to India after completing his studies in the U.S. His return coincided with the introduction of anthropology as an academic discipline in Indian universities. In 1926, he joined, as a Lecturer, the Department of Anthropology in the University of Calcutta. In 1927, the Government of India created for the first time a position of Anthropologist for the Anthropological Section of the Zoological Survey of India and Dr. Guha was appointed in the post. He was also made the Officer-in-Charge of the Section. Long before Dr. Guha joined the Zoological Survey of India, attempts were made by its successive directors to impress upon the government the need for opening a separate, full-fledged institution similar to the Zoological Survey for ethnography or anthropology. The first recommendation made by Dr. Nelson Anandale for an institute of eminence to carry out ethnographic survey was made in 1916, the year in which the Zoological Survey of India was carved out of the Zoological and Anthropological Sections of the Indian Museum. The next recommendation was in 1927 by Lt. Col. R.B. Seymour Sewell (see R.K.Bhattacharya and Jayanta Sarkar (eds.) Anthropology of B.S. Guha, p.3, Kolkata, Anthropological Survey of India, 1996) . Finally, in December 1945, the Anthropological Survey of India, headed by Dr. Guha, was founded. Dr. Guha as director served the Anthropological Survey for nine years. I have named today's topic “The Holistic Approach to Anthropology: B.S. Guha's Vision of the Anthropological Survey of India.” I am very conscious of my use of the term 'holistic approach' in anthropology I am very conscious how holistic approach in anthropology is defined. Holistic approach is to understand the relationship between man's physical and cultural properties. If we look into Dr. Guha's organisation of research in the Survey, we observe that he gave due coverage to develop and pursue both physical and cultural aspects of the discipline. Under the physical or biological aspect, the following studies were undertaken: anthropometry, somatology, craniometry, osteometry and palaeontology. Under the cultural aspect, Dr.Guha gave noticeable importance to an integral part of culture, that is, language. Linguistics, namely survey of scripts and recording of speech and music, was included. Language expresses man's feelings, perceptions and the inner world of his mind. Feelings and perceptions are as varied as culture and tradition. Language provides a community with the ability to continue its tradition and culture through generations. I enumerate the other items of study in the following lines: folklore, i.e. study of oral history, tradition and custom; art, craft and traditional or ancient technology; economics including land alienation, debt and barter R. K. Bhattacharya 367 system. Besides, psychological, especially socio-psychological, studies added another dimension to cultural anthropology. Dr. Guha's proposal submitted to the government with a view to successfully execute his scheme of research in the Survey right after it was founded reads: To study tribes and other communities that form the population of India both from the biological and cultural points of view; To study and preserve human skeletal remains, both modern and archaeological; To collect samples of arts and crafts of the tribes in India From the above we can appreciate the focus and brevity of the document of intent presented to the government - the bureaucracy demands much more verbosity from us these days and I leave to you to work out the reason! Dr. Guha's proposal got its full support from the government. Let me now look at the tangible aspect of the Survey's research infrastructure that Dr. Guha built. Dr. Guha established laboratories for biochemistry, radiology, human biology, osteology and psychology. For documentation of custom and tradition, art and craft, economic practice and technology, and way of living, photography and cine-photography units were opened. These units ushered in scope for visual anthropology in our country long before it became an established and recognised area of study in anthropology. Since the Survey's inception, a well-equipped library had slowly been put together through the persistence of Dr. Guha. During his tenure, around 20,000 books on anthropology, psychology, linguistics, economics and related subjects and a sizeable collection of books on European arts were procured. Initially Dr. Guha thought of one centralised office of the Anthropological Survey in a metropolitan city, either Delhi or Calcutta. Later he realised it would be inconvenient to carry out sustained field investigation in a comparatively inaccessible area located far from the central or head office. The study of little-known Andaman tribes and the imminent issue of rehabilitating refugees in the islands following Partition resulted in establishing a sub-office at Port Blair in the Andamans in 1951. Within a few years, the other important sub-office, or sub-station, was opened in Shillong for carrying out fieldwork among the numerous tribes of the North-East living away from the plains and other parts of the country. I have left out two of the policy resolutions - one, using the Survey as an advanced training centre for students and administrators, and two, to publish research results collected by the researchers of the Survey through books and periodicals for dissemination of this acquired knowledge on the people of the country. This demonstrates the range of his vision and plans in making the Survey's work relevant to the academic community. Leaving aside a very short stint of teaching assignment in philosophy before he went to the U.S., Dr. Guha took up his first professional anthropological work among the Khasis of the erstwhile Assam. This research was fieldwork based. Throughout his career spanning 368 The Holistic Approach to Anthropology: B. S. Guha's Vision ......... Survey of India a period of roughly 40 years of active research, Dr. Guha was acutely aware of the strength of fieldwork-based anthropological studies. The mainspring of anthropological research is fieldwork and Dr. Guha felt excited about fieldwork and championed it. Dr. Guha's experience in field investigation was phenomenal. He did fieldwork among indigenous tribes of Colorado and New Mexico. Soon after returning from the U.S., and joining the Zoological Survey of India as Anthropologist, Dr. Guha undertook field investigation covering the length and breadth of British India. He had the rare experience of taking part in a Government expedition to the North-West Frontier Area. Before coming to the Anthropological Survey of India, his research was largely confined to physical anthropology. His preoccupation was racial ethnology of India and he did seminal work on racial elements in the population of India (see B.S. Guha, Racial Elements in the Population London, Oxford University Press, 1944). Dr. Guha, with his research colleagues from the Anthropological Survey, identified the areas, namely Andamans and the North-East, of the country that called for urgent investigation and research. This was done in the very early phase after founding the Survey. Now let us try to read the mind of Dr. Guha by consulting his “Report of a Survey of Inhabitants of the Andaman and Nicobar Islands During 1948-49”, published in 1952 in the Bulletin of the Department of Anthropology (Government of India), 1:1, 1-7. I quote copiously: The problem of the Aborigines of Andaman Islands...is not the same as that of the other...tribes of India. These people are some of the most ancient remnants of human race still surviving...The need among them is not so much the spread of education and social uplift as the arrest of decline in population which has been most alarming. (emphasis mine) ...The hostile branch of the Andamanese tribes known as the Jarawa-Onge-Sentinelese group fortunately has been spared the fate of their more “friendly” kinsmen. ...Very little can be done now to save the Andamanese proper who have paid for their friendliness by being driven to the verge of extinction and it now is a question of time before they would completely disappear.” In recent years the Survey undertook extensive work among the Jarawas. I am sure those who took part in the aforesaid investigation would feel how correctly Dr. Guha pinpointed the crux of the problem concerning these pristine hunter-gatherer people. He was very focussed and direct and to the point in stating the priorities of our interventions - we have to focus on population conservation going beyond national understanding of social uplift. I quote once again from the same article, page 4 - “We gave them food, cigerettes...The presents given were iron nails, strip of red cloth, tea and tobacco leaves. Among all these objects what they liked most were the tobacco leaves.” R. K. Bhattacharya 369 I quote from Dr. Guha's another article “A comparative study of the somatic traits of the Onges of the Little Andaman” published in Bulletin of the Department of Anthropology, Government of India 1954, 3:2, 117-143 - “No explanation for the persistent hostility of the Andamanese tribes towards strangers has so far been given from the time they came to be known to the outside world...” Dr. Guha was clearly bothered about the lack of explanation for hostility of the Andamanese tribes towards outsiders. This raises the question if the tribes are by nature hostile or display hostility due to feelings of insecurity. I would like to direct attention to the general approach when we encounter the 'other' - the question of our protocol, etiquette and attitude. In our eagerness to know we probably show a disregard to these civilities. We try to buy friendship for building up rapport; we try to intrude into others' territory without being invited and carry presents that we perceive would be appreciated to assert our friendliness. It is noticeable that the Jarawas of the present day are picking up the habits of tobacco, processed foods like biscuits and deep fried snacks (samosas) etc. for which they do not have the required dietary readiness. We are still to learn their biological/ physiological responses to sugar and salt as additives to food items. I quote from another article, “The Role of Social Sciences in Nation Building”, in Sociological Bulletin, 7:2, 148-151, 1958: ...Integration of ethnic groups of India must...be achieved not on a mosaic pattern of isolated separate groups with only common economic and political interests, but on the basis of a quantum of common and shared values and traditions, although relating to distinctive cultural traits of the different groups. Whenever we attempt to understand the composition of Indian society we find there are two poles - unity and diversity. It is not possible to ignore the unity of peoples within the bounds of nation-state while on the other hand, the vast array of communities with their language(s) and other attributes cannot also be denied. Often, even social scientists tend to view Indian society through the mirror of unity rather than through the observable and noticeable diversities of communities living within a nation-state. India's strength is in her diversity, in displaying her plurality; we see this diversity even in the adjustments/changes that each community makes to the changing times and situations and to the idea of nationstate. We need to appreciate and record this. We find in Dr. Guha's thoughts some reflection of this idea especially in his remarks on marginal groups in our country's mosaic of communities. Of course there can be many debates and arguments on the nature of integration and unity. As a postscript, let me discuss a few other points. Dr. Guha's scholastic achievement is of eminence. He was Fellow of the National Institute of Sciences and of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. He presided over the anthropology section of the joint session of the Indian Science Congress and the British Association of the Advancement of Science held in Calcutta and served as Vice-president of the Section of Physical Anthropology and Racial Biology, International Congress of Anthropology, organised in Copenhagen in Denmark. He was known to be a good researcher and his research work bore an imprint 370 The Holistic Approach to Anthropology: B. S. Guha's Vision ......... Survey of India of thoroughness. In the academic field he was a stalwart. He was recipient of the Annandale Memorial Medal from the Asiatic Society of Bengal for his distinguished contribution in the field of anthropology. He was an able administrator. The government was aware of his capabilities. He was a government delegate to the first meeting of the International Congress of Anthropology, held in London. He represented India in almost all international meetings and conferences in anthropology and kept himself abreast of the most recent developments in the discipline. On his retirement, he reorganised the Bihar Tribal Research Institute in Ranchi. He was sincere, devoted and confident and worked hard to pursue his commitment in research and administration. He established the Indian Anthropological Institute in Calcutta. He excelled in his leadership role and could enthuse his colleagues to join him in his endeavour of building up a research organisation of repute. Dr. Guha's work was topical in his time. Racial Elements in the Population, published Oxford University Press, 1944 is a seminal anthropological treatise giving an ethnic picture of India. Dr. D. P. Sinha writes in an obituary published in American Anthropology, April 1963:382-386 that Dr. Guha iterated in various professional meetings that theories could be built up only after collection of complete data and had a positive dislike for theoretical work based on insufficient data (ibid.:384).The obituary had an addendum by Carleton S. Coon (ibid.:386). Coon found during his time “Racial affinities of the peoples of India” in Census of India, J. H. Hutton (edited) 1931:1 as the only complete coverage of physical and cultural anthropology of the peoples of India and Pakistan. The traditional physical anthropological investigation through anthropometry, somatology, craniology, osteometry is not anymore in fashion. We are in the era of genetic studies. It is not that Dr. Guha was unaware of genetics (cf. “Race and nationality” in Bulletin of the Bihar Tribal Research Institute, Ranchi, March 1959, 1:1, 1-6), but tools, techniques and methods of the present day were not available in the 50's or 60's. Thus, it is very easy to discount the work in Physical Anthropology of that time. However, I am sure that the value of classifying a population on observable, measurable and noticeable traits will help recover the validity, significance and relevance of Physical Anthropology of yesteryears. We may need to have different parameters and create acceptable rules in keeping with contemporary knowledge. Sometimes simple arithmetic scores over complex calculus when the issue is one of keeping daily accounts but this is not to undermine the importance of one over another - I am sure that that there is a place for genetics as there is space for more simpler analysis when studying the human face of the world. If Dr. Guha had been a university teacher may be he would have his gharana of sishyas. We who have worked in the AnSI are the ones to carry his torch forward. We admit that in the light of contemporary academic interest Dr. Guha's work is no longer in fashion; we recognize that the studies created the base line for the evolution of modern studies. Modern anthropology was built on those early works that for various reasons we do not always acknowledge. The works of Dr. Guha had helped in the initial understanding of the vast diversity of our population; we may not agree with the parameters accepted earlier. In his time, Dr. Guha's scholarship was consistent with the studies being conducted all over the world and that is why we need to remember him for laying the scientific R. K. Bhattacharya 371 foundation of the discipline of anthropology in India and inculcating the value of scientific procedures. He was comprehensive in his thinking and in formulating mega projects that enhanced the reputation of the Anthropological Survey making it quite unique in the world. It is this tradition of pan national studies that gives the AnSI the wherewithal to plan and execute mega projects with a view to comprehend the composite nature of Indian society with all its diversity. I join with others in paying my homage to Dr. B.S. Guha. I gratefully acknowledge the Library staff (present and former) of the Anthropological Survey of India, Kolkata for their unstinted support and help. 372 Jr. Anth. Survey of India, 61(2) & 62(1) : (373-377), 2012-2013 Indigenous Knowledge in India: Dimensions and Relevance P. K. Misra1 ABSTRACT The paper discusses the dimensions of indigenous knowledge and attempts to highlight the essential differences with the knowledge produced by modern science. While the knowledge produced by modern science grows out of indigenous knowledge system, in its growth it becomes highly specialized and it tries to establish its independence, in the process it shows it’s disconnect with society, culture and environment. The indigenous knowledge remains embedded in society and culture. While it promotes biodiversity, it is integrative and sustainable, it shows fault lines as societies and cultures grow. INTRODUCTION In this presentation, I propose to discuss the dimensions of indigenous knowledge and whether it is different from the knowledge produced by modern science. The indigenous knowledge system has promoted immense bio-diversity in India which of course is negotiated and maintained in a variety of ways keeping the identity of Indian civilization. Peripatetic are one of the links in the complex process. A couple of years ago, I attended a lecture given by Dr. Parpia, a renowned food scientist and the former director of the Central Food & Technological Research Institute, Mysore where he highlighted the wasteful agricultural practices of the farmers in India though India has a long and ancient tradition of agriculture. He pointed out that 50 to 70 percent of grains are lost in their journey from farm to consumer. He said that the farmers did not prepare the soil scientifically and the techniques of cultivation too were poor. He pointed out that 30% of the seeds did not germinate because either they were germ eaten or infected by fungus. There was further loss owing to poor techniques of thrashing, storing and transporting. Sacks loaded with grains were lifted by hooks which cause further loss of grains besides whatever was eaten by rodents. Similarly he cited concrete evidences of huge losses of vegetables and fruits during their journey from farm to consumer. 1Professor P. K. Misra, Mysore 374 Indigenous knowledge in India: Dimensions and relevance From that lecture, I came back convinced that there were serious problems in traditional agricultural practices based on indigenous knowledge. I thought if only ‘wasteful’ practices could be avoided much deficiencies in food production could be minimized and cost of production could be significantly reduced which are crying needs of the hour. Sometime back I had been to Rampura, a village near Mysore with a group of students of Anthropology. This village is well known for it was studied by Professor M.N. Srinivas, the doyen among social scientists. While making a round of the village we visited one of the thrashing grounds where grains had been recently thrashed. Dr. Parpia’s lecture was still very fresh in my mind. I began to point out to the students as well as to the villagers who were accompanying us that though thrashing had been completed a few days ago still there was some grain on the ground which clearly indicated how ‘wasteful’ the traditional thrashing practice was. An elderly village lady was over hearing us and understood the tenor of our conversation. Though normally rural women folk are reticent and shy, she could not resist but say with a deep sense of empathy and simple innocense ‘doesn’t other creatures like ants, birds, squirrels also need some food.’ In other words the grains left on the thrashing grounds were not by mistake or owing to inefficient technology but by choice which allowed maintenance of bio-diversity. I was absolutely flabbergasted. I thought I got my evidence to show that the indigenous knowledge system is integrated and holistic. But the euphoria generated by this incident did not last long. A few days later I read in Deccan Herald that in Bijapur district of Karnataka the practice of dropping babies (between six months to two years) from a height of 15 to 20 feet into a rag held just above the ground by a group of men, to appease the deity in the temple, is widely prevalent. How do I explain this practice and many other where people mutilate their bodies, or sacrifice a large number of animals, or torture themselves to fulfill some promise to the deity, or the other. One can add numerous other practices which appear to be untenable from the stand point of modern science. Such practices are so widespread that they cannot be considered as aberration. Obviously they must have been sustained and validated by the social system of the communities wherever they occur. But as the knowledge progresses many such fault lines come to the forefront while many new ideas, practices may be incorporated and also created. Such things take time to get integrated/ reinterpreted in the fabric of the society1. It is a continuous process. The modern understanding is that any practices which is not validated by science, is wrong. So why do such unvalidated practices continue to exist. For Dr. Parpia many of the traditional agricultural practices are unscientific. They are inefficient and wasteful. For village woman, on the other hand, though she is also concerned with production would like to leave some grains for the consumption of other creatures. For her it is not waste. For modern science efficiency of a technology is to be judged purely from the ratio between cost of production and output, the rest is irrelevant. For people the relationship between the two is never so straight. It has to be mediated through culture which evolves over time. 1Tea consumption provides an excellent example of this process. Tea as a drink was introduced in India towards the second quarter of the last century. For a long time it remained in the periphery of the society. People were even suspicious about it. But slowly it was incorporated in the local cultures of India. Each region has its own word for it, own ways of preparation, taste, flavor, receptacles and its symbolic meaning. It has even entered in the indigenous pharmacopoeia. P. K. Misra 375 Are we then talking of two kinds of rationalities, one represented by indigenous knowledge system intervened by culture and other by modern science? How it could be? After all human beings, have the same biological basis, their society and culture have evolved over time. The modern science has grown out of indigenous knowledge system but then it can be easily conceded that at some stage the knowledge generated by modern science becomes qualitatively different from indigenous, very well represented by the two incidents I have given at the beginning of this essay. Knowledge is derived by experience, experiments, explorations, intuition, systematization of information and refinement, which grows further by its own dynamics. In the process of its growth newer situations present themselves which lead to potentialities of further knowledge, and also indicate that many factors do not any longer fit or valid into the scheme of things. Taking a cue from this is it possible to conceive of a continuum, one end of which is represented by indigenous knowledge system and the other by the knowledge generated by modern science, and in between lie the knowledge interspersed by the two systems. If that be so let us define the characteristic features of the two poles. Indigenous knowledge is the knowledge possessed by the members of a defined community - a community in a typical Redfield’s sense of a folk community. The knowledge of the folk community grows over time and hence could be assumed as processual. Indigenous knowledge by our assumption is shared, holistic, integrated with local fauna and flora. The rules of behavior in the community, its culture and values are tuned to that knowledge. It is ethical where values of right and wrong are defined based on which actions or thought are evaluated as fulfilling or disappointing. The indigenous knowledge is small in scale. It is cognitive. It is generated by reasons and experimentation but may not be highly analytical. It is affective and conative. Its transcendental values are understood in many ways. Its intelligibility is buried in hosts of symbols and their interpretations. It has to be relevant to the local situation and therefore has to be functional in some sense. It has the possibilities of profound paradoxes and contradictions. Facts and values get linked. From this perspective when we review the Indian situation, it is noted that the indigenous knowledge system has promoted tremendous diversity of cultures. The People of India project conducted by the Anthropological Survey of India identified 4635 communities in India (Singh 1992). Each of the communities has their life-styles and identities and enjoys a certain degree of autonomy. The Indian social structure and cultural system in India are intrinsically based on pluralism, diversity and autonomy. Srinivas has rightly noted, “Indian culture is characterized by enormous diversity. It would not be an exaggeration to say the cultural situation in India varies every few miles. And even within a single village each caste has culture which is somewhat different from that of the other. In fact, it would not be an exaggeration to state that each kinship unit has its own distinctive cultural practices, representing a fusion of different incoming affinal strands modifying the culture of the main agnatic stem” (1996). Immediately the question arises how this plurality is negotiated and maintained keeping the identity of Indian civilization. It is not possible to get into this issue here in detail, it can be briefly mentioned that the peripatetics in India say in South Asia, a much overlooked and under estimated population have been one of the links in the complex process. Pre-historical, historical and classical literature have indicated that countless generation of rural, urban and pastoral populations have experienced brief but usually recurrent contacts with spatially mobile people indulging in a variety of occupations. Joseph Berland who has worked for many years among the peripatetic communities in Pakistan writes, “By relying on flexibility and resourcefulness, 376 Indigenous knowledge in India: Dimensions and relevance spatial mobility, and judicious combination of specialized goods, services and skills, peripatetic communities of smiths, basket and broom weavers, toy makers, potion and jewelery peddlers, bards, impersonators, trainees of performing animals, jugglers and acrobats, singers and dancers, beggars and prostitutes, have been pervasive and persistent threads running throughout the complex, and protean fabric of South Asia’s social system since the dawn of recorded civilization” (2003:104). Peripatetics have always been looking for gaps in the supply of goods, services and in innovating new strategies and techniques to carve out a livelihood for themselves2. In modern India, many of them have switched over to selling furnitures, plastic goods, decorative objects, toys and other tit bits on the roadsides. Their multi resource economic activities and cultural role compliment rather than compete with the sedentary providers, in that sense they promote pluralism in a variety of ways and they play an important role in the process of communication too (Misra 1982 and 1978). On the other hand it is hard to define a community which lives entirely on the knowledge generated by modern science except in Brave New World. However, the technology generated by the knowledge of modern science is widely used and is becoming extremely efficient and popular. Moreover the technologies developed at one place get quickly communicated at other places besides modern science stresses upon observable and demands proofs of its assertions. It excludes any scope for transcendental values. It has to be logical and insists on intelligibility. Its progress raises more questions needing further probings and researches which lead to further separation of questions. Thus it is able to probe into greater depths, minutest particles, maximum heights, many of which are beyond human senses perceptions. In this process it achieves a very high degree of specialization. The knowledge generated by modern science may have universal reach but is not shared and is not readily integrated into the society and culture. As a result of which there is a disconnect between society, culture and knowledge generated by modern science. It will be wrong to say that there is a disconnect only at the modern science side because there is hardly a folk society which has remained untouched by the technology or rudiments of the knowledge generated by modern science3. While the task at the indigenous knowledge pole is how to integrate the knowledge generated by modern science to the society and culture of the communities there, the task on the other side of the pole is how to make societies and culture to come out of unvalidated beliefs and practices and abide by science. The task at this pole is highly problematic and paradoxical. Problematic because the frontiers of knowledge are expanding rapidly and are becoming 2The Gadulia Lohars a nomadic artisan community provide an excellent example of these strategies . They are mostly found in Eastern Rajasthan and Western Madhya Pradesh. Their traditional occupation is blacksmithy but they have also added trade in their activities. The demand for the iron tools made by them has considerably dwindled as machine made tools are preferred by the people so they have mostly switched over to do repair work. They have developed a specialty in reworking discarded pieces of iron which settled blacksmiths are not prepared to undertake. Besides specializing in the reuse of scrap iron they have developed a technique of inserting steel blade in machine made axes for which there is a huge demand in those areas. This work is labor intensive and also requires lengthy heating and hammering. In case of the Gadulia Lohars these demands are met as all the adult members of the house hold and if required members of the camp join in the work. The steel used for this work is obtained form broken automobile spring plates. The axe repaired by this technique is more lasting and does not require frequent sharpening (Misra 1977). 3The Jarawa in Andaman Islands who were considered to be one of the most primitive communities of the world have been using iron wires, nails etc., extracted from sunken ships etc and have been seeing sailing ships and flying aircrafts. These and many such incidents have made deep impact on their lives. P. K. Misra 377 highly specialized. They certainly challenge existing beliefs and practices. These are one set of problems, the other set is posed by fierce competition trigerred of by the market forces, power dynamics and above all fear of nature and the realm of unknown which many a times support irrationalities. The third set is that though human beings are a biological creature they alone have culture which has its own compulsions and identity issues. Identity issues are highly complex and support various kinds of idiosyncratic behaviors. There is still a fourth set which is best described by the Hindu concept of Bhasmasur. The modern science though is so enabling and liberating force has generated immensely powerful technology. It requires huge investments of capital and establishment of large manufacturing units. It promotes standardization of goods and homogenization of consumption practices. It discourages diversity at all levels. It is depleting essential resources at alarming rates and is generating enormous waste. It is degrading environment. Global warming is no more a matter of opinion. People from roof tops are shouting that technology generated by modern science is non-sustainable and is posing danger to all living beings, but they are helpless before the forces they themselves have generated. Under such a grim situation, it is quite relevant to turn towards indigenous knowledge system and locate the wisdom contained in them. If it is conceded that the grains left on the thrashing ground in spite of commodification of agricultural produce are not by default but by design an entirely new vision appears which is less aggressive, more tolerant and supports bio-diversity which is fully validated by the standards of modern science. References : Berland Joseph. 2003. “Servicing the ordinary folk peripatetic peoples and their niche in South Asia” in Nomadism in South Asia, (ed.) Aparna Rao and Michael J. Casimin. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Misra, P. K. 1977. The nomadic Gadulia Lohars of Eastern Rajasthan. Calcutta: Anthropological Surveyof India Misra, P. K. 1978. “Nomads in a city setting” in Cultural Profiles of Mysore City (ed.) P.K. Misra, Calcutta: Anthropological Survey of India. Misra, P. K. 1982 “Indian nomads” Nomads in India (ed.) in P.K. Misra and K.C. Malhotra, Calcutta: Anthropological Survey of India Singh, K. S. 1992. People of India: an introduction. Calcutta: Anthropological Survey of India Srinivas, M.N. 1996. “Indian Anthropologists & study of Indian Culture”. Economic and Political Weekly. March 16. 378 Jr. Anth. Survey of India, 61(2) & 62(1) : (379-407), 2012-2013 Legislated Sedentarization and Pauperization: The Nomadic Muslim Hawadiga and Qalandar People of Karnataka Ajit Kumar1 ABSTRACT The nomadic people are rarely mentioned in the discourses on Indian pluralism even though they have an ancient history and are an integral part of the composite Indian society. Society in India by definition meant a sedentary society because many of the nomadic people remained invisible to the mainstream society. This invisibility enabled them to pursue asemi-nomadic life but that freedom is now coming to an end. Two forces working in conjunction are sedentarizing the nomadic people. One is the market economy and the other is the vigorous implementation of the Wildlife (Protection) Act, 1972, and the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals Act, 1960. These laws have affected in particular the non-pastoral nomads whose livelihoods are centered on plant and animal life. This paper discusses the pauperization of two such communities of Karnataka: the Hawadiga and the Qalandar people and the complexities of both defining the problem and in framing intervention measures. The paper also examines the nature of the state response towards the plight of these communities and concludes by placing the livelihood crisis of the Hawadiga and the Qalandar people in the broader context of Indian pluralism and nationality formation. Introduction The people of India live in a world of small and big communities that have emerged because of the divides of caste, religion, ethnicity and language and their intersections. “Unity in diversity” and “pluralism” are the expressions widely usedto conceptualise the life ofthis mosaic world. In this array, one line of divide that is seldom mentioned, is the divide between the settled population and the nomadic people. These people, in particular the non-pastoral nomads, being small in number and leading a wandering life, have remained invisibleto mainstream India. Any narrative of Indian pluralism to be complete 1Associate Professor MSS Institute of Social work Bajajnagar, Nagpur – 440010, Maharashtra 380 381 Legislated Sedentarization and Pauperization: ……Hawadiga and Qalandar People of Karnataka Ajit Kumar requires that a due place be accorded to the vibrant nomadic community. Even though“from the earliest times south Asians have frequently, and regularly, moved across large expanses in and around South Asia” the notion prevailing is of a society that is sedentary. The nomadic people and their wandering life is a living testimony of how unfounded this notion is (Rao and Casimir, 2003:2). These tribes in India have an ancient past if one chooses to go by a decree found in the Arthasastra of Kautilya. The decree says that “musicians, actors and other mendicants should stay in one place during the rainy season, with penalties of fines or lashes for all who disobeyed” (Kane 1973: 253). This past could be even more ancient if one recalls the fact that the Aryan-speaking people who entered India around 1500 B.C. also came from a nomadic stock of the human race. possibility of creating some legal space for these communities. To carry the discourse forward I completed a library study titled Nomadic and Semi-Nomadic Communities in India: A trend Report. Society in India, largely a sedentary society,sees the nomadic people asbeing mere wanderers and itinerants. What they see but fail to notice is the highly specialised livelihood system behind these wanderings. This system is completely dependent on “their continuous interaction with the environment and the surrounding settled populations”. These two elements give “rise to new situations which in turn motivate them to devise new strategies for survival” (Prasad, 1994: 3). Movement is central to the life of the nomads and in understanding it “the reason why people should habitually move is of primary importance”. The “other factors like where they move, how they move, what is the duration of their movement and what they do when they move are secondary and related to this factor” (ibid:2). These ever-changing conditions have led the nomadic people to evolve a very diverse set of livelihoods. They can be classified into three broad categories: herders and animal husbanders, gatherers and hunters and peripatetic. The word peripatetic is a generic term covering many livelihoods related to trading, entertaining and crafts. I. The study This study was undertaken when I worked for a year (March 2011-march 2012) with the Centre for the Study of Social Exclusion and Inclusive Policy (CSSEIP), at the National Law School of India University, Bangalore. The mandate of this Centre is to conduct research and recommend inclusive policies and programmes for communities excluded from the Indian mainstream. In the month of mayin 2011 a small group of people representing the Hawadiga and the Qalandar communities led by the Peoples Union for Civil Liberties, Bengaluru,visited us and sought the Centre’s intervention in restoring their livelihood rights. Animal rights activists working in tandem with the forest and police department had seized the snakes and bears displayed by these non-pastoral nomadic communitiesin public performances. We began with a field study of the two communities with two objectives. One was to sketch out a profile of the two communities. The other, undertaken by my colleague Nadim Nikhat who is a trained lawyer, was to collect data on the nature of the legal action taken against these communities by the authorities and the legality of the laws under which the legal action had been initiated. This study led to a report titled ‘Law and Loss of Livelihood : The Hawadigas and Qalandars of Karnataka’. Itdocumented the life of the two communities from a social science perspective and discussed the legality of the two laws under which the bears and the snakes had been seized/were seized and the II. Data collection The data collection which we undertook for our field study was quite, quite unlike the method pioneered by Bronislaw Malinowski. In the anthropological method a trained person spends at least a calendrical year in the field. Our method was to collect some primary data in a short period and use this data to initiate a discourse which could lead to some public awareness and action. The data collection for this study was undertaken with the assistance of activists who have beenworking with these communities for years. Before collecting primary data we had two discussion sessions with leaders of the two communities. The Hawadiga people reside in Bangalore and two days (20th and 21st July, 2011) were spent in observing the life in the community and talking to the people: men, women and children. Three Hawadiga artists put up performances for our benefit and showed us the equipment they used. While Nadim interviewed Hawadiga men and boys who had ‘encounters’ with animal rights activists and state authorities I chatted with everybody on all themes to gain an understanding of the nature of the Hawadiga life. The data collection (July 30, 31, August 1 and 2, 2011) of the Qalandar people involved a night long journey to Bellary and a few hours bus ride to Koppal. One village in Bellary and two villages in two different talukas of Koppal were visited for collecting data. In one village we faced some hostility from one section of the Qalandar people because of rivalries between two Qalandar leaders. In addition to these visits, we interviewed many community leaders from both the Qalandar and Hawadiga communities and the activists working with them in Bengaluru. III. Intervention Our field study (Ajit Kumar and Nadim Nikhat) led to a report titled ‘Law and Loss of Livelihood : The Hawadigas and Qalandars of Karnataka’. This report was used to create a discourse and public awareness about the plight of the two communities. It led to a detailed article in Frontline (March 9, 2012) titled: Tenuous Lives by Vikhar Sayeed Ahmed.This was followed by a library study which led to a report titled Nomadic and Semi-Nomadic Communities in India: A trend Report (Ajit Kumar). This put us intouch with the Karnataka Nomadic tribes Mahasabha, Bengaluru. In collaboration with the Mahasabha we had a one-day workshop where all organisations working with nomadic communities throughout Karnataka came together to discuss and debate the problems of these communities and the way forward. The one-day workshop was organised by CSSEIP in the NLSIU campus on 10th March, 2012 on the theme “Nomads of India and Social Justice”. Policy makers, activists, media representatives and academicians met to debate on the following three sub- themes: (i) Identity and Indian Nomads (ii) Atrocities and Nomads (iii) Constitutional Remedies and the Third Schedule. Shri Balkrishna Renke (Chairman of the erstwhile NCDNSNT commission), Shri C.S. Dwarkanath, (Former- 382 Legislated Sedentarization and Pauperization: ……Hawadiga and Qalandar People of Karnataka Chairman, Karnataka Backward Classes Commission and President, Karnataka Nomadic Tribes Mahasabha (KNTM) and Dr. Balagurumurthy, Secretary, KNTM led the proceedings of the workshop. Part A : The contexts in India I. History Origins of nomadism Most “nomadic communities fulfilled essential services, many of which were later to become redundant—as transporters and traders, as entertainers or bards; individual families from such communities were also often privileged to serve under feudal lords as hunters, fowlers and dancers, or were entrusted with the royal stables and camel herds” (Rao and Casimir, 2003:65 and 61). In addition to these need-fulfilling functions rendered by nomadic livelihoods, the social structure of the country also was conducive for the proliferation of groups of specialised service nomads (Hayden, 2003: 448 and 449). What were these conducive factors? As one line of thought put it “the suppliers of particular services or goods have thus, each had incentive to differentiate between their own endogamous group and others with similar occupations, if by so doing they could maintain a claim for higher status than the other group”. This “identity of group with occupation was seen by Misra (1977b:1) in his 1969 survey of nomadic groups in Karnataka. He reported that each group specialized in an activity which acted as an identity-marker for that group” (ibid:449). Beteille says “one is struck by the luxuriant growth of the discriminatory process which had, in the manner of tropical vegetation, spread in every direction, leaving no ground uncovered” (cited in Guha, 2011:15). Discrimination and differentiation working in tandem perhaps explains the how and the why of the proliferation of nomadic communities and their diverse livelihood niches. The nomadic communities before Independence Whatever “the incipient tensions, it appears that throughout the early history of South Asia various types of nomadic communities lived in relative symbiosis with one another and with more sedentary parts of the population; all of these were integrated into larger regional systems through a multiplicity of crisscrossing ties” (Casimir and Rao, 2003: 53). This symbiosis was shattered during the colonial regime and many nomadic occupations came to an end. The introduction of railways put an end to the pack-animal transportation business of the Banjara-lambada tribe. Similarly the Forest regulation Act of 1887 put restrictions on the use of forest resources whichaffected communities dependent on forests. Not “only did numerous nomadic communities have to rapidly seek new avenues, resources, and lifestyles, but many professions and occupations now additionally came to be declared illegal” (Rao and Casimir, 2003: 65 and 61). Ajit Kumar 383 The nomadic communities after Independence It “was only in the 1970s that systematic scholarly interest in South Asian nomadism began”. This interest was grounded in an approach which viewed these communities as backward communities and as obstructions in the path of progress. These attitudes, a carryover from the colonial period, came to be “flavoured by an upper caste, urbanised, sedentist bias” and a modern state whose objective was to settle “swidden agriculturists, migratory pastoralists, foragers and peripatetics” (ibid: 1 and 2). The state policy in principle had no place for nomadic people qua nomadic people in Independent India. In practice this policy was not put into effect and the Indian state remained relatively indifferent which in particular benefitted the non-pastoral nomadic communities dependent on plant and animal life for their living. There were no systematic efforts at curtailing their livelihoods. This began after India got integrated into the world market. The laws became more stringent and implementation more rigorous by the second half of 1990s. The commercial use of wild animals, including performances with live snakes was proscribed. Hunting “was curtailed under the Wildlife (Protection) Act, 1972, but an amendment in 1991 banned it entirely” (Radhakrishna, 2009: 14). This act and the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals Act, 1960 are generally used to book a Qalandar (or a Hawadiga) who own a bear (or a snake) and display it for commercial entertainment. These laws have been enacted to safeguard the bio-diversity of the country by conserving endangered species of plant and animal life. International perspectives which have gained strength in the last two decades are now decisive in the making of state policies and in its implementation. The state is now working in concert with these agencies both national and international. The ‘Say No to Bear Dancing’ campaign initiated by the Wildlife Trust of India (WTI) and the World Society for Protection of Animals (WSPA) was directed mainly at tourist on the Delhi-Agra-Jaipur highway. In Haryana this campaign became very severe after the central government gave directions about saving the bears in 1998. The campaign was so successful that by 2001 the Qalandar people in Haryana were starving. The campaign for saving the ‘Indian Sloth Bear’ has become the centrepiece of the broader campaign of saving endangered species dwarfing the other campaigns to save snakes (Saperas), birds (Bahelias) and monkeys (Madaris) (Radhakrishna, 2007:4222 and 4225). II. Village India and the non-pastoral nomads Once people began to settle down forming village communities then exchange of goods and services became the basis of interaction between them. Prasad says that in ancient India, “apart from pastoral nomads, there developed a class of spatially mobile specialist who provided various kinds of goods, services, and entertainments” (1994:2 and 3). Bokil narrative says that “rural Indian society had a number of artisans and service castes that catered to the needs of agriculturists. They were residents of the same village and the balutedari or jajmani (patron-client) systems governed their relationships. However, besides them, there were also a number of nomadic groups who frequented the villages from time to time and provided a range of goods and services. They included pastoral 384 Ajit Kumar Legislated Sedentarization and Pauperization: ……Hawadiga and Qalandar People of Karnataka groups like shepherds and cowherds and non-pastoral groups like stone-cutters, blacksmiths, salt-vendors, basket makers, metal workers, medicine sellers and so on. They also included various types of religious performers and entertainers like acrobats, fiddlers and magicians. A majority of them were permanently on the move and did not have any village or ‘native place to call their own. They met once a year at a place of pilgrimage, which was also the venue to tie nuptial knots and resolve disputes” (2002:33). These communities were not a part of the ‘jajmani’ or ‘balutedari’ systems but they “provided those goods and services, which the artisans did not supply” (Bokil, 2002: 149). The varna-jati social system was “well protected against competition and encroachment from outsiders”. The non-pastoral nomads provided goods and services which the localised production system did not provide. They occupied a niche in this system. The “variety in life-styles of different jatis sustained the non-pastoral nomads, that is if one group served one cluster of castes, the other aimed at another cluster”. This “diversified pattern of living is changing very fast in modern India” and it is getting increasingly homogenised and standardised (Misra and Prabhakar, 2011: 169 and 170). With a greater standardisation in all walks of life, “there is less room for movement and camping” for the non-pastoral nomads. The “development process is converting non-pastoral nomads from being highly skilled and innovative people to unskilled population” and they “are likely to join the overburdened sector of agriculture or become unskilled wage-labourers which in turn would adversely affect bio-diversity”. This method of development through exclusion is partly because of the “lack of knowledge and general dislike and ‘suspicion’ about mobile people” entertained by the sedentary people who have framed laws to restrict the nomadic way of life and to sedentarise them (ibid: 166, 171). To sum up, the non-pastoral nomads over time and through their ingenuity had carved out niche livelihoodsthatsupplied the much needed goods and services to the village community. These livelihoods are now coming to an end because the market economy is meeting these needs through low-cost, standardised products. It also means that the diversity of rural life is diminishing. III. The context in Karnataka The People of India project, a survey conducted by the Anthropological Survey of India, identified 276 non-pastoral nomadic communities in India and they are mostly found in Andhra Pradesh, followed by Maharashtra, Karnataka and Gujarat (ibid: 171). The campaign in Karnataka The campaign in karnataka began some time in 2000 and has put a complete end to the traditional livelihood of both the Hawadiga and the Qalandar people. While the two laws are applicable in equal measure to both these communities the effect on them has not been the same. The campaign for protecting the sloth bear has been a more complex operation. It began with a ‘wild within walls’ life timecare facility project in Bannerghatta Biological Park (BBP) in Karnataka. It was conceived and developed, by the Wildlife Trust of India, International Fund for Animal Welfare, Karnataka Forest Department and 385 Zoo Authority of Karnataka with additional support from Ministry of Social Welfare & Empowerment and Central Zoo Authority, Government of India. The site chosen was a 100 sq km mixed deciduous forest near Bannerghatta National Park (Ramnathan, Ashraf and Menon, 2008). The work began in June 2001 and the facility was inaugurated in November 2002. This was followed by a sophisticated campaign by animal rights activists to force the Qalandar people to surrender their bears. They were lured into getting their bears micro-chipped. The moment they stepped out of their habitats and went on their usual travel they were picked up, their bears and equipments confiscated and often they were jailed or kept confined in the forest department or police stations. This was preceded by flexing of muscles, roughing-up and brow-beating. They were ‘cajoled’ to ‘surrender’ their bears to the Bannerghata Biological Park and some of them received Rs. 50,000/ as compensation. This compensation provision materialised because of the international priority to save sloth bears. That this campaign has been successful can be inferred from the fact that most of the Qalandar bears are in BBP and a large number of the Qalandar bear-owners are now starving. To know how the Qalandar people became pauperised one needs to know the workings of the ‘bear’ based livelihood. The WTI report says that the ‘cajoling’ of the Qalandar people soon saw 25 bears being given to the BBP. The Qalandar people say that one bear is sufficient to take care of the livelihood of five Qalandar households which means that 125 Qalandar households saw a complete end to their livelihood the day the 25 sloth bears reached BBP. The compensation given, in instalments, was given to the bear-owner not to other households who were as dependent on the bear as the owner of the bear. In addition to this monetary provision, some of the Qalandar people have been appointed to take care of the bears at the BBP. The condition of the Hawadigas is even worse because the ‘international’ focus of these campaigns have been on saving the sloth bear and not reptiles. A field study reported that within a span of three years thirty cases of harassment and violence have taken place against the Hawadiga people. The nature of violence ranged from minor physical violence where nothingwas visible to cases of broken bones and this was orchestratedthrough mob violence. Similar instances were reported from the Qalandar community with one difference. In many cases they were jailed which entailed heavy costs because they had to employ lawyers and had to pay fines (Nikhat, 2011:56-57). Vulnerable communities in Karnataka The Karnataka State Backward Class Commission has “provided information and insights on 25 Muslim communities in the State. However it is estimated that there are nearly 52 such communities”. In Karnataka, “Muslims constitute 12 % of the total population and form the second largest community in the state. Among them 9 % speak Urdu as their mother tongue” (Kowdenhalli, 2007: 20). Kowdenahalli further says that, “although the Karnataka Minorities Commission made a study on the educational, economic and social conditions of these communities they are still viewed as a monolithic community. There is no information on the distinct identities of the subgroups” (ibid: 20). The report of the 386 Ajit Kumar Legislated Sedentarization and Pauperization: ……Hawadiga and Qalandar People of Karnataka Karnataka State Backward Class Commission (KSBCC) has highlighted the needs and problems of people belonging to the following 14 nomadic, semi-nomadic and denotified communities: Kadugollaga, Kodagu, Pinjar, Kapali, Hawadiga, Qalandars, Dombidasar, Bai patthar, Jogis, Haranshikaris, Gondali, Davari, Darveshu and Sikkaligar communities. While all nomadic tribes are vulnerable, the Commission has identified the Kadugolla, Hawadiga, Qalandars and Sikkaligars as being the most vulnerable among them. Part B : The Hawadiga universe1 INTRODUCTION Kowdenahalli says that “the snake charmer community is a nomadic tribe having originated from Rajasthan and Maharashtra” and today are found in “many parts of Karnataka” where they are known as Hawadigas (2007:31). The KSBCC Commission made a comprehensive study of the Hawadiga community and highlightedtheir extensive knowledge of snakes, their wide repertoire of skills as a magician and their use of music and musical instruments. They are adept in catching snakes and have medicines to treat snake bites. During our data collection the Hawadiga people told us that many of the current TV experts on snakes in Bengaluru were people whom they had trained. The Hawadigas are primarily magicians and display snakes for a short moment to attract an audience and to elicit alms. This Commission has pointed out that : l The Hawadiga people are untouchables among Muslims having no blood relationship with other Muslims groups, or their support in any way. l The majority of them are illiterate and live in dilapidated huts / houses l They are landless with no other means of livelihood. l Because of these reasons, a sizable number of families migrate to cities, and are forced to live in slums to earn their livelihood. Reservations for the Hawadigas Hawadigas come under category 1 as per government order SWD 225 (BCA) 2000, 30.march.2002. There is no income limit in this category and there is 4 per cent reservation in education and employment for groups listed in category 1. The Hawadigas come under Sr. No. 19 a. and are sub-classified as: (i) Hawadiga (ii) Haavgar (iii) Hougar. But the community has not been able to obtain any benefit from this affirmative action policy because they are totally illiterate, have no residential address and are ignorant of the outside world. I. The Hawadiga people as a nomadic community Anthropologists have pointed out that the distinguishing feature of a nomadic community is that they have one single leader. This featureis seen among the Hawadigas of Jai Bhuvaneswari Nagarand AR is their unquestioned leader. He has two wives, thirteen children and two houses. The community accepted his leadership because of his persuasive talking manners andalso because he is a teetotaller. He also had taken the initiative 387 in gathering his community people together who were scattered throughout Karnataka to Bengaluru. Further he helped them in getting a house in Jai Bhuvaneswari Nagar in Bengaluru. They also have their own pidgin language which none except a Hawadiga person can understand. It is a spoken language without a script. It has evolved over a long period and is an admixture of many Indian languages. Another feature which marks them out is their cultural practice of all members meeting once a year to resolve many family and community issues that have cropped up in the preceding year. They used to meet at Malur where a Hawadiga member used to take care of a dargah. This has now come to an end because this caretakerhas left Malur. Malur is about two hour’s bus ride from Bangalore city. Geographical spread of the community in Karnataka (i) Outside Bengaluru city: (1) Malur (six families) 2) Mysore (200 families) 3) Anampalli (10 families) 4) Moodbagal (7 families) 5) Audogodi (4 families) 6) Hoskote (10 families) 7) Sirihalli (10 families). (ii) In Bengaluru: 1) BL Nagar (2 families) 2) Yashwantpur (2 families). l II. The total comes to 371 Hawadiga families excluding the families residing in Jai Bhuvaneswari Nagar. This estimate is based on the figures given by AR. Sedentarization of the Hawadiga people: The colony at Jai Bhuvaneswari Nagar(Bengaluru). The Hawadiga colonyat Jai Bhuvaneswari Nagar (JBN) came up in 2000. This community began as a small group of 20 families living as squatters in the cantonment railway station in Bengaluru about ten years back. They were evicted from this area because of a proposed flyover project. Many organisations fought for them including the Peoples Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL) and the Samata Sainik Dal (SSD) and finally the Karnataka State Slum Development Board (KSSCB) resettled them in Jai Bhuvaneswari Nagar (JBN) which is, opposite to the Raj Kumar Samadhi, an important landmark in Bengaluru city. The leader of this community is AR. His brother had first migrated to Bengaluru followed by his mother and then AR himself. Over a period of time some of the Hawadiga members came to visit AR and stayed back. AR’s role in settling the Hawadiga people in Bengaluru is somewhat akin to the role played by Girdhari for the erstwhile nomadic Gadulia Lohar of Beawar in Rajasthan (Misra, 1977:172-173). When the KSSCB decided on a plan of rehabilitation the Hawadiga people were asked to submit a list of families who needed houses. At that time AR got in touch with his people staying in different parts of Karnataka and their names were included in the list submitted to KSSCB. That is how the numbers jumped from 20 to 70. They were given a one room + bathroom tenements. The house is theirs but not the land. They can rent out their house but not sell it for fifteen years. Initially, there were 70 brick housesbut as children grew up and married they needed to be accommodated. So these families numbering fifty now live in tents and make-shift shelter by side of the brick houses. The colony at JBN has four rows of houses. The first two rows of houses are occupied by 388 Ajit Kumar Legislated Sedentarization and Pauperization: ……Hawadiga and Qalandar People of Karnataka dalit people and migrant communities. The third and fourth row of houses hasbeen allotted to the Hawadiga people. III. The Hawadiga Life in Jai Bhuvaneswari Nagar Indebtedness and starvation l l l Most of them are indebted. They have mortgaged many of their belongings to pawn shops. Women of the community told us that, with the enforcement of the new laws, they have become so poor that none of them have lunch. They have some food in the morning andthen in the evening. All the households have been issued ration cards. Earlier each household was given 20 kg of foodgrain but now it has been reduced to less than half. Most of the families also have BPL card. Water, toilet, cooking fuel and education l l l l l l They buy water – one rupee per container - from the Sarwajanik Pay and Use toilet-cum-bathroom complex and spend on an average one hundred rupees once every three days. This will vary depending on the size of the family. The same water is used both for drinking and other purposes. They have no other source of water. This complex is less than a kilometre from the place where they stay. For toilets they use the public ground in front of their settlement. The neighbours resent this and throw stones at them. They scrounge and collect fire-wood. Two basket-loads will see them for a week. They eat rice and the cheapest vegetable of that day. Young girls are sent to a lady tutor for learning the Koran and Urdu. She stays close by and charges Rupees five per student. Fifteen boys go to the Maktab run by the local Masjid. The very small children go to the centre run under the Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan. They are the first generation learners of their community. Boys go to the Masjid to pray on Fridays before which they have a bath at the public bathroom after paying rupees ten. Families known to them when they earlier used to live in the cantonment area give them old clothes. Inter-community relations In addition to the Hawadiga people, this colonyhas people from Kanada and Tamil speaking communities and Rajasthani Muslims.Common to all of them is their poverty and destitution. Even though all these people are immediate neighbours and they are all poor there is hardly any social interaction between these communities. The first lane of this house has mostly dalit households, with whom the Hawadiga people are on friendly terms. But there is an in-built tension between the Hawadiga people and the neighbourhood 389 communities residing outside Jai Bhuvaneswari Nagar. This is because of class and religious differences and because of the growing Hindutva mindset in the larger community.As a general rule, none of the Hawadiga people stir outside their lane except to go to the main city. The political dimensions A decade back a joint action committee was constituted to fight the land mafia in Bangalore and at that time the Samata Sainik Dal (SSD) was given the responsibility of enlisting the support of the Hawadiga community. There is a board of SSD right in front of the house of AR and his house is painted in blue. The joint action committee (JAC) has disintegrated and the issue of housing also has been resolved. So why is the board of SSD displayed prominently? This board affords them some protection from the police and from the rowdier elements of the larger community. For this powerless people, the Ambedkarite movement serves as a protective mantle. IV. Marriage and death : The Hawadiga outlook Marriage among them is a simple matter. They have only one ritual: during the formal meeting to discuss the proposed alliance the boy’s family must come with betel leaves worth rupees twenty while the girl’s family comes with leaves worth rupees ten. The total comes to rupees thirty. There is no other monetary transaction. What does marriage among them mean? On an average marriage expenses will range between Rs. 40,000 to Rs. 50,000. But if required, marriages can be conducted even within Rs. 10,000/. Finding a bride or a groom among the Hawadigas is not difficult. It is a small community and all are interrelated in one or the other way. The wealthy Hawadigas One biriyani feast for everybody in the community: 50 kg rice and 40 kg mutton is enough for this feast. One or two gold ornaments for the girl and a watch for the boy and a set of dresses for both the groom and the bride: enough for the marriage to get going. This is how the wealthy Hawadigas marry. The poor and the poorest Hawadigas Those who have no money will just provide a rice and dal/lentil combination to the community members. Some may even give an egg and what the Hawadiga people do is to eat only the egg and come away. Those who are the poorest will not even do that. They order hundred rice plates in bulk from an inexpensive restaurant and somebody goes around delivering rice plates, only two per family irrespective of the family size. There is no function, celebration or ritual of any sort. This is not the last word about poverty among the Hawadigas. There are families who cannot afford even the rice-lentil combination. They pay rupees five hundred as fees to the Masjid authorities for performing the marriage ceremony, after which all those who have assembled – generally a small number – are given a half-cup of tea and a biscuit. The marriage ceremony ends and the young couple begin their wedded life. 390 Ajit Kumar Legislated Sedentarization and Pauperization: ……Hawadiga and Qalandar People of Karnataka Death Death is to be laughed at. They crack jokes about it and they complain. They complain of carrying the bier of their dead and how their shoulder muscle aches. Their worry is not death but the expenses of the funeral. The expenses come up to Rupees 5000/. A matador has to be hired and the mourners taken to the graveyard. The expenses worry them.They view death in a matter-of-fact manner. V. The Hawadiga artist: Entertainers and performances The Hawadiga people perceive themselves as artists and magicians. They are jadugars famed for their vanishing trick, the smoke emitting act and the eater of iron. Snakes are mere accessories meant to attract an audience. Performance in the open in the city What is the nature of their performance? The performance begins by releasing a snake or two. They are harmless water and rat snakes. This is accompanied by a catchy talk. Soon a crowd gathers, the snakes disappear and the performance begins: l l One artist [DP] has a huge basket where a small boy gets in and accompanied by talk and gestures the boy is made to disappear and reappear. Another artist’s speciality [SB] is in showing how coins disappear and then reappear. Again a running commentary with some witty talk and gestures accompanied by a side-kick who mockingly mimics the master. It is a crosstalk between the master and the side-kick. The show ends, the snakes reappear and the public is asked to give some money to feed the snake and his devotee. The second day’s visit started with an impromptu performance by SSH. It took about half an hour and he speaks enough English to carry on a witty conversation. His spiel is liberally laced with names of the high and mighty of India. They were spell bound by his acts: scions of the Gandhi family roll off his tongue smoothly. The act begins by placing two cups and three round balls on the ground. These balls have names and they are friendly names which will appeal to the audience – daddy, mummy and daughter. For the next few minutes each character, in turn, disappear and reappear and what makes it charming is the spiel of the artist, which/that describes a life of domesticity: the family eating idly, drinking tea and so on. The highlightof his performance is an act which combines smoke, fire, iron nails and a 500 rupee note. The audience is drawn into the performance: Someone in the audience is requested to give a five-hundred. Since Nadim and I constitute the entire audience,I hesitatingly hand over a note and with this the act begins and it is impressive: l l First a small piece of cloth is lit and it goes into SSH’s mouth. Then a number of sleight-of-hand movements and the climax in a sequence: continuously SSH spews smoke from his mouth for a few minutes, then the mouth is opened wide and we are shown a red-hot burning ember followed by the mouth spitting out an impressivequantity of terribly rusted nails. Finally SSH takes out of his mouth the Rs. 500 rupee note I had given him. It is completely dry. l l l 391 SSH declares that he can if necessary spit out almost one kilo of rusted nails from his mouth. Finally he requests us for some money for his breakfast which we owe him for putting up a remarkable performance. He has completely given up the use of snakes because he is terrified of animal rights activists and the authorities. His performances have almost come to an end. Occasionally, he is invited to perform in schools. Performance outside the city During festival seasons the Hawadiga men accompanied by their wives and children visit market places and fairs outside Bengaluru. Many of these places have important Hindu temples where annual festivals take place and where pilgrims come regularly. They carry plastic sheets and poles and erect a tent in any convenient spot. The show begins. This is done for a month or two and after accumulating any amount from Rs. 10,000/ to Rs. 15,000/ they return to their homes. This niche which the Hawadiga people had carved out has now almost come to an end. VI. The Hawadiga predicament What is the Hawadiga predicament? Without a snake no audience, without an audience no show and without a show there is no livelihood. To obey the law of the land they gave up their snakes and tried out with plastic snakes and even snakes made up of straw but the audience jeered and left. The audience want snakes in flesh and blood. What do the Hawadiga people do? The obvious answer to this predicament is a change of occupation. Why should they not take up some other occupations? Many in India have done so? The quest for many an Indian has been for any livelihood which will fetch a better income. But for the Hawadiga people the case is different. Their quest is not for any livelihood, but for a livelihood in which they are specialised and which is their tradition inherited from their forefathers. Their self- perception is that of artists and performers and it carries a meaning beyond the economic domain. Their pride and prestige is attached to their performance. Each person has his own repertoire which has evolved over generations. To give up this repository ofperforming knowledge and skills for something of which they know nothing of and for which they are unfit is a terrible predicament. The only alternative is to work as labourers which so far they have resisted. Some of the Hawadiga men have completely deformed fingers and handsbecause of repeated snake bites. These men In spite of the bites refuse to draw out the fangs of their snakes. Their pride is to live and play with danger. To understand the present predicament of the Hawadiga people one also needs to understand them as a community. It is a small community and the bonds of solidarity among them are strong. Their interaction with the larger world is minimal. Till the recent livelihood crisis the needs of individual Hawadiga people were met within the community itself led by one leader. In a sense this was self-sufficient community. Their insularity, community bonds and the simplest of all possible living have enabled the community to act as a single entity. How long this will continue is yet to be seen. 392 by one leader. In a sense this was self-sufficient community. Their insularity, community bonds and the simplest of all possible living have enabled the community to act as a single entity. How long this will continue is yet to be seen. VII. Ajit Kumar Legislated Sedentarization and Pauperization: ……Hawadiga and Qalandar People of Karnataka The Hawadiga temperament Their temperament is very striking: though starving they are unwilling to give up their performances. Because of the fear of being harassed by the larger community they do not stir out of their one-lane colony throughout the day. This enforced idleness and an empty stomach is their fate now. But even on an empty stomach they are willing in a jiffy to put up a show. They are showmen par excellence. In spite of starvation, harassment by the authorities and enforced idleness they are cheerful. They crack jokes and are ready to laugh. There is a remarkable give-and-take in their personal relations. Very little hierarchical relation is visible among them with the young and the old enjoying an easy comradeship. Possibly, this is because the community is very small. Marriages take place within this small group because of which the community is like a big extended family. What further adds to their camaraderie and solidarity is that their life now is as minimal as is humanely possible. How do they pass their time? They do not come out of their small one-lane colony because of the fear of being harassed by the middle-class neighbourhood people. They do not go into the main city because they cannot put up performances. They have no money. The authorities, the animal rights activists and the larger society have completely ghettoised their life. What do they do? They have devised a game with sticks and scraps and where the play involves adroit wrist movement. This invention is what keeps them busy now. VIII. Coping with the crisis Alternate occupations During the eight hours I was there for the two days of our visit I was witness to the following alternate occupations: (i) One member returned after selling some flutes. He buys it for four rupees from Mysore and sells it 10 to 15 rupees. This person succeeded in selling six flutes. Some of them also sell plastic toys and garlands. (ii) Another man makes a ‘Do-tara’ (mandolin) and sells it for Rs.. 20/ It takes about 10 days to make seven to eight “Do-taras’. He claims that he could hardly sell anything. (iii) Some members took a risk toput up a show on the sly and earned Rs. 30. per head. (iv) Some women go and beg near the Masjid. In one instance a woman who went begging in the neighbourhoodwas arrested and taken to the beggar’s home. (v) One old man was selling fried snacks. (vi) Some of these artists are occasionally invited by schools where they put up shows 393 But these are not sustainable occupations because the income is very low, it is not a fixed income and there is no continuity to it. The people of the community say that they grew up in a culture where earning was for meeting their basic needs. They never thought of earning more or saving or of building up of assets. They never thought of education. They never thought of these things because their parents and elders in the community never thought of these matters. Now suddenly they are caught in a trap. Their demand They have relatives in Singapore and Malaysia plying the same trade. The government there has given them licences: One license for one snake. The Hawadigas want to know why the authorities in India cannot have a similar system. Give them licenses to keep two snakes and they are quite willing to be regulated by the authorities. Otherwise they say that they have no choice but to go with their traditional practice, laws or no laws. Part C : The Qalandar universe2 INTRODUCTION The word Qalandar, an Urdu word, refers to a nomadic gipsy tribe and their “profession th of bear dancing date back to the pre-Mughal era of 13 century”. They “gained prominence as royal entertainers in the courts of the Mughal emperors where they also performed magic tricks and staged wrestling bouts”. Once “the emperors and kingdoms became history, they started to perform bear dancing for the general public” (Kowdenahalli, 2007:33). The Karnataka State Backward Class Commission (henceforth KSBCC) has recognized Qalandars as folk artists who engaged in bear charming as the traditional occupation of their culture. The bears are born and brought up as family members and become a part of their life. Reservations for the Qalandars As per the government order No. DPAR 1 SBC 77, DT. 4-3-1977, The Madari and Howadiga community come under backward tribes in Karnataka. But the government of Karnataka ORDER NO. SWL 12 TBS 77, BANGALORE DATED 23RD JANUARY 1978 AND order no swl 12 tbs 77 dated 22nd February 1977 deleted the Madari community from the list. The present status is that the Madari/ Khalandar are not in the list of reservation category of Karnataka. The term back ward tribe is official category in Karnataka. The Madaris have been excluded from the reservation list. I. The Qalandars and the village community The bears are made to dance and in earlier days in villages there used to be wrestling bouts between the Qalandar-owner and his bear. The demand from the crowd was that the bear should lose. People in the villages revere the bear. Children are made to sit on the bear and the bear walks about. This was based on the belief that such a child will become as strong as the bear. It was also believed that the child will stop wetting the bed. There is also a belief that bear hairs and nails have healing properties and are seen as good omens. The Qalandars make small packets and they are sold as amulets and talisman. 394 Ajit Kumar Legislated Sedentarization and Pauperization: ……Hawadiga and Qalandar People of Karnataka In the village the bear is revered. The clinking and jangling of steel bangles is a clarion call for the villagers for it means that the Qalandar and his bear are visiting their village. They are treated with respect and given food and old clothes. The bangles are an integral part of the Qalandar equipment. They are in pairs - one big and the other small. The nomads were, at one time, organically linked to the village community and “any Indian village” would be “visited by at least 30 different nomadic groups in a year” providing “a variety of goods and specialist services to the settled people” (Misra and Misra, 1982:1). The striking feature of the Indian village was its social structure rooted in the varna-jati system based on local production. The nomads were a part of this system and they reproduced “a mini caste like model within their own groups” (Misra, 1982: 20). III. 395 A profile of Qalandars of Hampinakatte village in Hospet taluka of Bellary district The Qalandars have their own settlement in Hampinakatte village. Population The Hampinakatte settlement of the Qalandars had begun with five families and over a period of thirty years it grew into a settlement of 70 families. Caste structure in Hampinakatte village This village, in addition to the Qalandar settlement, has people from four different caste categories: Lingayats, scheduled castes, Kurubas and Panjewadar castes. II. The geographical spread of Qalandar population in Karnataka Occupation The Qalandars belong to a category which scholars have termed as semi-nomadic tribes having ‘home villages’ to which they returnat regular intervals. Some of the Qalandars have become petty traders or have found jobs in mining concerns while a few have been employed to take care of the bears in Bannerghata Biological Park but the majority have no stable occupation. Table 1 - Population of Qalandars in Karnataka Panchayat District Taluk Village Households Kolar Sreenivaspur Arlakunta 25 Bellary Hospet Hampinakatte 100 This village along with five other villages comes under the Danapur panchayat. Hampinakatte has sent three members to the Danapur panchayat – two from the Lingayat caste (one man and one woman) and one from the scheduled caste. None of the Qalandars are members of the panchayat. Hadagali Ainali 130 Facilities Koppal Manglapur 30 Gangavati Hulihyder 125 Koppal Dharwad Belgaum Chikkada 50 Yergudi 50 Sixteen of the families who had first settled in Manglapura had applied to the local authorities for house plots and had been pursuing their application. These families were allotted plots of lands on which they built a house. Subsequently, many families received houses which they constructed on plots to which they have no legal ownership rights. Shivnapur 25 The Bears of Hampinakatte Gonar 50 Ramadurga Halleli 15 Khanapur Chikk-Angroli 19 to 22 Total 489 households Sometime in the 1990s, the government set up a zoo for bears in Bellary and sought the help of the Qalandar people of Hampinakatte to stock the zoo. The zoo was supplied with a male and a female bear by the Qalandar people who when asked as to what they would like to have in return said that they would like to have licences. The authorities gave them six licences. Since then they have been plying their trade with these six licences. Photocopies of these six licences came to be used by the entire community. These licences attested to ‘ownership’ rights and not to rights of ‘performance’. Kalkatgi [Source:Information provided by RH a community leader from Manglapura on 2nd August, 2011]. IV. A Profile of Qalandar people of Manglapura (Koppal taluka, Koppal District) From the above table it is evident that the Qalandars are spread over five districts, eight talukas and eleven villages. This study undertook data collection in two districts, three talukas and three villages. Population The Qalandar people like the Hawadiga people also have their own pidgin language which none other than a Qalandar person can understand. It is a spoken language without a script and is a mixture of many Indian languages which developed over a long period of time. Manglapura has 300 houses and 800 voters. In addition to the 30 Qalandar households (HH), the village has Lingayats, Muslims (100 HH of Sheikhs, Sayyeds and Pathans) and dalits (10 HH). The Muslim community is hierarchically organised with the Sheikhs, Sayyeds and the Pathans ranked much higher than the Qalandar people. The Qalandar settlement in Manglapura has 30 houses. Castes of Manglapura 396 Ajit Kumar Legislated Sedentarization and Pauperization: ……Hawadiga and Qalandar People of Karnataka Occupations Some have turned to other occupations. RH and his younger brother have started brickmaking units. RH also owns a tractor and seems to be associated with the sand mining business going on in the area. Some Qalandars ply auto rickshaws. Many work as casual labourer in sand mining, in fields or in any available job. 397 family. While alliances are normally arranged within the Qalandar community there have been certain cases where it has been with a Syed or a Pathan family whose social status is much higher than that of the Qalandars. From the two such cases in Manglapura it seems that such alliances have taken place where the Qalandar boy is earning well. V. Panchayat Manglapura comes under Kolur GP which comprises 18 members from the scheduled castes, scheduled tribes, Lingayats and Muslim communities. One lady from the Qalandar community is a member of the Kolur GP. A Profile of Qalandars of Hulihaider village (Gangavathi taluka of Koppal District) The Hulihaider village “has been home to Qalandars for several centuries” and it was considered to be “an important town in the Vijaynagara empire (1336-1646 C.E.) and the seat of a local lord”. For ten months of a year they would travel with their bears and for two months they stay put in the village. This would be “before, and during the Islamic month of Moharram” where they would have “grand religious and cultural celebrations” (Sayeed, 2012: 95). Facilities There is a common toilet facility for all the village women while the men use the open fields. The Qalandars have piped water supply. Fifteen houses are brick-structures. Bears of Manglapura Population Manglapura had 15 bears and all of them were micro-chipped. Ten of them got compensation while five did not get compensation. In Karnataka this is the largest village of Qalandars. This village has a voting strength of 3500. Hulihyder has 125 households of Qalandars. Death Caste According to the Qalandars of Manglapura, one of their people (HS) died of grief after he surrendered his bear. His wife and two daughters work as coolies. One daughter is deaf and dumb. In addition to the Qalandars, the Hulihaider village also has people from the Lingayat, Nayaks (scheduled tribe) and Dalit communities. The Nayaks are numerically the largest caste and they dominate the panchayat. Religion and syncretism in Manglapura Occupations A striking feature of the Manglapura Qalandars is their religious practice. They have a well-kept dargah around a kala jamun tree where every day in the evening they light a lamp and agarbattis. The dargah is dedicated to Mehboob but no one knows who Mehboob was except for the fact that he hailed from Baghdad. Probably, he was a historical personage from the days of the past. Today, he is revered as a saint. Just adjacent to it is a shrine of Bothana and Chaudeswari. Both are Hindu deities but their caretaker is a Qalandar family. On auspicious days the Hindus of Manglapura pay a visit to this shrine for worship. Why is a Qalandar family taking care of a Hindu shrine? Legend says that some time in the distant past these deities had helped the Qalandars who continue to cherish those memories. Apart from petty business and cultivation most of them work as coolies, both men and women. They used to go to Bangalore but gave it up when one Qalandar person was murdered. Now they migrate to Bellary. Music An elderly Qalandar (MS) sang (Marsia) for us. One song is about the love story of Jaitunbi and Hanif. Jaitunbi proclaims that she will only marry a boy who can defeat her in wrestling. Many come but they all are vanquished till she meets her match in Hanif. Since bear wrestling was an important act of their performance it became the motif of their songs. The origin of the lyrics is not known. Marsia is a genre of songs which extols the virtues of important people of society. Marriage among the Qalandars Dowry is now a regular practice and for a marriage alliance to be formalised a sum between one and a half lakh to two lakh rupees would be required to pay to the boy’s Land About 10 Qalandar households own between 3 to 4 acre land which they cultivate and then work as coolies while 20 Qalandar households lease in land. Panchayat The Hulihaider gram panchayat has 12 elected members including two from the Qalandar community. Housing facilities Out of the 125 Qalandar households 100 stay in their own houses while 25 stay in rented places. Fifty people got Janata houses from the government. Other Facilities Water is from a hand pump. Fifteen aged Qalandars receive old age pension. The Bears of Hulihaider After losing their bears five men died out of grief and a loss of nerve. 398 II. Inter community conflicts There is a conflict between the Qalandar and the Lingayat people over rival claims over a patch of land. Apparently, the “Nayak-dominated panchayat has meddled with the issuance of” Below Poverty Line cards to the Qalandar people (ibid: 96). Part D : Perspectives I. Ajit Kumar Legislated Sedentarization and Pauperization: ……Hawadiga and Qalandar People of Karnataka The changing and unchanging universes: The Qalandar and the Hawadiga people Community in a sociological sense refers to a group of people living in one geographical area, having similar socio-economic features and a ‘we-feeling’ which ties people together through bonds of solidarity. This definition would exclude the nomadic tribes because they roam about. Their roaming got curtailed during the colonial era and their nomadic life became a semi-nomadic one. But now even this semi-nomadic life is coming to an end. They are settling down and becoming a part of a composite urban or a village community. In the sociological sense now they are becoming a community. The Qalandar people while becoming a community is also witnessing other changes. A small section has emerged among them who have abandoned their traditional livelihood and are now into small business. This category, very tiny, marks the incipient beginning of a slightly well-off stratum within the Qalandar people. These business people have formed organisations to fight for the rights of their people and these are modern organisations with networks, access to media and to the structures of power. What is clear is that the leadership of the community is in the hands of two such members from Manglapura and Hulihaider villages. It is this modern segment who has taken a lead in community affairs. There is also a development - common to democratic structures- of intense rivalry between these two personalities and their networks. This rivalry is undermining the unity of the community but this multiplicity of centres of power need not inherently be a negative feature for the Qalandar people. The Qalandars are ranked much below Syeds, Sheikhs and Pathans in the Muslim hierarchic order and none of them would normally have any relationship with the Qalandar people. But there have been a few cases of well-off Qalandar grooms finding brides from these superior categories. In contrast to this tiny section the majority of the Qalandar people have neither assets nor any skills. This is how the forces of change are affecting the Qalandar people. In contrast, the Hawadiga people are relatively insulated from these forces. There is no internal differentiation within them: all are uniformly poor. Many of them have taken to petty-street selling but this is undertaken on a part-time basis. But more crucial is the fact that they do not have a leadership and organisation in the modern sense of the term. Authority and leadership is still centralized in one personality and they seem to be a tribal band as in the bygone days when during “the early stage of human civilization, people moved in bands (small groups of families) in search of food and shelter” (Singh, 1996:26). Possibly, because of this band structure the internal differentiation of the Hawadiga people is yet to take place as in the case of the Qalandar people. 399 Complexities of Rehabilitation – The Hawadiga people and the Qalandar people This paper is a study of small communities who are subject to discrimination at three levels simultaneously. One, as tribes, two as members belonging to a minority religion and three as people whose livelihood is today outlawed by law. What is the question that needs to be answered? The first question is how can the Hawadiga and Qalandar people survive? This leads to the next question. Under what terms is this survival to be ensured? These terms should center on their identity, their legitimate rights of livelihood and access to their share in the development resources. Even though both these communities are semi-nomadic tribes, share the same religion (they being Muslims) and are today being pauperised by the same law; yet the differences between the two are so vast that there cannot be one standard scheme of rehabilitation for both of them. What are the differences? One major difference is that the Hawadiga people are completely urbanised while the Qalandar people are an integral part of the village community. The other difference is that, legally, there could be some space for the display of snakes which are not listed as an endangered species in public performances. This is not possible in case of the sloth bears which is an endangered species. The third difference is that the Hawadiga people refuse to take to any other occupations unlike the Qalandar people. The fourth important difference is that even though both the nomadic tribes are Muslim communities their actual religious practices vary considerably. The Hawadiga people, while not overtly religious, is completely dependent upon the Masjid for meeting their religious and spiritual needs. This is not the case with the Qalandar people who to a great extent have kept themselves away from the Masjid-based religious structure. They practice a kind of folk Islam and have some organic connection with folk Hinduism. Both of these communities also have their own pidgin languages which can be understood only by the respective community members. What measures of rehabilitation are possible? Temporarily, can the older generation of Qalandar men be allowed to keep bears for a certain period of time? These can be regulated and a system of licensing be instituted where yearly their bears are checked by the local veterinary doctor or a Zoo and a health certificate be issued. Microchips can be implanted to ensure implementation of the rules. In fact these bears have been micro-chipped by animal rights organisation but that was to keep track of them. In case of the Hawadiga people could they be permitted by law to keep one or two species of non-endangered species of snakes? In India a large number of snakes are killed every day both in urban and in rural areas. They can be subject to a system of controls and monitoring. Apparently, such a system is in vogue in Singapore and Malyasia. Generational changes are already visible and the smaller children are going to school. In a matter of a decade and half the younger generation will seek other occupations. III. The Indian Muslim world and the nomadic people The “Muslim community in India too has developed a caste-based hierarchical social structure” and the upper caste leaders take pride in “being of foreign extraction – Arab 400 401 Legislated Sedentarization and Pauperization: ……Hawadiga and Qalandar People of Karnataka Ajit Kumar or Iranian – and considered other Muslims, who are all of indigenous Indian origin, as belonging to the ‘low’ caste” (Ali, 2012: 75 and 78). Broadly speaking, the Muslim people of India can be classified into two categories, the Ashraf and the Ajlaf. The Ashraf (Sayyad, Sheikh, Moghul and Pathan) constitute the Muslim elite and historicallyhave exercised leadership over the entire Muslim community in India. This leadership rests on the idea of the Muslim people being a single, unified community without any divisive interests. In recent years this idea is being challenged by the OBC and dalit Muslims who constitute a majority among the Muslim people. That the Muslim people are internally differentiated like other religious communities is now being clearly articulated in public discourses. be criminals, rather than as labouring poor”. In fact “the views of the Indian law-makers st and laws relating to nomadic communities hardened by the beginning of the 21 century” (ibid: 21, 22). What is of significance in this contestation of ideas and for material resources between the OBC and the dalit Muslim on one side and the Musim elite on the other side is the complete absence of any reference to the nomadic Muslim people. Just as the Indian nomadic people remained invisible to the Indian mainstream so have the Muslim nomadic peopleremained invisible to the Muslim mainstream. Part E : State and the Indian nomads I. The Indian approach In the Indian approach laws are seen as an instant and complete solution by the urban, educated settled population. They take up a complex situation, frame it as a problem and turn towards the law for a solution. This ‘legal’ solution often is not able to comprehend the complexity of the human category involved. There could be some justification for the rigorous implementation of the Wildlife (Protection) Act, 1972 and the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals Act, 1960 to conserve the biodiversity of the environment. But what justification can be given for using the Prevention of Begging Act to pick up nomadic people putting up performances in public places even if no animals or reptiles are used.This act defines begging as an act “soliciting or receiving alms, in a public place” which means that “any one who approaches an audience to get paid for entertainment he/she has provided, can be booked for ‘obtaining or extorting alms”. (Radhakrishna, 2007:4223). The trend in law making on beggary is to equate begging with crime. As the “Karnataka Prohibition of Beggary (Amendment) Act, 2002 shows, its jurisdiction has been expanded by repeated amendments”. l l This is because these communities are entering new areas in search of work and new territories to sell their goods and services. A large number of people rounded up by the police in Delhi under the antibeggary law are from denotified and nomadic communities (Radhakrishna, 2008: 20). There is a change in “law’s perception of poverty and criminalisation”. The nomadic people engaged in their traditional occupations came to be treated as “actual or would- As the Qalandar people told us during data collection “the authorities of the Bannerghatta Biological park charge Rs. 190 per head. They are earning money by displaying our bears while we are left to die in hunger and grief”. How does one explain this anomaly of Qalandar-bears being displayed to the sedentary population while the bear-owners are starving?The state is getting increasingly organised and regulating the life of many communities which earlier was outside the state structure. This increasing reach of the state is integrating the Qalandar people into the Indian mainstream but on terms which are unfavourable to them. II. State policy and the nomadic people Nomadism is a strategy which permits a better access to resources. It is a “resilient, rational response to a variety of ecological, economic, political, and social circumstances” (Rao and Casimir, 2003:3). What are these circumstances? The nomadic people and their livelihood have been viewed as a stumbling block in the country’s progress. It “is seldom understood here as a major risk-spreading strategy in regions where the vagaries of weather often lead to partial or total crop failure, where intensive or extensive agriculture may not be viable or ecologically sustainable”. Nomadism “is not seen by bureaucrats and politicians as a logical response to scattered resources” constituting a “practical and viable alternatives to wage labour, settled agriculture” (ibid: 28, 29). The “independent states of South Asia largely followed colonial concepts and continued considering mobility as a ‘law and order problem’ and the nomad by definition as ‘backward’; even anthropologist toed this official line” (Bharal 1968:358 cited in Rao and Casimir, 2003:69). The brown men became the colonizers shouldering the burden of the white men. The policy was spelt out more clearly in the 1958 Report of the SubCommittee of theCentral Advisory Board for Tribes, Government of India. This report has a chapter titled Methods and Measures for Nomadic Tribes which affirms that sedentarization ‘has first to be achieved’: either by ‘coercion or persuasion or sometimes a subtle mixture of both’. Two ways have been proposed for sedentarization. One is to improve the infrastructure of the areas the nomads roam in and the other way is to accustom them to the pittance of “daily wage labour – rather than traditional independent resource management” (ibid: 69-70). This policy enunciated in 1958 is now becoming a reality in case of the Hawadiga and Qalandar people of Karnataka. Now that they no longer possess animals and reptiles they travel little and are getting sedentarized. Now that their ancient repository of skills and knowledge are of little use many of them are slowly taking to the pittance of daily wage labour. The Constitution of India recognises the vulnerability of the De-notified and Nomadic tribes (DNTs) but not as nomadic communities. Bokil says that the “foremost problem of the DNTs is that of classification and enumeration” since they are “not categorised as a class under the constitutional schedules like the scheduled castes (SCs) and scheduled 402 Ajit Kumar Legislated Sedentarization and Pauperization: ……Hawadiga and Qalandar People of Karnataka tribes (STs)”. Some of “them have been included in the respective state lists of SCs and STs but there is no uniformity across the country”. The problem of non-uniformity has arisen because “the DNTs are not a homogenous group” (Bokil, 2002:148). This heterogeneity can be judged from the fact that approximately there are today 1,500 nomadic and semi-nomadic tribes and 198 denotified tribes. The nomadic community in India comprises a significant section of the Indian population numbering about 150 million people. A liberal state cannot completely ignore so large a number and one step which the state took in 2003 was to appoint a non-statutory commission to study this large category of people. It was reconstituted in 2005. It started functioning as a three-member body in 2006 and submitted its final report to the prime minister in 2008. Recently “the National Commission for Denotified, Nomadic and SemiNomadic Tribes (NCDNSNT) proposed that these people should be notified as a scheduled community by amending the Constitution and 10 per cent of government jobs should be reserved for them even if the total reservation quota exceeds the 50 per cent ceiling imposed by the Supreme Court” (Editorial, EPW, 2008). Leave aside the question of implementing the recommendations made by NCDNSNT even their report has yet to be tabled in the Lok Sabha. The possibility of the nomadic tribes being accorded a scheduled status is not even a remote possibility. The very fact that the NCDNSNT commission constituted to study the problems of the nomadic people was a non-statutory one indicates quite clearly the helplessness of the nomadic people and their ability to influence state policy. Conclusion: Sedentarization, wage labour and pauperization The nomadic people right from the colonial period have had their livelihood and their way of life contested by the sedentary society. They could circumvent these threats because they were ‘invisible’ to the mainstream people and also because of their extraordinary entrepreneurial skills. These attributes allowed them, on a much diminished scale, to continue with a semi-nomadic way of life. But today the nature of contestation is qualitatively quite different. The coercive powers of the Wildlife (Protection) Act, 1972 and the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals 1960 have ended the customary occupations of the Hawadiga and the Qalandar people. It is also stigmatizing them with traits of criminality. They are Muslim communities and more insidious associations being arrived at are a foregone conclusion. The reach of the modern state and the terrifying instrumentality of its ‘laws’is putting a complete end to the self-sustaining livelihoods of the Hawadiga and the Qalandar people. But, is this desirable? In the absence of any viable approach, as Rao and Casimir have put it, it would be “irrational and undemocratic to try and sedentarize mobile communities. On the contrary, government should help strengthen such multi-resource economies…..” ( 2003: 29). There is an element of irony in the campaign to protect the bio-diversity of the country because this campaign however laudable its objective, is also diminishing the human diversity of the country. The people of India are not the same as India the modern nation state. The people have an ancient past while the nation state is very new: just six decades old. The contestations between these two histories and the forces propelling these 403 contestations will determine whether India as a modern nation state will continue to be a nation of rich and complex pluralities. Notes 1. and 2. This section is based on the chapter titled “The Hawadiga and Qalandar Universe” which is a part of the report titled “Law and Loss ofLivelihood: The Hawadigas and Qalandars of Karnataka” by Ajit Kumar and Nadim Nikhat. This report was prepared for the Centre for Study of Social Exclusion and Inclusive Policy, National Law School University of India, Bangalore. 3. I would like to acknowledge the patience and courtesy with which Professor P. K. Misra in Mysore would reply to my all kinds of queries. His detailed emails did much to help me gain some understanding of the nomadic way of life. He drew my attention to the fact that nomadic people being small are ‘invisible’ andthis has enabled them to survive. Dr. M. Bokil drew my attention to the entrepreneurial abilities of the nomadic people and the fact that they have never sought state help. The many people now seen selling trinkets in cities or going around in carts with images of Gods and Goddesses are nomadic people. I would also like to acknowledge the time which Professor R. Siva Prasad gave me and the instructive late – afternoon I spent with him in his department at the University of Hyderabad talking about the state response to the problems of nomadic people. This was on the last day of January, 2012. 4. I would also to thank Shri Balkrishna Renke the Chairman of the erstwhile National Commission for Denotified, Nomadic and Semi-Nomadic Tribes for the time spent with him and the discussions I had with him when he was with us for two days in the NLSIU campus in March 2012. Dr. Dr. Balagurumurthy, Secretary, Karnataka Nomadic Tribes Mahasabha had many perceptive comments to offer about the nature of the flux in which the nomadic people are in now. For example he drew my attention to the fact that now these people are acquiring an ‘identity’ in the modern sense of the term. 5. I would like to acknowledge the courtesy and help received from V. J. Bomanwar, Librarian of the Anthropological Survey of India, Nagpur office and his staff. References Ali, Mansur (2012): “Indian Muslim OBCs: Backwardness and Demand for Reservation”, Economic and Political Weekly, September 8, Vol. XLVII (36), (PP. 74-79). Bokil, Milind (2002): “De-notified and Nomadic tribes: A Perspective”, Economic and Political Weekly, January 12, (PP. 148-154). Bokil, Milind (2002): “ Facing Exclusion: The Nomadic Communities in Western India”, Indian Journal of Social Work, Volume 63 (1),(PP. 33-45). Casimir, M.J. and Aparna Rao (2003) : “The Historical Framework of Nomadism in South Asia: A Brief Overview” in Aparna Rao and Michael J. Casimir (eds) Nomadism in South Asia, Delhi, Oxford University Press: (PP.44-72). 404 Editorial (2008): “Branded for Life”, Economic and Political Weekly, October 4, (PP. 6-7). Guha, Ramachandra (2011): “The Career and Credo of Andre Beteille” , In Ramchandra Guha and Jonathan P. Parry (Eds.) Institutions and Inequalities: Essays in Honour of Andre Beteille, New Delhi, Oxford University Press. Hayden, R. M. (2003): “Conflicts and Relations of Power between Peripatetics and Villagers in South Asia” in Aparna Rao and Michael J. Casimir (eds) Nomadism in South Asia, Delhi, Oxford University Press: (PP.448-467). Kane, P. V (1973): HISTORY OF DHARMASASTRA (Ancient and Medieval religiousand Civil law), Vol.III, Second edition, Poona: Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute. Kowdenahalli, S. Babu (2007): Muslim Communities Engaged in Traditional Occupations In Bangalore Urban District – A report on their social, economic, andcultural status, Bangalore, Human & Institutional Development Forum. Kumar, Ajit (2011) : “The Hawadiga and Qalandar Universe” in Law and Loss of Livelihood : The Hawadigas and Qalandars of Karnataka by Ajit Kumar and Nadim Nikhat, CSSEIP, Bangalore, National Law School of India University. Misra, P. K. (1977): The Nomadic Gadulia Lohar of Eastern Rajasthan, Calcutta, Anthropological Survey of India. Misra P. K (1982) : “Nomadism in the land of Tamils between 1 A.D. and 600 A.D” in P. K. Misra and K. C. Malhotra (Eds.) Nomads in India –Proceedings of the National Seminar, Calcutta: Anthropological Survey of India, (PP.15-22). 405 Ajit Kumar Legislated Sedentarization and Pauperization: ……Hawadiga and Qalandar People of Karnataka Ramanathan, Anand Ashraf N.V.K and Vivek Menon (2008) : The beginning to the end of dancing with Bears (Occasional Report _o.15), NO MAST KALANDAR, Copyright © WTI 2008 Photo credit: Title page, Pg. 2 & 4 by Idris Ahmed all other photographs by Anand Ramanathan. Singh, K.S. (1996): Identity, Ecology, Social Organization, Economy, Linkages and Development process: A Quantitative Profile, Calcutta & New Delhi : Anthropological Survey of India and Oxford University Press. Sayeed, V.A. (2012) : “Tenuous Lives”, Frontline, March 9, (PP.95-100). Annexures Annexure A : The Qalandar People The total numbers of households in the three villages are as follows: (1) Hampinakatte70 (2) Manglapura -30 (3) Hulihaider – 125. The data presented below is from those HH head and spouse who were available and ready to give us the required data. Even though Hulihaider is the biggest Qalandar settlement the data collected from that village has been from a very small number of households because one section of the Qalandar people turned hostile. The community is divided into two hostile sections because of the rivalry between two leaders. One of them resides in Manglapura while the other person lives in Hulihaider. Misra, P. K and N. Prabhakar (2011) : “Non-Pastoral Nomads: A Review”, The Journal of the Anthropological Survey of India, July-December, Vol. 60 (2), (PP.165—215). Nikhat, Nadim (2011) : “Hawadiga and Qalandars in Karnataka vs The wildlife (Protection) Act, 1972 and The Prevention of Cruelty to Animals Act, 1960: Stories of Humiliation, Harassment, Threat and Abuse” in Law and Loss of Livelihood : The Hawadigas and Qalandars of Karnataka byAjit Kumar and Nadim Nikhat, Bangalore, CSSEIP, National Law School of India University. Prasad, R. R (1994) : Pastoral Nomadism in Arid Zones of India – Socio-Demographic & Ecological Aspects, New Delhi : Discovery Publishing House. Rao, Aparna, M. J. Casimir (2003): “ Nomadism in South Asia: An Introduction” in Aparna Rao and Michael J. Casimir (eds) Nomadism in South Asia, Delhi, Oxford University Press: (PP.1-38). Radhakrishna, Meena (2007): “Civil society’s Uncivil acts: Dancing Bear and Starving Kalandar”, Economic and Political Weekly, October 20, (PP.4222-4226). Radhakrishna, M. (2008) : “Laws of Metamorphosis : From Nomad to Offender” in Kalpana Kannabiran and Ranbir Singh (Eds) Challenging The Rule(S) of law – Colonialism, Criminology and Human Rights in India, New Delhi, Sage : (PP. 3 – 27). Radhakrishna, Meena (2009): “Starvation among Primitive Tribal Groups”, Economic and Political Weekly, May 2, Vol. XLIV, No. 19,(PP. 13-16). Table 1 : Education of Household Head (HH) and Spouse Name of the Village No. of Households in the village Illiterate HH (%) Illiterate Spouse (%) Hampinakatte, Bellary District 54 80 87 Manglapura, Koppal District 28 75 86 Hulihyder, Koppal District 29 93 97 Total 111 What is of significance is that among the small percentage of Qalandar men and women who have had some schooling there is not a single case of a person reaching even up to the 10th standard. 406 Table No 2 : Occupation Household Head (HH) and Spouse Village HHs Household Head Table No 2 : Type of Houses among the Hawadiga people Spouse Category CW No. Work CW No work Hampinakatte 54 8 (15 %) 46 (85%) 11(20 %) 43 (80 %) Manglapura 28 – 28 (100 %) – 28 (100 %) Hulihyder 29 27 (94%) 2 (6%) 29 (100 %) – Frequency Percentage Brick wall+tin roof 43 58.90 Tent 30 41.09 Total 73 100.00 Table No 3 : Children (age-group) among the Hawadiga people CW: casual worker in fields and mines. Category Table 3: Average Age of Household Head and Spouse Name of the Village HH Average Age Spouse Hampinakatte, Bellary District 43 35 8 Manglapura, Koppal District 39 34 5 Hulihyder, Koppal District 35 30 5 Table 4 : 407 Ajit Kumar Legislated Sedentarization and Pauperization: ……Hawadiga and Qalandar People of Karnataka Gap Frequency Percentage Families with children of the age 5 and below 5. 37 50.68 Families with children between 6 and 10. 15 20.54 Families with children Above the age of 11 21 28.76 Total 73 100.00 Children up to 10 years of Age (Gender wise) Children up to 10 years of age (Gender wise) Name of the Village Male Female Total Hampinakatte, Bellary District 42 51 93 Manglapura, Koppal District 21 25 46 Hulihyder, Koppal District 31 35 66 Total 104 111 205 Annexure B: The Hawadiga People One Hawadiga youth (SI) who is college-educated gave us some data about his people. Based on his data the following tables were prepared. Table No. 1: Family Size among the Hawadiga People Family Size Category Frequency Percentage Below 3 member 18 24.66 4 to 5 member 41 56.16 6 to 7 member 13 17.80 8 plus member 1 1.36 Total 73 100.00 Literacy l l Out of the 73 families only 10 families have adult members who have schooling ranging from the 4th class till the 10th class. In case of the remaining 63 families none of the adults have received any schooling. The present generation Hawadiga are going to Balwadis and school and possible could become the first generation learners. 408 Jr. Anth. Survey of India, 61(2) & 62(1) : (409-425), 2012-2013 Understanding Haemoglobinopathies in Public Health Scenario of Andaman and Nicobar Islands: An Anthropological Approach S. S. Barik1 and B. N. Sarkar2 ABSTRACT Haemoglobinopathies are various types of inherited structural and functional abnormalities, occur in á and b-globin chains of the haemoglobin molecules due to mutation and comeout with wide spectrums of clinical manifestations. Among those, b-Thalassaemia and Sickle-cell anaemia (HbS) are drawing much attention so far as the clinical importances of both are concerned. However, prevention and management of some other types of haemoglobin disorders such as HbD, HbE etc. are also equally significant, when those co-inherit with b-Thalassaemia and Sickle-cell anaemia (HbS) in human population. It has also established that migration plays an important role in our evolutionary processes. It may bring change in physical as well as social milieu in a given space; thus consequently may affect disease susceptibility in some ethnic groups. Large scale movements of people from particular ecological and ethnic background even in certain occasion, wide intragroup divergence in traditional norms; may be appeared with significant consequences for the pattern of disease occurrence and for public health issues. Since, all genetic variations are derived from mutation, genetic drift and random mating between species (individuals); large scale human migration into the islands’ situation for colonial interests might have played an important role in spreading as well as prevalence of fatal disorders like haemoglobinopathies in successive decades in island’s situation. In view of severity of haemoglobinopathies in India, as a whole and the peopling history as well as cultural plurality of the Andaman & Nicobar Islands; it was urged to initiate an anthropological exploration for better understanding of degree and dimension haemoglobinopathies in Andaman & Nicobar Islands; particularly its’ status in public health scenario of the island territory. This study was carried out among 432 unrelated individuals of both genders, having various ethnic backgrounds; including 19 individuals of Particularly Vulnerable Tribes of these islands. 1Anthropological Survey of India, Port Blair. 2Anthropological Survey of India, Kolkata. 410 Understanding Haemoglobinopathies ………An Anthropological Approach This study reveals 12.268% individuals have been suffering from various types of haemoglobinopathies in various states; with 4.86% cases of b-Thalassaemia trait/carrier (â-Tt); which is higher than National average (3.96%) and out of 16 Great Andamanese individuals, two persons were reported as HbE carrier with 31.1% and 29.9 % A2 respectively. This study endorse the threats in terms of increasing load of carrier and patient in these islands due to its’ own nature of demographic and social dynamics which in turn to be a great deal to health management heamoglobinopathies. INTRODUCTION Human haemoglobin is one of the important red cell protein markers. Its’ variations, occurrences, contribution in evolutionary processes and subsequently, clinical manifestations are well established (WHO 1966, Basu 1978, Bansal et al 1988, Weatherall 2000, etc.). Inherited structural and functional abnormalities in molecular chains of human haemoglobin, due to impaired genetic actions are commonly classified under haemoglobinopathies; which are by and large appear with common aetiology of moderate to severe forms of haemolytic anaemia among individuals that in many occasions emerge with fatal consequences in life. Noteworthy to mention; in India, anaemia often neglected as common type nutritionally deficient health problem; which are in turn supplemented with iron enriched diet and/or medicines to facilitate natural haemoglobin production in body. Even, until or unless there are episodes of continuous deterioration in health condition of the patient/individual; lion’s share of the sufferers could access opportunities for proper diagnosis of severe anaemia of patient/individual due to unawareness of mass, thus become with one of the major national burden in public health, in terms of prevention and systematic management of haemoglobinopathies in India for decades. Haemoglobinopathies are because of various types of mutations, occur in á and b-globin chains of the haemoglobin molecules and come-out with wide spectrums of clinical manifestations. Among those, b-Thalassaemia and Sickle-cell anaemia (HbS) are drawing much attention so far as the clinical importances of both are concerned. However, prevention and management of some other types of haemoglobin disorders such as HbD, HbE etc. are also equally significant, when those co-inherit with b-Thalassaemia and Sickle-cell anaemia (HbS) in human population. Individuals who inherit thalassaemia gene, along with any other type structurally abnormal haemoglobin gene like HbE, HbS; that appears with severity and complications alike to thalassaemia major (patient). Patho-physiology, clinical manifestations, distribution and molecular structure of b-Thalassaemia and other abnormal haemoglobins are being studied extensively. Global estimation of b -Thalassaemia trait/carrier alone is about 240 million. Every year about 300,000 infants born with thalassaemia (30%) or sickle-cell anaemia (70%) (WHO 2006). Prevalence of haemoglobinopathies in India, presents an alarming picture of 4-17%, dispersed thorough out the country with some regional and ethnic exclusiveness in occurrence. Alone, b-Thalassaemia is prevalent in almost all states and all ethnic groups irrespective theirs’ different socio-cultural backgrounds, with an estimate of 4% carriers (Kate 2008) those are potential for approximately 40 million carriers in next generation. In addition, every year our country receives approximately 10,000 new born babies with b-Thalassaemia major from those carrier parents. S. S. Barik and B. N. Sarkar 411 State wise prevalence rate varies from 17% in Gujrat to very low frequency in Kerala, while abnormal haemoglobin variants like HbD, HbS, HbE are primarily endemic in Punjab some ethnic groups some geographic zones in India. For instances, HbD is more common among the people genetically belong to the ethnic groups of North Western part of India with carrier prevalence rate up to 10%. North-Eastern and eastern part of India is prevalent in HbE, having a load of carrier of this gene varies about 5-50% and in same manner of confinement, HbS is widespread among the ethnic groups of Central and Southern India with prevalence rate of 30% carrier are there (Kate 2008). In Andaman & Nicobar Islands, prevalence rate of haemoglobinopathies is yet to be explored and whatever had been reported earlier, based on retrospective medical followups or as case studies; not as like as large scale unrelated individual screening at school/community level. Available records reveal there were no reported cases of HbS in any population (other than settler migrants) groups of these islands. However, there are sporadic distribution of HbE and â-Thalassaemia among the population of Nicobar Islands. In view of severity of haemoglobinopathies in India, it was urged to initiate an anthropological exploration for better understanding of degree and dimension haemoglobinopathies in Andaman & Nicobar Islands; particularly its’ status in public health scenario of the island territory. Considering the peopling history as well as cultural plurality of these islands; a well designed field-cum-laboratory investigation was carried out by the Anthropological Survey of India under 11th Plan National Research Scheme “Community Genetics Extension Programme”, during 2007-2012. Islands’ scenario - peopling, bio-cultural mosaic & haemoglobinopathies: In this occasion, it may mention that the territory of A&N Islands had only been inhabited by the tribes, before colonial invasions in seventeenth century and thereafter by various European agencies. Annexing of these islands with colonial rule in mid-nineteenth century by the British; drastic changes appeared in these inlands in terms of high magnitude population influx there, as colonization policies. As soon as these islands came under colonial power in 1858; the then administrative head quarter at Port Blair and its surroundings had flooded by 15000 migrants (Man 1883) from various parts of undivided Indian and neighbouring colonial establishment of Burma. Processes of colonization took its’ momentum with establishment befriending contacts with the native islanders throughout these islands. Simultaneously, gradual increasing of migrant population from diverse geographical and cultural backgrounds became phenomenal in next decades; which is still in the process of framing aspects of the islands’ societies including population dynamics and disease profile. During course of 150 years and above; except a few; rest of the native tribes have marginalised in the fold of exotic culture and the Andaman & Nicobar Islands has emerged with new identity, Mini-India- melting pot of Indian diasporas; where ‘Local’ (prisoners, convicts and their descendants, formed between 1885-1942), Coorgi (Kodagu district of Karnataka), Burmese (during 1907-1923), Moplah (in 1921 from Malabar coast), Karen (hunter-gatherer tribes from bordering districts of Myanmar and Thailand; during 19251927), Bhatu (de-notified wandering tribe of bordering districts of United Province and Central Province, during 1926-1928), up-rooted Bengalese from East Pakistan (during 412 Understanding haemoglobinopathies ………An anthropological approach 1949-1970), repatriated Tamil and Telugu of Burma (during 1950-1962), Ranchi-wala (tribal and non-tribal communities from Chhotanagpur region, arrived in 1950’s ), Malaylam (during 1952-1958), families (of Punjab, Kerala, Maharashtra, Tamil Nadu) of District soldiers, Sailors, Airmen Board of Ex-serviceman Association and Indian Exserviceman Association during 1969-1980; have been appeared as major ethnic components of colonized Islands in 20th century (Singh 1994). S. S. Barik and B. N. Sarkar 413 Beside, roots of migration; most observing population dynamic of migrants is passing through low sex-ratio under tremendous population influx, since its’ emergence as Indian colony (FIG. 2 & FIG. 3). Interestingly, these migrant populations of present days Andaman & Nicobar Islands are the counterparts of various caste based endogamous groups of all stratums of lingual groups. Moreover, theirs’ migration to these islands had been guided by socio-political compulsion; not by choice. Search of luck and search of habitat was primary reason for settling over decades in the island situation. Significantly, theirs’ places of origin in pre and post-independent era, belongs to those specific geographic zones of India mainland and neighbouring state; which have already identified as endemic for various types of abnormal haemoglobin genes among the natives of those areas (FIG. 1). FIG.2 Population growth of A&N Island during 1901-2011 FIG. 3 Trend of low sex-ratio over-time Apart from family units, migrants comprised of more single male individuals than female, particularly in most biologically potential age groups; thus has consequently lead to set very flexible marriage rules among the migrants in due course and had formed a consolidate settlers communities; heterogeneous by nature, without having rigid cultural boundaries, as are prevailing at their place of origin. For instance, in practice; conventionally it is easy to identify an individual under cultural category of a ‘community’, like Bengali, Telugu, Tamil and so on. However, that is identified and based on the mother tongue of the father of the individual. Once, an extended family history would draw on cultural traits for last three-four generation of that individual; multi-ethnic components would appear in the lineage of both parents of that individual. Village or group endogamy had no longer been a strict norm for marriage negotiations among these migrants. Precisely, two numerically prominent communities like, ‘Ranchi-wala’ and ‘Local’, denotes a large heterogeneous group, comprising the descendants of tribe/non-tribe ethnic groups of Ranchi (Chotonagpur region) and the descendants of convicts respectively. In such manner, gradually and finally, human-scape of these islands; truly has formed a melting pot of large number of human being, irrespective cultural identities and stigmas. FIG.1 Haemoglobinopathies in India: endemic areas and migration of genes Note: Apart from nation-wide scattered distribution of â-Thalassaemia carriers; (1) areas around northern part are endemic for HbD (Punjab); where from ancestors of ‘Local Born’, Bhatu, Valmik, Ex-service Men and other ethnic groups arrived, (2) vast areas eastern India and adjacent areas are endemic for HbE; where from Bengalee, Burmese, Karen, Nicobares and Shompen migrated in different points of time, (3) almost central part and some southern areas of the country are endemic zones for HbS; where from Coorgis, Ranchi-walas, Telugu and Tamil migrated, (4) coastal plain of Malabar borrows genetic signature of HbO (Arab), because of marriage relations with Arabian traders; where from Moplas migrated. It has established that migration has played an important role in our evolutionary processes. It may bring change in physical as well as social milieu in a given space; thus consequently may affect disease susceptibility in some ethnic groups (Neel 1969, Ward et al 1980, Young et al 1990, Watherall 2000). Large scale movements of people from particular ecological and ethnic background even in certain occasion, wide intra-group divergence in traditional norms; may be appeared with significant consequences for the pattern of disease occurrence and for public health issues (Smouse and Teitelbaum 1990, Rao et al 1992). Since, all new genetic variations are derived from mutation, genetic drift and random mating between species (individuals); large scale human migration into island situation for colonial interests might have played an important role in spreading as well 414 Understanding haemoglobinopathies ………An anthropological approach as prevalence of fatal disorders like haemoglobinopathies in successive decades in islands situation. Hypothesis Since, the social history of Andaman & Nicobar Islands has strongly built on colonial foundation and the people of these islands has comprised thousands of migrants from various part of Indian sub-continent; having a trend of low sex-ratio among biologically most potential groups over times; hence, it may presume, that such intermingled biocultural attributes would contribute in great extent in understanding the degree and dimensions of haemoglobinopathies in public health scenario of these archipelagos. Hypothetically, it is also presumed, when population with and without a high prevalence of haemoglobinopathies carriers unites; ultimately through inter-marriages (exogamy), the affected genes would scattered more widely and thus would increase proportion of couples ‘at risk’. Subsequently, a non-endemic zone for any particular disease/disorder would turn into a disease/disorder endemic zone over decades automatically. 415 S. S. Barik and B. N. Sarkar Blood Cell indices had done within 6 hours of collection at laboratory through automated cell counter (MS4e). Fraction haemoglobins were estimated through HPLC (Bio-Rad Variant System) techniques. Table: 1 Ethnic variation among screened individuals Ethnic groups Academic Institutes PVT (N:19) Total (N:432) I (N: 51) II (N:91) III (N:199) IV (N:24) IV (N:48) Bengali 22 27 70 07 37 163 Ranchi-wala 04 11 55 01 03 74 Tamil 00 11 22 02 04 39 Telugu 13 17 05 03 02 40 Malayalam 00 08 10 02 00 20 Kannadi 06 00 00 00 00 06 Local Born 04 10 00 02 00 16 Nicobarese 02 01 25 00 00 28 Burmese 00 00 01 00 00 01 Punjabi 00 01 02 02 00 05 UP 00 04 08 01 01 14 II. How far social history and the bio-cultural attributes could make road in understanding the issue? Bihar 00 01 00 00 00 01 Karen 00 00 00 01 00 01 III. Where these islands do stand in management of haemoglobinopathies, in public health domain? Nepali 00 00 01 00 01 02 Bhatu 00 00 00 03 00 03 In view of the social milieu as well as population dynamics of A&N Islands, an attempt has been made to delineate to understand whether the both has been acting as ‘limiting’ or ‘de-limiting’ factor for haemoglobin disorders in A& N Islands. Inquiries This study was guided by some specific issuesI. What is the prevalence rate of various types of haemoglobinopathies among the people? Exercises Great Andamanese 16 16 In search of answer of those pertaining inquiries; an intensive study was carried out among the students of various academic institutes of the Port Blair town during 2007-2009. Simultaneously this study was extended to the individuals of Great Andamanese, Onge and Shompen; in response to the request of Andaman Adim Janjati Vikas Samity, A&N Administration. This study had components of awareness programme among the students, field investigations and then through laboratory executions following standard protocols. Onge 02 02 Shompen 01 01 Socio-economic information at individual level was recorded among 432 unrelated students from various academic institutes of Port Blair town, some self-motivated individuals and 19 Particularly Vulnerable Tribal (PVT) individuals (table 1). Thereafter, K2 (Potassium) based EDTA vaccutained venous blood samples were collected from preconsented volunteer donors. Three tyre haematological screening were thoroughly followed. For detection of osmotic fragility test; NESTORFT test carried out on-spot at field situation. Estimation of haemoglobin, Red Blood Cell count and haemogram of Red Findings & discussions: I. Prevalence rate This study was carried out among 432 unrelated individuals of both genders, having various ethnic backgrounds; including 19 individuals of Particularly Vulnerable Tribes of these islands. Out of those, altogether 53 individuals had been detected under various categories of haemoglobinopathies at various state of severity. Beta-Thalassaemia Major was detected with frequency of 0.694% and carrier of the same disorder estimated about to be moderately high (4.86%) rate, whereas HbE and HbS carrier frequency was 3.24% and 1.62% respectively. Significantly, three individuals with compound heterozygote for HbE / Beta- 416 S. S. Barik and B. N. Sarkar Understanding haemoglobinopathies ………An anthropological approach 417 Thalassaemia and one individual for HbS/Beta-Thalassemia were detected respectively (table 2). Significantly, was detection of one individual of Delta-Beta Thalassaemia with frequency of foetal haemoglobin 14% and A2 with apparently normal haemoglobin (13.3 grm/dL.), RBC (5.91^106/ml.) count but significantly low MCV (68.8 fl.) and MCH (22.5 pg.). Table: 2 Prevalence of haemoglobinopathies among screened individuals Haemoglobin Variants Academic Institutes PVT (N:19) Total (N:432) I (N: 51) II (N:91) III (N:199) IV (N:24) IV (N:48) Beta-Thal Major 2 1 0 0 0 0 03 (0.694%) Beta-Thal Trait 8 8 3 0 2 0 21 (4.86%) Hb AE 6 1 3 0 2 2 14 (3.24%) Hb AE/Tt 2 1 0 0 0 0 03 (0.694%) Hb AS 2 0 4 1 0 0 07 (1.62%) Hb AS/Tt 1 0 0 0 0 0 01 (0.23%) HbAS/AE 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 (0.0%) HPFH 3 0 0 0 0 0 03 (0.694%) Delta-Beta-Thal 1 0 0 0 0 0 01 (0.23%) Total 25 11 10 1 4 2 53 (12.268%) Molecular characterization of a few selected samples revealed two Beta Thalassaemia carrier/trait had confirmed with common IVS-1-5-G>C mutation. One of those also coinherited with Alpha Thalassaemia 1 with more severity. One case of HbE carrier confirmed with Cd 26 G>A mutation. Significantly one case of HbE-Beta Thalassaemia confirmed with IVS-1-5-G>C and Cd 26 G>A mutation detected, which also co-inherited with Alpha Thalassaemia 1 with devastating clinical outcome. More significantly out of 19 Great Andamanese individuals, two were reported as HbE carrier with 31.1% and 29.9 % A2 respective to those individuals; who though had RBC count of apparent normal range i.e. 4.72^106/ml. and 5.01^106/ml respectively. Apart from that, a general trend of anaemic state has also been observed among Great Andamanese individuals, who have participated in this study. Ranges of their red blood cell count (RBC), haemoglobin level and red blood cell indices are shown (FIG. 4) for better understanding of their haematological health. FIG. 4 Individual variation in RBC, haemoglobin and red blood cell indices among the Great Andamanese sample II. Bio-cultural attributes: Formation of islands’ society with migrants of plural cultural back ground has discussed earlier that revealed immense migration of diverse ethnic groups from various geographic zones of Indian subcontinent and finally settlement of those people in these islands in different point of time, since these lands became open wide to all for colonial interests. However, demographic feature of Andaman & Nicobar Islands has been suffering with remarkable imbalance sex-ratio since initial days. Female population has been outnumbered by male, because of higher magnitude of migration of male individuals for reasons. Havoc of migrants to these islands during early and mid-twentieth century and a trend of low sex-ratio within that frame is enough to explain possibilities socio-cultural cohesion among the islanders through marriage practices over decades. Low sex-ratio has been great hindrance in matrimonial negotiations, thus set flexible marriage rules among the migrants and to some extent among Great Andamanese. Interethnic (exogamous) marriage is wide common among individuals/families, particularly who have withdrawn socio-cultural contacts with native places thus lead marriage alliance out of their own culture background. So far as origin of island’s population and it’s bio-cultural dynamics, both are conscientious in framing migrant groups; are together also de-limit further load of haemoglobinopathies genes in island society over times. Inter-ethnic marriages alliances are in many extend come with cases of combined heterozygosity like HbAE/b-Tt, HbAS/ b-Tt, as reported. Simultaneously, maintenance of traditional marriage rules in islands scenario within low- 418 S. S. Barik and B. N. Sarkar Understanding haemoglobinopathies ………An anthropological approach sex ratio; is keep probabilities more open for increasing haemoglobinopathies in homozygote as well as heterozygote conditions in coming generations. For instance, here we may refer a few case studies for better understanding of the biocultural attributes for increasing cases of haemoglobinopathies in the island situation. Case-I: A girl of class 5th standard, who is a patient of Beta-thalassaemia Major (FIG. 5). She was detected at her age of 10 years. She belonged to a ‘Local’ born settler family, whose grand-grandparents were the natives of diverse eco-cultural zones. She was the second daughter of her parents. Her parents had only concerned about her prolonged episodes of illness and blood transfusion in regular interval; except the knowledge of diseases transmission. That little girl could survive hardly a few months after her case was properly diagnosed by the project team of the Anthropological Survey of India. Later; it was decided to detect some of the members of her family and close kin. This study found that both of her parents were carrying Beta-thalassaemia traits and her elder sister too. That findings further encouraged in framing an extended genealogies of that family as back as possible, thus revealed high magnitude of admixture of genetic traits along with diverse cultural background, through inter-ethnic marriage alliances at generations at both of her parental root. Finally; some of the members of close kin groups were voluntarily approached to the study team for detection of probability of these disorders and detected some cases of carrier genes for Beta-thalassaemia, Hb E and one combined case of BetaThalassaemia trait and Hb E (b-Thal/HbAE). Above could classically exemplify the relation between inter-ethnic marriages due to population pressure and extending probabilities of haemoglobinopathies in such isolate territories like island situation. Case-II: It was a case of a girl of 18 years, who was detected Beta-thalassaemia carrier/trait by the study team. She revealed that her younger brother had been going through regular blood transfusion and had splenectomy in the local hospital. She was then requested to meet with her parents and discuss on the facts. Finally both of her parents and relatives of paternal and maternal line came forward voluntarily for clinical detection. Simultaneously an extended genealogy (FIG. 6) was also framed on the basis of the diagnosis of theirs’ samples. It appeared that family originally belong to some district of south-central part of India and they have been for three decades in search of better livelihood opportunities in these islands. Since, theirs’ arrival to these islands is comparatively recent; they are maintaining orthodox culture core and strictly consanguinity in the islands scenario. It was found, consanguineous marriages between cousins and consanguinity up to second degree relatives; ultimately confines abnormal haemoglobin genes within the boundary of the family and relatives. Interestingly it appeared that where marriages out of consanguine kin were solemnized, probabilities of Beta-thalassaemia major and/or Beta-thalassaemia carrier/trait cases had been naturally eliminated from next generation members. Case-III: It’s a case of a Great Andamanese boy of 12 years (FIG. 7 & FIG. 8), who had detected as a carrier of HbE (HbAE) having apparently normal haemoglobin (11.2 gm/dL) 419 level and normal RBC count (5.01^106/ml.) but with very high frequency of A2 (29.9%) through HPLC column detection. It was observed that both of his parents belong to the Great Andamanese tribe; who had genetically never been carried any type of mutant haemoglobin genes, as they remained as breeding isolate human group of the Andaman Islands alike to Jarawa and Onge. However, fast transformation of these islands under colonial rule; had hardly left any option for them in maintenance traditional way of life. Marginalization, rampant depopulation since late of mid-nineteenth century; compelled the Great Andamanese to be assimilated with non-traditional systems of survival; including selection of mate from migrant communities like Karen, Burmese, Ranchi-wala during initial decades of 20th century and from Bhatu, Mopla, Bengalee during the last few decades. Marriage alliance with a Burmese person of that boy’s mother line has identified through a extended genealogy; which could has been the root of acquiring HbE in the family. However, both of the parents that boy were not available during the screening programme, which could throw light in understanding the flow of HbE; as one of the elder sisters of his father was also detected as carrier of HbE (FIG. 9). Dwindling population size with low sex-ratio (over all 88 female over 100 male members among only 55 population strength in 2007) of the Great Andamanese; inevitably put them in the threshold of acquiring many genetically controlled diseases/disorders, including haemoglobinopathies through random selection of marriage partner from non-Great Andamanese settler communities. Three different cases, as stated above are representatives for understanding bio-cultural attributes of disease spectrum and vulnerability in a geographic isolate island situation, under its’ own demographic perspectives. III. Where, we stand Prevention of haemoglobinopathies, simultaneously clinical management of the whole is a challenging tusk, in a nation with diverse culture practices and massive population size like ours’. Moreover, every year our country receives approximately 10,000 new born babies with b-Thalassaemia major (patient) from carrier parents, in addition to thousands of other abnormal haemoglobin variants like HbS, HbE, HbD and AlfaThalassaemia; while those combines with another; leads multiplication of victims proportionately. Scenario of these disorders in public health domain of Andaman & Nicobar Islands is no exception. High prevalence rate alone in Beta-Thalassaemia carrier/trait i.e. 4.86% (higher than national average, which is 3.96%), enable endorse the threats in terms of increasing load of carrier and patient in these islands due to its’ own nature of demographic and social dynamics which in turn to be a great deal to ready stock of packed-cell for blood transfusion for patients. 420 Understanding haemoglobinopathies ………An anthropological approach Andaman & Nicobar Islands are comprised of numerous islands, spread over remote areas; where facilities of blood transfusion (fresh blood), under medical guidance are not accessible. Visiting to Port Blair for such purpose, in regular interval from those remote areas even are not so feasible for reasons. During this study; study team came across many cases, while many parents of those remote islands neither had familiarity with the town nor with its’ civic society. Those unfortunate parents used to roam around; peep in to local clubs, offices, if those could come out with silver line in distress. It was also perceived that many of them dare to disclose their sufferings to the next door neighbours or even close relatives in scared of getting to be isolated from social network. Noteworthy to mention that prior to blood sample collection; the study team initiated awareness programme on some pertinent issues of haemoglobinopathies among the students. Those students were knocked with few basics questions to understand their level of knowledge. Surprisingly, they hardly came with anything on the very basics, like cause of the disease, affected organ/body-part of the disease, consequences of the diseases and transmission. Awareness programme then initiated from preliminary level of haemoglobinopathies. In that circumstance, initiation of that study was eye-opener to all. It threw light on enigmas; where we never had any information base earlier on detection of such large scale screening of haemoglobinopathies in these islands; which was equipped with advanced bio-molecular technologies that too complemented by anthropological devices for studying human groups in understanding the magnitude and dimensions of haemoglobinopathies in Andaman & Nicobar Islands. However, it strongly felt that we have to walk miles not only for preventive and clinical management of the disorders but also in understanding silent contribution of haemoglobinopathies to infant and child mortality rate in public health point of view. Conclusion Haemoglobinopathies, the most widespread single gene abnormal haemoglobin disorders in human have also made road in to Andaman & Nicobar Islands; with expansion of colonial establishment during 19th and 20th century. Noteworthy to mention, massive population influx over decades, from endemic areas for various abnormal haemoglobin genes and in addition, general trend in low sex-ratio among the islanders; has increased susceptibility of various type of haemoglobinopathies among the islanders through extensive inter-ethnic marriage practices. Study reveals 12.268% individuals have been suffering from various types of haemoglobinopathies in various states; with 4.86% cases of b-Thalassaemia trait/carrier (b-Thal); which is alarming, so far as clinical management of the diseases with sophistication are concerned in the island situation. S. S. Barik and B. N. Sarkar 421 This study came out with detection of haemoglobinpathies (carrier state) among the Great Andamanese; who have been marginalized and surviving in small population size; which is eye-opening for all; who are concern on the survival chances of this tribe. Already, they are acquiring mates from different migrant communities indiscriminately; thus could increase magnitude of affected individuals within small population in future; if premarriage screening would not follow mandatorily among the Particularly Vulnerable Tribes (PVT) of the Andaman & Nicobar Islands. Significantly, those Great Andamanese individuals showed a trend of anaemic state; which cannot be granted as always as chronic nutritional deficient anaemia. Since, persons having haemoglobinopathies, particularly b-Thalassaemia (major) and persons with combined heretozygote cases need more clinical attentions; mass-awareness programme on haemoglobinopathies would strategically more effective preventive management for the incurable disorders; arresting further disease load in these islands. 422 Understanding haemoglobinopathies ………An anthropological approach S. S. Barik and B. N. Sarkar 423 424 Understanding haemoglobinopathies ………An anthropological approach Acknowledgement Authors express deep sense of gratitude to each individual; who had participated in the screening programme as the primary component of this study. Sincere thanks to Prof. V.R. Rao; former Director-in-Charge of the Anthropological Survey of India; for his immense academic and logistical supports during this study. S. S. Barik and B. N. Sarkar 425 World Health Organization 2006: Thalassaemia and other haemoglobinopathies, reported by Secretariat to the Executive Board, 118th Session, Provisional agenda item 5.2, EB11815, 11th May 2006, Geneva. Young T. K., E. J. Szathmary, S. Evers and B. Wheatley 1990: Geographic distribution of diabetes among the native population of Canada: A national survey. Soc. Sci. Med. Rao V. R., A. C. Gorakshakar and K. Vasantha 1992: Genetic heterogeneity and population structure of Gond related tribes of Maharastra. Hum. Biol. 64 (2): 903 – 917. References Bansal R. K., V. B. Sharma, J. Madhulika Singh and S. Saxena 1988: Haemoglobinopathies in anaemic children of eastern Rajasthan. Ind. Pediat. 25: 1012. Basu S. K. 1978: Haemoglobinopathies and allied disorders in India- A public health problem. Health and Population-Perspectives and Issues 1(4): 319 - 339. Kate S. L. 2008: Haemoglobinopathies in India: Prevention, control and future direction (in) Proceedings of National Conference on Community Genetics Approaches in Prevention of Beta-Thalassaemia, organized by Anthropological Survey of India, Govt. of India, 7-9 March 2008, Calcutta; p-17. Man E. H. 1883 (rprntd in 1975): On the aboriginal inhabitants of the Andaman Islands, New Delhi, Sanskaran Prakashan. Neel J. V. 1969: Some changing constrains on the human evolutionary process. Proc. XII Int. Congr. Genet. 3: 389 – 403. Singh K. S. 1994 (ed.): People of India, Andaman & Nicobar Islands (Vol XII), New Delhi, Anthropological Survey of India, Govt. of India, Affiliated East West Press. Smouse P. E. and M S Teitelbaum 1990: Genetics, demography and Epidemiology (in) Convergent Issues in Genetics and Demography Adams J, D A Lam, A I Hermalin and P. E. Smouse (ed.) New York, Oxford University Press: 209 – 218. Ward R. H., P. Raspe, M. Ramirez, R. Kirk I Prior 1980: Genetic structure and Epidemiology: the Tokelau study (in) Population Structure and Genetic Disease, Erikkson E, H R Forsius, H R Nevanlinna, P L Workman and R K Norio (ed). Associated Press, New York. Weatherall D. J. 2000: Single gene disorders or complex traits: lesions from the Thalassaemia and other monogenic diseases, Br. Med. Jr., Vol. 321 (4: November), 1117-1120. World Health Organization 1966: Haemoglobinopathies and allied disorder: Report of WHO scientific groups, Tech. Rep. Sr. No. 338. 426 Jr. Anth. Survey of India, 61(2) & 62(1) : (427-433), 2012-2013 Twin Infanticide: A case study from Arunachal Pradesh, India Nakul Chandra Sarkar1 ABSTRACT Normally twins are treated equally with their singleton sibs in most of the societies but among some communities of Arunachal Pradesh, the Muklom of ChanglangDistrict in particular the situation is different. The Mukloms do not allow their twins to survive. They are in an age old tradition of killing twins immediately after birthbecause of prevailing superstitionthat twins are the indication of misfortunes, miseries, calamities to the family and the entire community. Presently because of their awareness and changed attitude the Muklom youths are not in favour of killing twins any more. INTRODUCTION General belief among some of the communities of North East India is that three vital events – birth, marriage and death, along with some others, are beyond the control of human beings. Those are regulated by the God / the Creator / the Super Power / the Nature as conceived by different religious communities. In humans, unlike most of the other mammals, maximum pregnancies result in the birth of one child (singleton) which is the usual form of birth. But sometimes, human beings also give birth of twins (two babies), triplets (three babies), quadruplets (four babies) and so on. These are due to certain specific factors – genetic or non-genetic, occurring at the time of fertilization or at the initial stage of conception and generally remain untraced / unnoticed. Superstition prevails that if a pregnant woman eats some twin eatables (fruits/vegetables etc.) she may give birth of twins. Some believe that misfortune also may cause twin births. It is certain that there 1Anthropological Survey of India, Kolkata. This paper has been read in the National Seminar on the Problem of the Aged, Weaker section and Disables, held in the Department of Anthropology, Calcutta University on March 29-30, 2000. 428 Nakul Chandra Sarkar Twin Infanticide: A Case Study From Arunachal Pradesh, India is no role of any misfortune, superstition, evil power or eating of any particular food item causing multiple births (Sarkar 2003). Specific reasons may be responsible for formation of particular type of twins. Neel and Schull (1954) advocated for at least two distinctly different biological situations for formation of twin in man – the proliferation and fertilization of (1) two ova and (2) only one ovum. Twins are of two types – (a) Monovolar (i.e. twins originating from just one fertilized egg) are on the other hand always alike in sex and are termed “monozygous” (MZ) or ‘identical’ twins (b) Binovolar (i.e. twins originating from two fertilized eggs) may be alike or unlike in sex and are called “dizygous” (DZ) or ‘fraternal’ twins. Monozygotic twins owe their origin to the remarkable phenomenon of a single embryo into two at early embryonic stage is yet to be clear. Dizygotic twins may form due to fertilization of two ova, discharged due to abnormal ovulation, by separate sperm (Vogel and Motulsky, 1979). According to the Encyclopedia Americana (Ward, 1979) “Infanticicde is killing an infant or newborn baby or allowing it to die. The term is sometimes extended to include the abortion of a foetus, the killing of a baby during birth or immediately after birth or killing of children under the age of puberty. Infanticide is an accepted practice among some primitive peoples, for whom the struggle for existence is the hardest. It is found for example among the aboriginal Australians and the Eskimos, both hunting peoples in whose sparse economies the rearing of a child is difficult. It was once common in China and in some of the densely populated pacific Islands (Sarkr 2003). A further economic factor behind the practice of infanticide is that parents eventually have to pay to obtain marriage partners for their children. In most primitive societies marriage involves the exchange of material wealth and the amount involved may be so great that a family can afford to marry only a limited number of children. In most of these cultures an unmarried person remains in an anomalous position without a means of livelihood. Infanticide has had a sacrificial aspect in some cultures. Killing the first-born in order to placate the gods was prevalent in India until the 19th century and it is thought that this was also the custom among the ancient Hebrews. In some societies, superstitions attached to the birth of twins, to abnormal birth, or to irregular marriage led to killing babies. The execution was carried out in a prescribed way, frequently by poisoning or strangulation.” Twins, triplets etc. should have the same right and privilege as their singleton counterparts enjoys. But, among some communities of Arunachal Pradesh, particularly the Muklom, one of the endogamous sub-groups of the tribe Tangsa of ChanglangDistrict, Arunachal 429 Pradesh, the situation is different. The Muklom, istead of providing equal treatment to their twin babies as it is provided to the singleton babies, kill the twins immediately after birth because they believe that twins are nothing but the indication of misfortune, misery, natural calamity to the family and the entire village. So, to avoid those, they are in a habit of killing the twins immediately after birth. This is their traditional prescription for the remedy (Sarkar 2003). Similar tradition of killing twins immediately after birth by the Noctes of Arunachal Pradesh has been reported by Kar and Gogoi (1996: 124) who have opined that “Twins are not allowed to live in the society. They are killed immediately after birth. Deformed babies are also killed. Twins and deformed children are considered unnatural. Their presence is believed to bring calamities and misfortunes to the entire community (Sarkar 2003). Material and method Material for the present report comprised of 498 births out of that 4 (four) pairs were twins, collected by the author during collection of House Hold Census among the Muklom of Chalang District, Arunachal Pradesh, pertaining to the national Project, entitled, “Genetic Structure of Indian Populations”, launched by the Anthropological Survey of India. Present investigator collected demographic information on 100 Muklom households (Sarkar, 1996) which include information on reproductive performance of 123 ever married Muklom women. It has been observed from the collected information that out of a total 494 pregnancies (Sarkar, 1997) only four pairs of twins were the outcomes of four pregnancies. Out of such twins, sex of one pair could not be recorded. Among the remaining three pairs, only one pair, both girls born in the District Hospital, Changlang, are the surviving twins. Twinning rate Usually a twin birth occurs in 85 singleton births, a triplet in (85)2 or 7225 singleton births and a quadruplets occurs in (85)3 or 614125 singleton births and so on (Stern, 1960). The frequency of twin birth varies from population to population. As per Mckusick (1972) “The frequency of twinning varies in different ethnic stock. Environmental factors probably also influence the rate of twinning.” The rates of twin births among some communities of North-East India (Table-1) vary from as low as 0.46% among the Khamti of Lakhimpur District, Assam (Sarkar, unpublished) to as high as 2.03% among the population of Dibrugarh, Assam (Sarkar, 1958). Both Lakhimpur and Dibrugarh are plains, whereas the hilly areas like Meghalaya and Arunachal Pradesh show frequencies within the range of lowest and highest values, noted above. The Muklom of Changlang, Arunchal Pradesh shows 0.80% twin birth which is more or less equal to the Monpas of Arunachal Pradesh. The differences in the occurrences of twin births between various communities of North-East India may be postulated as due to difference in ethnic stocks and perhaps ecological factors along with food habit also may be responsible for such variation. 430 Nakul Chandra Sarkar Twin Infanticide: A Case Study From Arunachal Pradesh, India Treatment of Twins among the Muklom The Muklom kill the twins because they believe that twin birth is the indication of misfortune and misery to them. They also believe that if they do not kill the twins immediately after birth, the entire village, particularly the family in which the twins were born will face famine, drought, disease, and thunder may damage their crops and other properties in the village. So, with a view to protect the community and its properties from misfortunes and misery, the Mukloms are in age old practice of killing the twins immediately after birth. Soon after birth of twins, the mother herself wraps the mouth of the twins by cloth so that the unfortunate twins die due to suffocation. They also pierce the palms and soles of the twins by thorns (Kangtang). Incase, the mother disagrees, the attending midwife performs the job. After killing, the father of the twins, accompanied by his his brotherin-law or an elderly person of the village, carries the dead twins kept in a bamboo basket or chicken-pen and leaves them on the branch of a Pipal tree (Ficus religious) or let them down the steep hills away from the village. On return home, the maternal uncle of the twins’ closes the door of the house from outside keeping all members of the family inside the room to keep them away from the sunlight during population period of three days. He then puts some thorny branches at the entrance of the house so that none could enter the house, nor could anybody come out of the house. All members of the family are confined in the room for three days during which they observe complete silence and are allowed to eat only boiled rice with little salt without any spice or vegetable. On the fourth day morning, the maternal uncle of the twins’ father opens the door of the house and the family members come out of the room being protected from direct sunlight by wearing an elongated headgear made of palm leaves and bamboo stripes and take bath in a sacred river and come back home. At home they worship their God by sacrificing hen, pig or buffalo depending upon the economic condition of the family and offer a good feast to the villagers and relations. This is called Morungphu. During the three days pollution period, no villagers go out for work. The adjacent (nearest) village observes population for two days. The distant village, that received the bad news, observes one day abstinence from work. All properties, movable or immovable, of the family are to be disposed of within a period of one year from the date of the ill-fated incident. The family is, however, allowed to stay in the house for a maximum period of one year within which they are required to construct a new house at a different place, keeping the old one abandoned. One such abandoned house was seen at the village Jungsum during fieldinvestigation by the author. During this period of one year, they are to earn money either by selling their properties to others or by taking loans/donations from their relations. The socio-religious customs observed during the period of four days is known as first Morungphu. The same rituals/ceremonies and restrictions are mandatory in the case of thundering on house or on agricultural land or on crops and also in the case of unnatural death such as death due to accident. They consider these three events as indicators of misfortune. 431 The second Morungphu is to be observed after one month of the first one. During this period of one month, the villagers do not accept anything hand to hand from any member of the ill-fated family because they believe that while accepting anything hand to hand from members of the affected family, misfortune may get transmitted from the affected family members to the unaffected ones. Deformed babies as already stated are killed by the Mukloms. Twins are considered unnatural. Their presence in the society as indicated is believed to bring calamities, miseries and misfortunes to the entire community. Now days, the Mukloms of Changlang, the youths in particular, because of their awareness and changed attitude are not in favour of killing twins. They have realized that neither any misfortune nor any evil power could be responsible. Because of the changed attitude of the Muklom of Changlang towards twins, a pair of twins (both girls), which were born in the District Hospital (former community Health Centre) was accommodated in the family who are growing up happily under the care, love and affection of their near relations, the parents in particular as well as the villagers. However, further detailed study may help to unveil what caused the real transformation. Acknowledgements I am thankful to the Muklom of Changlang for their kind help and co-operation during field investigation. I express my sincere thanks to Prof. K. K. Misra, Director, Anthropological Survey of India, for providing necessary facilities for the present work. I am also thankful to Dr. D. Tyagi, Anthropological Survey of India, for his help, encouragement, and constructive criticism, offered at the time of drafting the manuscript. Help and co-operation extended by the Deputy Commissioner, Changlang, Arunachal Pradesh is thankfully acknowledged. 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Sarkar, N.C. 1996 Anthro-genetical study in a small Mongoloid Group: Demography, A1A2BO, Rh D and MN Blood Groups among the Muklom of Arunachal Pradesh, Journal Anthropological Survey of India. 45: 81-91. Sarkar, N.C. 1997 Opportunity for Natural Selection among the Muklom of Arunachal Pradesh.Current Anthropology. 38(1): 140-143. Sarkar, N.C. 2003 Twin Killing among the Muklom of Arunachal Pradesh: A case Report. Jr. Indian Anthropo. Society. 38: 95-97. Sengupta, S. and JinaBarua 1996 On Neonatal Twinning in a Hospital of Dibrugarh, Assam. J. Hum-Ecol. 7(3): 207-210. Stern, C. 1960 Principles of Human Cenetics. First Indian, Reprint Edition. New Delhi: Eurasia Publishing House Pvt. Ltd., 1968. Vogel, F. and A.G. Motulskey 1979 Human Genetics: Problems and Approaches. Berlin: Springer Verlag. Ward, Priscilla C. 1979 Infanticide. In: The Encyclopedia Americana: International Edition. Vol. XV, pp. 142. American Corporation, International Headquarter: Danbury. 433 Nakul Chandra Sarkar Twin Infanticide: A Case Study From Arunachal Pradesh, India Table – 1: Twins in North-East India Community Area Total births Twin births (Pairs) N Source % Monpa Mandalaphundung, Arunachal Pradesh 466 4 0.86 Barua, 1984 Minpa DjongDirang, Arunachal Pradesh 567 4 0.71 -do- Muklom Changlang, Arunachal Pradesh 498 4 0.80 Present Study --- Shillong, Meghalaya 1171 10 0.85 Sarkar, 1958 Hajong Garo Hills Meghalaya 999 10 1.00 Barua, 1983 Pnar Jaintia Hills, Meghalaya -- -- 1.37 Khongsdier, 1992 --- Dibrugarh, Assam 1526 31 2.03 Sarkar, 1958 Khamti Lakhimpur, Assam 434 2 0.46 Sarkar (Unpublished) Hindu Dibrugarh, Assam 36923 461 1.25 Sengupta&Barua, 1996 434 Jr. Anth. Survey of India, 61(2) & 62(1) : (435-449), 2012-2013 Model for impact assessment of awareness programme in sickle Cell Anaemia – Development initiative for survival and well being Shampa Gangopadhyay1 Prodyot Gangopadhyay2 ABSTRACT Survival and well being of persons with sickle cell anemia require surveillance at regular intervals. The study focus on the need for pre-test and post test evaluation of shared perceptions about health and developmental initiatives through mass screening and awareness programme. The model of the study emerge as an essential tool not only for the impact of awareness programme but also to minimize the occurrence of death under sickle cell disease with expected decline in percentage of carriers in the society and thus provide the awareness programme it’s ultimate success. INTRODUCTION Sickle cell disorder was first detected in India by Lehman & Cutbush (1952) among the veddoid of Nilgiri Hills and almost at the same time by Dunlop & Majumdar (1952) in Assam among the tea garden labourers. Within a decade Anthropological Survey of India, took initiative (Negi, 1962) in fact finding of this hereditary blood disorder caused by the presence of abnormal heamoglobin (HbS) which causes an early childhood death among the affected homozygotes (HbSS). Presence of HbS gene in chromosome No.11 is an example of adaptation. Individual with a single gene (HbS) is known as carrier. They are apparently normal and prevented from malarial infestation because of the presence of sickle shaped red blood cell along with normal RBC. Whereas the double dose of the gene (HbSS) which comes from the marriage between two carriers i.e. Homozygotes, suffer from severe anemia, associated with severe joint pain, enlarge spleen, require regular blood transfusion and dies an early death generally before adolescence. 1Anthropological Survey of India, Nagpur 2Central Regional Centre, Nagpur 436 Model for impact assessment ……Development initiative for survival and well being Shampa Gangopadhyay and Prodyot Gangopadhyay 437 World statistics of hbs hemoglobin As per WHO (1983) Report 60 million carriers of Sickle Cell (SCA) and 1,20,000 Sickle Cell homozygotes (SCD) are added every year in world (Cross reference Balgir, 2002). Domestic statistics of hbs hemoglobin With a population of more than 100 million at New Millennum (2000) and a birth rate of 25/1000 live borns, there would be about 45 million carriers and about 15000 infants born each year with hemoglobinopathies in India (Balgir, 2002). Based on the prevalence rate of Sickle Cell hemoglobin it has been estimated that there would be over 50 lakh carriers (HbAS) and 2 lakhs homozygous (HbSS) Sickle Cell disease cases among tribals alone in India (Malhotra, 1993). However, the exact share of Sickle Cell trait and diseases is still unknown in India. Figure – 1 Inheritance pattern of Sickle Cell Gene Worldwide distribution of Sickle Cell Gene Figure – 3 Normal Red Blood Cell and Sickle Cell With the emergence of human adaptability project under international Biological Programme during 1962–1974, it has been felt that Biological Anthropology should be concerned with the health issues of Indian population. The barrier of multifaceted caste and social systems under diverse beliefs, customs, social norms, stigma often impede the implementation and dissemination of knowledge about health related studies. Since, approaches towards Sickle cell and other hemoglobinopathies till date are largely confined to the diagnostic camps, therefore, assessment on the effect of screening and awareness programmes are required follow up studies at regular interval to achieve actual goal towards decline of SCD. 438 Shampa Gangopadhyay and Prodyot Gangopadhyay Model for impact assessment ……Development initiative for survival and well being Being related with health conditions Sickle Cell attracts interest from scholars of different fields in India and it reveals from published data that Central India is one of the most affected zone. Apart from Government agencies, health practitioners under the umbrella of Lions Club and Rotary Club and other welfare organizations set up diagnostic camps annually in villages in and around Nagpur, Amravati & Wardha district and a review on aforesaid survey projects the following findings. l l l l l 12% villagers of village – Garaydari of Melghat region (Amravati district) are diagnosed with Sickle Cell anemia (2009). 25.6% of Teli community from 6 villages of Wardha (Wardha district) are tested Sickel Cell positive (2006) 15.8% of Matang community from 6 villages of Wardha district (Udasa, Halbaras, Gawipada, Khamla, Garajdari, Chikhaldara) is tested positive (2006). 10.6% of Pardhan community from 6 villages of Wardha district (Udasa, Halbaras, Gawipada, Khamla, Garajdari, Chikhaldara) are is found Sickle Cell positive (2006). Annual detection camps for Sickle Cell diagnosis is organized by health practitioners under the umbrella of Rotary Club and in every attempt a new village is selected but the incidence rate in terms percentage is not published excepting the name of the village. Further, during an extensive survey (2008-2009) under the Project “Community genetics extension programme with respect of Sickle cell anemia in Wardha district of Vidarbha Region, Maharashtra” and collection of data on SCD new patients from the registers of rural hospitals under different blocks during (2000–2008) in compilation of data from district hospital, Wardha, it has been estimated that the incidence of SCD is as high as (8.8%). Further, OPD patients screened by doctors of Sewagram hospital yielded following results. l l A total of 1753 recorded admissions were screened of which 99 i.e. 5.7% were diagnosed to have Sickle Cell. Out of 99 detected 61 i.e. 61.6% identified homozygons (HbSS) and remaining 38 i.e. 38.4% found heterozygous (HbAS). The above figures when compared with earlier study by Kate (2001), Negi (1976), Sathe (1987), Shukla & Solanki (1958) (see Table No. 1) reveal no significant trend towards the decline of Sickle Cell anemia, which means marriage between affected individuals are randomly taking place giving rise to more and more diseased (SCD) individuals and obviously contributing two fold carriers (SCA) in the population and further putting negative impact on the physical, social and mental health and obviously on the entire profile of well being of the community. 439 Table No. 1 Growing trend of SCA in few population of Maharashtra Sr. No. 01. 02. 03. 04. 05. 06. 07. 08. 09. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. Community Bhil Bhil Bhil Bhil Pradhan Pradhan Pradhan Pradhan Teli Halba Gond (MP) Mahar (Rural) Mahar (Nagpur) Pardhan (Nanded) Pawar Halba (Raipur) Thakur Chamar (Raipur) Chamar (Raipur) Mahar (Raipur) Mahar (Raipur) Gond (Raipur) Kamar (Raipur) Incidence (%) 15.85 18.00 20.24 20.60 09.00 11.08 10.60 15.80 11.10 13.6 19.4 18.6 18.1 16.8 25.5 13.6 6.06 4.5 6.7 18.8 19.5 7.96 2.38 Reference & Year Negi, 1976 Negi, 1978 Sathe, Etal, 1987 Kate, 2001 Ahmed, etal, 1980 Bankal etal, 1984 Deshmukh etal, 2006 IGIMC, Wardha, 2009 Shukla & Solanki, 1958 Negi, 1976 Negi, 1963 Urade, et. al, 2001 Das et. al, 1961 Banker, et. al, 1984 Kate, 2001 Negi, 1976 Tiwari, 1980 Tiwari, 1980 Tiwari, 1980 Tiwari, 1980 Tiwari, 1980 ICMR, 1986 Tiwari, 1986 Therefore, from the current endeavor it is evaluated that Sickle Cell diseased (SCD) and carriers (SCA) are randomly identified through diagnostic camps and for that workshops, academic discussions and related publications are generated regularly by various organizations. But, the resultant goal in view of reducing the percentage of SCD is far to be achieved. It seems that, the awareness campaign about the disease remain much in discussion among the academicians and the health practitioners and little effect to that extent for minimizing the genetic load and related health hazards of the people in subject is addressed sofar. Therefore, the authors strongly suggest that it is high time to identify the target area where diagnostic camps have already been organized during last one decade or so and further revisiting the villages to assess their awareness status through structural questioners and respond analysis. The authors, thus suggest a model – “Coordination and surveillance –A model for longitudinal study on haemoglobinopathies” which can be applied in village / community specific survey on Sickle Cell and other abnormal hemoglobins through surveillance at a regular interval to measure the duly perceived impact of awareness programme. 440 The proposed model will initially target the communities / villages already visited by Government and Non-Government agencies for Sickle Cell diagnosis and awareness programme and there after analysis the vital components like l l l l 441 Shampa Gangopadhyay and Prodyot Gangopadhyay Model for impact assessment ……Development initiative for survival and well being AWARENESS STATUS UNDERSTANDING OF RISK FACTORS PRECLUSION OF SCD THROUGH APPROPRIATE MATE SELECTION SCREENING PROGRAMME TO ASSESS THE CURRENT STATUS Proforma for evaluating knowledge status (pre & post), attitude and concern are included in Table–2 to Table-7. Table No. 3 Sickle Cell Disease Educational Awareness Post-Education Questionnaire Please check whether you agree, disagree, or are uncertain about the following statements. AGREE UNCERTAIN DISAGREE Sickle cell disease affects the red blood cells. Children with sickle cell disease are at risk for infections and pneumonia. Sickle cell disease can be caught just like a cold. Sickle cell disease can cause pain and strokes. Table No. 2 Sickle Cell Disease Educational Awareness Pre-Education Questionnaire Please check whether you agree, disagree, or are uncertain about the following statements. AGREE UNCERTAIN DISAGREE Indians are at a higher risk of being genetic carriers of sickle cell disease. Genetic carriers will not develop symptoms of sickle cell disease. If only one parent is a carrier of sickle cell trait, they have no chance of having a baby with sickle cell disease. Sickle cell disease affects the red blood cells. Typically, both parents of a child need to be a carrier of sickle cell trait in order to have a child with sickle cell disease. Children with sickle cell disease are at risk for infections and pneumonia. Sickle cell disease is inherited. Sickle cell disease can be caught just like a cold. Sickle cell disease carrier testing worries me. Sickle cell disease can cause pain and strokes. I support sickle cell disease carrier testing for communities. Indians are at a higher risk of being genetic carriers of sickle cell disease. I support sickle cell disease carrier testing and medical services for communities in barber or beauty shops. Genetic carriers will not develop symptoms of sickle cell disease. If only one parent is a carrier of sickle cell trait, they have no chance of having a baby with sickle cell disease. Typically, both parents of a child need to be a carrier of sickle cell trait in order to have a child with sickle cell disease. Sickle cell disease is inherited. Sickle cell disease carrier testing worries me. I would encourage my partner to be tested for sickle cell trait if I was found to be a trait carrier. I understand the role of a genetic counselor. I feel like meeting with a genetic counselor is helpful to my understanding of sickle cell disease and sickle cell carrier testing. Genetic counseling is an effective way to learn, understand, get resources, and support about genetic conditions. I support sickle cell disease carrier testing for communities. I support sickle cell disease carrier testing and medical services for communities in barber or beauty shops. I would encourage my partner to be tested for sickle cell trait if I was found to be a trait carrier. I understand the role of a genetic counselor. I feel like meeting with a genetic counselor is helpful to my understanding of sickle cell disease and sickle cell carrier testing. Genetic counseling is an effective way to learn, understand, get resources, and support about genetic conditions. Source: Cecilia Maryann Rajakaruna, University of Pittsburgh, 2009 Source: Cecilia Maryann Rajakaruna, University of Pittsburgh, 2009 442 Table No. 4 Table No. 5 Results of Knowledge Gain from Pre, Post, and 3 Month Follow- up Questionnaires Knowledge Concern Results Knowledge Statements PreQuestionnaire Percent 1: Results of Knowledge Gain from Pre, Post, and 6 Month Follow-up Questionnaires Knowledge Statements PreQuestionnaire Percent PostQuestionnaire Percent 3 Month F/U Questionnaire Percent Fisher’s Exact Test Pre vs. Post 443 Shampa Gangopadhyay and Prodyot Gangopadhyay Model for impact assessment ……Development initiative for survival and well being Fisher’s Exact Test Pre vs. 3 Month F/U PostQuestionnaire Percent 3 Month F/U Questionnaire Percent Fisher’s Exact Test Pre vs. Post Fisher’s Exact Test Pre vs. 3 Month F/U Sickle cell disease carrier testing worries me. Agree: Uncertain: Sickle cell disease affects the red blood cells. Disagree: Agree: Source: Cecilia Maryann Rajakaruna, University of Pittsburgh Uncertain: Disagree: Table No. 6 Children with sickle cell disease are at risk for infectionsand pneumonia. Attitude Results Agree: Uncertain: Knowledge Statements PreQuestionnaire Percent Disagree: Sickle cell disease can be caught just like a cold. Agree: 3 Month F/U Questionnaire Percent Fisher’s Exact Test Pre vs. Post Fisher’s Exact Test Pre vs. 3 Month F/U Sickle cell disease affects the red blood cells. Uncertain: Agree: Disagree: Sickle cell disease can cause pain and strokes. PostQuestionnaire Percent Uncertain: Disagree: Agree: Uncertain: I support SCD carrier testing Disagree: for communities. Agree: Uncertain: Indian are at a higher risk of being carriers of sickle cell trait. Disagree: Agree: I support SCD carrier testing and medical services for communities in Uncertain: Disagree: Agree: Uncertain: Genetic carriers will not develop symptoms of sickle cell disease. Disagree: Agree: I would encourage my partner to be tested for SCT if I was found to be a trait carrier. Uncertain: Disagree: Agree: Uncertain: If only one parent is a carrier of sickle cell trait, they have no chance of having a baby with sickle cell disease Disagree: I understand the role of a genetic counselor. Agree: Uncertain: Agree: Uncertain: Disagree: Disagree: Typically, both parents of a child need to be carriers of sickle cell trait in order to have a child with sickle cell disease. I feel like meeting with a genetic counselor is helpful to my understanding of SCD and SCT testing. Agree: Agree: Uncertain: Uncertain: Disagree: Disagree: Genetic counseling is an effective way to learn, understand, get resources, and support about genetic conditions. Sickle cell disease is inherited. Agree: Uncertain: Agree: Uncertain: Disagree: Disagree: Source: Cecilia Maryann Rajakaruna, University of Pittsburgh, 2009 Source: Cecilia Maryann Rajakaruna, University of Pittsburgh 444 Shampa Gangopadhyay and Prodyot Gangopadhyay Model for impact assessment ……Development initiative for survival and well being Table No. 7 Follow up Sickle Cell Disease Educational Awareness 3 Month F/U-Education Questionnaire Please check whether you agree, disagree, or are uncertain about the following statements. AGREE UNCERTAIN 445 of Sickle Cell disease effort will be made to measure the impact of previous awareness programme directed for avoiding marriage between carriers. Special efforts would be given to visit the families of SCD patients to assess the awareness regarding the disease and preventive measure taken by them principally by the inclusion of examining the sickle cell status in the selection procedure of prospected bride and groom, i.e. application of genetic horoscope match. DISAGREE Sickle cell disease affects the red blood cells. OBJECTIVES Children with sickle cell disease are at risk for infections and pneumonia. Under the proposed model the surveillance towards persons with SCA and SCD would be assessed through repeated awareness programme and shared perception followed by mass screening to bring down the genetic and social load. Sickle cell disease can be caught just like a cold. Sickle cell disease can cause pain and strokes. Indian are at a higher risk of being genetic carriers of sickle cell disease. l The variable inter-phase between awareness programme – carrier screening and impact analysis towards public health to be regularized. l High retention of knowledge, low concern and high levels of satisfaction among the respondents to be achieved. l Integrated area survey with the model of holistic Anthropological approach to be undertaken prior to carrier screening which currently appears to be random and sporadic. l The public health objectives to reduce the prevalence of sickle cell disease through selective mate selection and further reproductive choice would be one of the main objectives of screening. l Mechanisms for appropriate use and evaluation of information to promote health and wellness in study population to be executed. {Media, Letters, Lectures, active participation of Gram Panchayat, Gram Seva, Anganwadi workers, Welfare Organizations, Health Workers contacts (phone – Emails etc.)}. l For achieving an encouraging positive impact towards future public health genomics and further Anthropological perspective of space analysis. Genetic carriers will not develop symptoms of sickle cell disease. If only one parent is a carrier of sickle cell trait, they have no chance of having a baby with sickle cell disease. Typically, both parents of a child need to be a carrier of sickle cell trait in order to have a child with sickle cell disease. Sickle cell disease is inherited. Sickle cell disease carrier testing worries me. I support sickle cell disease carrier testing for communities. I support sickle cell disease carrier testing and medical services for communities in barber or beauty shops. I would encourage my partner to be tested for sickle cell trait if I was found to be a trait carrier. I understand the role of a genetic counselor. I feel like meeting with a genetic counselor is helpful to my understanding of sickle cell disease and sickle cell carrier testing. Genetic counseling is an effective way to learn, understand, get resources, and support about genetic conditions. Source: Cecilia Maryann Rajakaruna, University of Pittsburgh, 2009 The study under this model has to be undertaken in the target population / villages at a regular interval to evaluate the subject’s intellectual need to be empowered and further make them feel that their active participation in the programme can make a difference in their families outcome. The proposed model would also evaluate the current incidences of SCD as recorded in nearby health centers to ascertain the trend of increment or decrement of SCD in patients as compared to earlier data. Along with the screening programme to get the current status (a) Additional carrier screening to the new borns are to be included. (b) An area specific Documentation for Sickle Cell Surveillance (DSS) to be buildup. Application of the model l Characterization of the affected population l Number of affected individuals l Location and types of hemoglobinopathies 446 Shampa Gangopadhyay and Prodyot Gangopadhyay Model for impact assessment ……Development initiative for survival and well being 447 l Access to the types of health-facilities and other services available Conclusion l The effectiveness of services, prevention efforts and intervention on populations. l Creating a repository of bio-specimens for use in genetic and genomic analyses. l Evaluation of process through intermittent visit l Identify emerging risks. The current efforts under the helm of holistic Anthropological approach would imply on integrative method to make the study more relevant to the survival and well being of human population and thus making an individual healthy in mind and body towards making healthy Nation. The model would be applicable to develop, implement and reinforce in a systematic, equitable and effective manner, a comprehensive integrated programme for prevention and management of Sickle Cell anemia, including surveillance, dissemination of information, awareness raising, counseling and would be tailored to specific socio-economic conditions to protect the cultural contour, mental and physical health status of the population. Road Map for the proposed Model Acknowledge “Coordination & Surveillance – A Model for Longitudinal Studies on Haemoglobinopathies” The authors are highly grateful to the Director, Anthropological Survey of India for providing permission to present the paper in the INCAA 2011 Seminar. IDENTIFICATION OF TARGET AREA / COMMUNITY FIELD PROGRAMME Reference Impact Assessment on Awareness Status Ahmed, S. H. & Chaudhury, D. 1980 ABO Blood group and sickle cell trait among the Pardhans of Mandla District of MP, Man in India, 60:235 Balgir, R. S. 2002 The genetic burden of haemoglobinopathis with special reference to community health in India and the challenges ahead. Ind. Jnl. Hemat. Blood Transfus. 20:227 Bankar, H. P.; Kate, S. L.; Mokanshi, G. D.; Khedkar, V. A. And Phadke, M. A. 1984 Distribution of Sickle Cell Haemoglobin among different tribal groups in Maharashtra State. Ind. J. Haemat, Vol. 11:4 Das, S. R.; Kumar, N.; Bhattacharya, P. N. & Shastry, D. B. 1961 Blood Groups (ABO, MN & Rh, ABH Secretion, Sickle Cell, PTC taste and Colour Blindness in the Mahar of Nagpur. J. Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland 91: 345 – 355 Screening Current Status Counseling Awareness Programme Audio Visual Pictorial Audience Address Social Network Slide Show Banner Poster Pamphlet Folk Song on Sickle Cell Anemia Club / Anganwadi / Gram Sabha / Religious Institutions Figure – 4 448 Shampa Gangopadhyay and Prodyot Gangopadhyay Model for impact assessment ……Development initiative for survival and well being Deshmukh, P.; B. S. Garg, N. C. Prajapati & M. S. Bharambe 2006 Prevalance of Sickle cell disorders in Rural Wardha. Ind. Jnl. Of Community Medicine, Vol.3, No. 1 Dunlop, K. J. & Majumdar, U. K. 1952 The occurance of sickle cell anemia among group of tea garden labourers of Upper Assam. Ind. Med. Gaz., 87:387-391 ICMR Report 1986 Report of tribal studies in Jhabua, Ratlam, Ambikapur, Raipur district of Madhya Pradesh and Ranchi district of Bihar, Anthropology unit – Institute of immunohematology, Mumbai Kate, S. L. 2001 Health Problem of tribal population groups from the state of Maharashtra, Immuno – hematology Bulletin Leman, H. and Cutbush, M. 1982 Sickle Cell trait in South India, Brit. Med. Jour.1: 404 – 405 Malhotra, K. C. 1993 Genetico-enviornmental disorders and their impact on mortality and morbidity profile among tribal population. In S. K. Basu (Ed) Tribal Health in India, New Delhi, Manak Publishers. Nagi, R. S. 1962 The incidence of Sickle Cell trait in Two Bastar tribes, Man In India Negi, R. S. 1976 Population dynamics of sickle cell traits distribution in India, Ph. D. Thesis (Unpublished), University of Calcutta Negi, R. S. 1976 Sickle cell gene and Malaria, Ind. Jnl. Phy. Anth. & Hum. Genet, 2: 113 Sathe, M. S.; Gorakshakar, S. E., Rao, V. R.; Mukherjee, M.; Vasantha, K. & Bhatia, H. M. 1987 Red Cell genetic abnormalities in the tribes of five districts of Madhya Pradesh. Ind. Jnl. Of Med. Res., 68:808 Shukla, B. N. and Solanki, B. R. 1958 Sickle cell anaemia in Central India. Lancet, 1: 297 449 Tiwari, V. K.; Pradhan, P. K. & Agrawal, S. 1980 Haemoglobins in Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribes of Raipur (Madhya Pradesh): A Preliminary Report, Ind. J. Med. Res. 71:397 – 401 Urade, B. P., Moyna Charkravarty & Sujit K. Mallick 2007 Sickle Cell Anemia: A genetically handicap disease. Bio-Social Issues in Health. PP 47 – 55, Edited by R. K. Pathak, New Delhi, Northern Book Centre. WHO Report 1983 Community control of hereditary anemias, Memorandum from a WHO meeting. Bult. WHO 61:63-80(s) 450 Jr. Anth. Survey of India, 61(2) & 62(1) : (451-463), 2012-2013 Holistic Approach to the Gurkhas of Karbari Grant village (with special reference to origin, History, Ethnic Identity, Social Structure and Dispute Solving Mechanism) Nishant Saxena1 ABSTRACT The study was undertaken in the Gurkha community residing in the Gurkha Karbari hamlet of the Karbari Grant village in Sahaspur block of Vikasnagar sub-district of Dehradun district in Uttarakhand state. The focus of the present paper was threefold: Firstly, to trace the origin and history of the Gurkha community at large with emphasis on identity crisis as presently perceived by the community; Secondly, to understand the social structure of Gurkhas with emphasis on their caste system and changes occurring in the present time, and; Thirdly, to understand the dispute solving mechanism in the Gurkha community. The method for data collection was ethnographic which included use of techniques like non-participant observation, unstructured interview, focused interview and audio-visual aids. For analysis of the data collected through interviews, content analysis technique was employed. The main findings of the study are: Gurkha community has an arguable origin and it will be prudent to say that they originated near or inside the present day Nepal to counter the anti-Hindu ideologies like slaughtering of cows by Muslim invaders in India. Therefore, Gurkhas draw their name from "Gauraksha" meaning 'protection of cow'. The community is currently struggling to come out of the garb of being "Nepali" and just identified as warriors by their neighbours. Their traditional caste structure has undergone notable changes because of intermixing with other ethnic groups in their vicinity and intermarriages between different Gurkha castes themselves. Lastly, the institution of village council led by "Mukhiya" is fading away, while the institution of "Jamwal" (head-man of many villages) has become obsolete. INTRODUCTION It is a great pleasure for me to acknowledge my gratitude to all those who willingly helped me throughout my fieldwork and also after it in preparing this report. Firstly, I would like to thank Dr. V. Kaul, Superintending Anthropologist (P) and Head of Office, Anthropological Survey of India, N.W.R.C, Dehradun for giving me the opportunity to be a part of this extensive village study on Gurkhas. He was always there to guide, support and provided all the possible logistics. 1Research Associate (Culture) Anthropological Survey of India, Udaipur 452 Nishant Saxena Holistic Approach to the Gurkhas of Karbari Grant village………Dispute Solving Mechanism Special mention should be there of Dr. Shaik Abdul Azeez Saheb, Superintending Anthropologist (C), Anthropological Survey of India, N.W.R.C, Dehradun who provided valuable and critical comments on the report which helped me incalculably in improving it. In continuation of the above, I am thankful to Dr. Harshavardhana, Anthropologist (P) and Dr. S.N.H. Rizvi, Anthropologist (P) who guided me, were there on the field during the entire period and helped in making this field experience a memorable one. I do like to acknowledge the help extended to me by all the other team members who were part of this extensive village study, particularly Shri Jokhan Sharma who was there with me in all the odds. Not to forget, the office staff at N.W.R.C., Anthropological Survey of India, Dehradun extended their full support in completion of this study. I am obliged to them. At last I am thankful to all my informants specially my key informants who shared the information and their experiences with me and enriched my data. It is vaguely known in India that Gurkhas come from Nepal and people express wonder when told that Gurkhas are not the born subjects of the British Empire. But that is how history goes about them. The relationship between Gurkhas and Nepal is indispensible for anybody who wants to understand and study the community. Nepal has a very ancient history and civilization which is beyond the purview of the present paper. For centuries and centuries, before the present rulers of the country emerged from a condition of barbarism, Nepal had a highly developed civilization of its own. Also, Nepal seems to have been in the past ages a kind of dumping ground for numerous emigrants, both from north and south. One often comes across the Khassia ethnic group, mentioned often by scientists who deal with these problems, which has especially left its mark on this part of the world. The descendants of this race now form the Rajput or Kshettriya clans of Gurkha which has been the major governing class among them. They claim for themselves rights in the second rank in the Hindu hierarchy, that of true Kshettriyas, and also wear the sacred thread. This is one example of the extraordinary elasticity of the Hindu religion, for a glance at their features will show their Mongolian descent. Until the middle of 18th century, the Gurkhas had hardly been heard of even in Nepal. The King of Gurkha conquered most of the dynasties of present day Nepal by 1768 and became so powerful that he overran the whole of hill country form the border of Kashmir to the east of Bhutan. Turning south he started raiding the territories of Britain’s East India Company. Consequently war was declared by Britishers against the Gurkhas in 1814 which culminated into a peace treaty in 1816 famously known as Treaty of Sigowli. However, this is merely a colonial version of the history of Gurkhas which gave due respect to the valour and strength of Gurkhas as soldiers, but does not provide a complete holistic account of their origin, history and culture. Objectives of the study The focus of the present paper is threefold: Firstly, to trace the origin and history of the Gurkha community at large with emphasis on identity crisis as presently perceived by the community; Secondly, to understand the social structure of Gurkhas with emphasis on their caste system and changes occurring in the present time, and; Thirdly, to understand the dispute solving mechanism in the Gurkha community. 453 Methodology The study was undertaken in the Gurkha community residing in the Gurkha Karbari hamlet of the Karbari Grant village in Sahaspur block of Vikasnagar sub-district of Dehradun district in Uttarakhand state. The study was part of an extensive village study performed by a group of researchers which also included the author. Also, the apex body of Gurkhas in Dehradun known as Gurkhali Sudhar Sabha was visited for collection of data. The method for data collection was ethnographic which included use of techniques like non-participant observation, unstructured interview, focused interview and audiovisual aids. For analysis of the data collected through interviews, content analysis technique was employed. Brief account of field area Karbari Grant village is situated between 30o35’N latitude and 77o94’ E longitude at a distance of about 21 km from Dehradun city, towards South of the National Highway 72 which connects Dehradun to Ponta Sahib, famous pilgrimage for the Sikhs. Direction wise the village is located towards the north-west of Dehradun. The climate is generally temperate, but varies greatly from tropical to severe cold. The area receives an average annual rainfall of about 2,000 mm with July and August being the rainiest. The village is multi ethnic. There are about 322 households in the village with population of 1590, out of which there are 758 males and 832 females having a very healthy sexratio of 1098 females for 1000 males. The literacy rate is 79.33% which is much high than the national average (Census of India, 2001). The Gurkha Karbari hamlet is mostly populated by Gurkhas along with a few Garhwali families and a Punjabi family residing in it. The hamlet had about 109 Gurkha households with a population of about 600. The sex-ratio is evenly poised between the males and females. Literacy rate is good, the only concern being that quite a few of the young male Gurkhas did not take up further studies after completion of intermediate. They feel “being a soldier in the army is their cup of tea” .Seeking job in armed forces of India is still a passion among the Gurkhas. Quite a few of the natives practiced agriculture. The crops grown were mostly different varieties of Basmati rice, which were grown by some farmers using exclusively organic manures and even exported outside India. The agricultural ties of the village were strong with another village nearby known as Buddhi Gaon where Muslim community dominated. A single Gurkha family was engaged in sericulture, while a few worked in flower farms also. Moreover, some worked as skilled and unskilled labourers in adjoining areas. The village has a very peculiar story behind the term “Grant” in the village’s name. It was told by some elderly in the village that before India became independent in 1947 this piece of land was owned by some King (name unknown). About that time, the news about annexing all the kingdoms in to India after independence was spreading like fire. So the King, in fear of this, sold the land to some other King (again name unknown), who later ‘granted’ or allowed the Gurkha population already existing there to continue agriculture on his land. He even asked the jobless Gurkhas, of that time, to come and farm his land. This is how the village got its name. Even today a large portion of the village land, mostly agricultural, is owned by the descendants of this King. 454 455 Holistic Approach to the Gurkhas of Karbari Grant village………Dispute Solving Mechanism Nishant Saxena Origin and History of Gurkhas When the emperor Allah-u-din, leading his Mohammedan army, sacked the fortress of Chittore, many of the family of Rajput king fled north to the hills. Tradition says that these, true Rajputs of the purest blood, took refuge amongst the hillmen, and that from their progeny descends the family of Gurkha, the family that has been reigning Nepal for such a long time. Although this hypothesis is difficult to accept altogether, but there is no doubt that there was an infusion about this time of good Rajput blood into the hill tribes (Morris & Northey, 1974). It must not, however, be imagined that the Kshettriya reigning clans of Nepal rise entirely from these refugees. The main body of that race had already been in existence for a very long time (Khassia race). country, but carried on the policy of isolation deliberately which though aimed at the benefit of the natives of the country but resulted in lack of job opportunities for the people in general. Hence, once Gurkhas began to mix freely with the outside world, men found that they could earn quadruple the amount by taking the positions as watchmen, and so forth, in India and lead a comparatively easier life. This resulted in migration from the ancient dynasty of Gurkhas in Nepal to India. We now come to the period from which the modern development of Gurkha may be traced. In Nepal, about the middle of 18th century, was a remarkable ruler whose name was Prithwi Narayan Sah (10th ruler of the Sah dynasty). For nearly 20 years the war between the followers of the King of Gurkha and the different Kings of Nepal was carried on with varying success. But somehow Prithwi Narayan Sah brought the whole of the valley of Nepal under his sway, and established himself as the sole ruler of the surrounding country. Prithwi Narayan Sah’s little hill state of Gurkha gave its name to all the followers of the King in his adventure, who were known as Gurkhalis, or the followers of the King of Gurkha – the town Gurkha taking its name from its patron saint Gorakh Nath – and these were all the groups that inhabited that state – Brahmans, Rajputs, the Mongolian hill tribes, the menial clans, and even some of the Newar merchants, whose property happen to lie in the state of Gurkha. The small neighboring kingdoms which had not come under Prithwi Narayan Sah’s rule so far, but whose subjects were precisely the same as those of that ruler, were not yet allowed to call themselves as Gurkhalis. But during the period of conquest and annexation, nearly the whole of the Chaubisia Raj (i.e. the 24 kingdoms, all small hill states) joined their fortune with those of Gurkha. Prithwi Narayan Sah further proceeded to spread his conquest east and west. In 1792 they tried to push as far as Sikkim in the east but were defeated there by the Tibet and Chinese troops, thus limiting them to Sikkim. In the west they pushed their troops as far as Kashmir border. They completely occupied the districts of Kumaon and Garhwal, and passing though the Shimla Hill States they dominated the Kangra valley also. Due to their continual differences with the British, war was finally declared in 1814. The literature of that war is full with the tales of bravery of Gurkhas who were merely armed with bow and arrows, and employed some flint-locks. The notable is the war at Khalanga Fort in Dehradun district which resulted in the death of General Gillespie. The Gurkha survivors who were left in the fort, some seventy or so including women – escaped and made good retreat before the fort was finally taken. However, the Gurkha people claim that due to the death of all the men inside the fort, the women took the charge of fight against the British and killed General Gillespie and finally killed themselves also. The war against British finally came an end on 4th March, 1816 with the Treaty of Sigowli according to which British had to leave the land of Prithwi Narayan Sah’s dynasty encroached by them and the present day area of Uttarakhand and Darjeeling were annexed with India. After the death of Prithwi Narayan Sah, his heirs and successors appear to have become degenerate and all the executive power of the Government became vested in the Prime Minister, the first Prime Minister being Bhim Sen Thapa in 1811. Until Maharaja Jang Bahadur firmly established himself as Prime Minister, he took over in 1845, lot of struggle and chaos prevailed in Gurkha community in Nepal. He did a commendable job for the However, the Gurkhas presently do not completely agree with this version of their origin. According to them, cow has been considered pious and sacred as per Hindu religion and tradition. But, during the non-secular invasion by Muslim’s in India during 13th or 14th century, slaughtering of cows took place at mass level. In order to fight against this the Rajputs, Sikhs and hill men from Nepal formed a coalition. Thus, the group formed for “Gau-raksha” meaning “protection of Cow” and fighting against Muslim invasion later came to be known as “Gurkha”. This title was given by Dravya Sah, a king of Sah dynasty. He was the one who unified the Rajputs, Sikhs and hill men from Nepal into a single group. Later on the 10th King of Saha dynasty - Prithwi Narayan Sah unified the whole Gurkha kingdom from Satluj River in west to Tiesta River in east and named it “Great Nepal” in 1768. Dehradun was also a part of it. Hence, according to the natives of the village, Gurkha community has inhabited Uttarakhand and this village of Karbari Grant since then. Identity crisis among the Gurkhas today Gurkhas as a community are hurt about the fact that still often people in India label them frequently as “Nepali” meaning ‘the one from Nepal’ and doubt their loyalty for India. To counter this they place certain arguments like: Firstly, they have been in India since 1768 (as discussed above). Secondly, the historic Treaty of Sigowli meant that Gurkhas have been in this part of India (present day Uttarakhand and Dehradun) with their land. This is often described by them by using the phrase “tab se baithe hain zammen ke saath” meaning “have been here since then (i.e. 1816) with our own land” and not immigrated from Nepal. Thirdly, Gurkhas further claim that the evidence for the kind of coalition, as described above, in the past between Rajputs, Sikhs and hill men is the usage of surname “Singh” which is common to all three communities. Fourthly, about 200 Gurkha men and woman laid their life during the freedom struggle in India against the British. The notable one among them was martyr Durga Mall, whose bronze statue is in the Parliament of India, who expressed fearless pride about going to the gallows in the letter written on 22nd August 1944 while he was to be hanged on 25th August 1944. Fifthly, the tune for India’s national song was composed by a Gurkha - Ram Singh Thakuri. Sixthly, the tune for the song “Bhade chalo badhe chalo, vir tum badhe chalo” meaning “keep marching forward” which bonded the whole of India during the freedom struggle was composed by Ram Singh Thapa. Therefore, on the basis of above it will be prudent to not label every Gurkha as “Nepali”. Rather the government should develop a classification criterion to distinguish between Gurkhas who have been in India for a long enough time to claim Indian citizenship and those who are easily infiltrating from Nepal in to India and acquiring citizenship by foul means. Social Structure of the Gurkhas Social Structure of the Gurkhas is one aspect of the Gurkha community which is most intriguing and often confusing. Prior to the Treaty of Sigowli, the Gurkhas were not only masters of Sikkim to the east and part of Terai in the south, but also of the important hill 456 Holistic Approach to the Gurkhas of Karbari Grant village………Dispute Solving Mechanism country lying due west of the river Kali – the western boundary of modern Nepal – known as Kumaon and Garhwal. This was the Great Nepal of those ancient times. Kumaon and Garhwal are part of the Uttarakhand state of India. It can therefore be readily understood how the groups living on either side of the western boundary of Gorkha regime have been, for many years, so merging into each other by intermarriages and from other causes, that the difference between those living within the Gurkha territory (in modern Nepal) and their neighborhood in the states of Kumaon and Garhwal (Uttarakhand state of India) is very slight. This is the reason why it takes some time to come to terms with the caste system of Gurkhas. Let us first have a look at the traditional social structure of Gurkhas. Traditional Social Structure of the Gurkhas In the Gurkha community, traditionally the Kshettriyas, or warriors, the second great class in the Hindu caste hierarchy, come first; then the Mongolian clans (also classed as military clans); and finally come the inferior Mongolian, or non-fighting groups and menial classes (Magar, Gurung, Rai, Limbu, Kami (ironsmith) and Sunwar, also collectively known as Shudras) (Morris & Northey, 1974). Thus it was seen that the Kshettriya clans kept in their hands the whole power of administration. Presently, they claim for themselves rights in the second rank in the Hindu hierarchy (after Brahmins), that of true Kshettriyas, and also wear the sacred thread. This is one example of the extraordinary elasticity of the Hindu caste hierarchy under certain conditions, for a glance at their features will show their Mongolian descent. One might wonder about the Brahmin class which figures prominently in the Hindu caste hierarchy. The matter of fact is that with the passage of time the Brahmin class emerged in the Gurkha community, and slowly attained the prime social status ahead of the Kshettriyas. Also, all these different clans and classes, at different times, have been induced to submit themselves to the Hindu ceremonial laws. The different divisions of traditional Gurkha society could be arranged in a descending order of social standing as per the then social norms as follows: Table 1 Traditional Caste Hierarchy among the Gurkha community Brahmins Thakurs Chetris or Khas Gurungs Magars Limbus Rais Sunwars Apart from the military class, the rest of population was agriculturist and pastoralist with economy based on barter mode of exchange. At the junctions of rivers throughout the Gurkha regime, weekly bazaars were held for the barter of goods, and whole families, men, women and children, carrying loads proportionate to their age and strength came down from hills to exchange the commodities for necessities of life (Morris & Northey, 1974). Nishant Saxena 457 One thing peculiar to the Gurkha community and kingdom of yesterdays was the change in ethos in the people as one moved towards east and west across the Gurkha regime. The farther one went towards the east, the more does one find the groups becoming influenced by Mongolian ideas. Similarly, as one progresses in a westerly direction, the groups inhabiting central parts become more and more prone to Hinduism. Since ancient times, the central part of Gurkha kingdom has been dominated by the Magars and Gurungs, the western by Brahmins, Thakurs and predominantly Chetris, while the eastern by Limbus and Rais. Present Social Structure among the Gurkha community In the subsequent section the different Gurkha castes have been described in nutshell following the presently prevalent chronological order as found in Gurkha Karbari and as told by Gurkha members of Gurkhali Sudhar Sabha, Dehradun. Brahmins Originally the Gurkha community was devoid of Brahmin class. But during the Muslim invasion in the 12th century in India, the Brahmins from India fled to Nepal and converted people to Hinduism. In very ancient times in the Great Nepal Brahmins were secondary to the ruling class. At Present they occupy the prime position as is the case with Hindu caste hierarchy. Mostly they do priestly job, but those who are economically poor are employed as cooks also. Among Brahmins two main classes exist in the village. They are Upaddhe and Jaisi. According to one myth, the Jaisi sect have a lower social standing, and are presumed to be the offspring of an unofficial alliance of Uppadhe and Brahmin widow (such an infidel widow was called as Mleccha). Chetris Subsequent intermixing between the Brahmin and Gurkha fighting class (Khas) gave rise to the Chetri clan which is considered somewhat inferior to Brahmin. In ancient times they were known as Khas. It is a fighting class and equal to the Ksahtriya in Hindu caste hierarchy. There are about 20 sub-clans in Chetri. The prominent ones are Bandari, Karki, Khatri, Adhikari, Bisht, Khandka, Burathoki, Gharti and Rana. There are certain disputes about the exact social standing of Chetris and some place them just below the Brahmins ahead of Thakurs, and the present social structure adheres to this notion. The other view is that Chetris are placed after Thakurs in the social standing. Thakurs Traditionally, Thakurs come after the Brahmins in the caste hierarchy, and considered superior to rest of castes. However, as per the present understanding of the Gurkha’s about their social and caste structure, Chetris are a notch above Thakurs and just below the Brahmins. Thakurs are stated to be the descendants of the princely class and endowed with highest military qualities and good looks. Hence they are admired across the entire community. Some of the clans in Thakurs are Mall, Sahi and Sen. They are fewer in number. Gurungs and Magars With regard to the exact social status of these two castes, it is a general consensus that they and, in fact, most of the military castes of Gurkhas, excluding the Chetris and Thakurs, shall be classed as Shudras meaning the menial class and of inferior order. Traditionally Magars were agriculturists while Gurungs were pastoralist by occupation. The mongoloid features are more prominent in Gurung as compared with Magars. This is so because Magars were the ones to mix with the first wave of migrants from India (Morris & Northey, 1974). Both Magars and Gurungs have language of their own, Magarkura being the name of the language spoken by the Magars. 458 The Gurungs are further classified as the char (or four) – jat and the solah (or sixteen) – jat Gurungs. One of the clans in the char – jat Gurungs is Ghale. The char – jat gurungs are considered to be superior to the solah – jat Gurungs and in ancient times marriage between the two was prohibited The prominent clans in Magars are Rana, Thapa, Ale, Pun, Burathoki and Gharti. Thus, Thapa, Rana and Gharti clans occur in both Chetris and Magars, but the sacred thread is worn by the former only. Together with the Chetris and Thakurs, Gurungs and Maragars have formed the military class in Gurkhas since ancient times. Limbus Believed to be descendent of the famous ethnic group Kirantis whose mention is found in the epic of Mahabharata and inhabiting the eastern Nepal. In 1768 when Gurkhas invaded the whole of Nepal, the title of Subah was given to Limbus and title of Rai to the Khambus each meaning “chief”. The Limbus have about ten clans and these were formerly centred, in groups, in ten different districts of the then Limbu country. This is the way each one of them draws its name. Rais The Khambus and Yakhs, having become very much mixed, are now regarded as Rais and both speak the Rai language. In ancient times, the Rais resided to the west of the country of Limbus known as Limbuana which stretched between the river Arun on the west and Singalela ridge on the east. It is believed that Gurkhas invaded the kingdoms of Limbus and Rais in 1768 and annexed it with their kingdom, thus bringing the two groups in parlance of Gurkha community. Rais are more Mongolian in their bodily features than any other caste of Gurkha community. They have about seventy clans, each speaking its own language. Sunwars Believed to hail from Tibet. The three important clans are Jetha, Maila, and Kancha signifying the elder, second and youngest brother respectively. They have very prominent cheek bones, oval faces, a reddish tinge to their complexion, and are very short stature. Therefore, the present prevalent caste hierarchy among Gurkhas is as follows: Table 2 Caste hierarchy prevalent among the Gurkha community at present Brahmins Chetris Thakurs Gurungs Magars 459 Nishant Saxena Holistic Approach to the Gurkhas of Karbari Grant village………Dispute Solving Mechanism However, in the present study in Gurkha Karbari hamlet of Karbari Grant village the various Gurkha castes and clans-within-castes present are as follows: Table 3 Castes present in the Karbari Grant village Existing clans within caste present in the Karbari Grant village Brahmin Upaddhe, Jaisi Chetri Khatri, Khadka-Chetri, Chetri-Tiwari, Thapa, Chetri-Thakur Thakur Thakuri, Mall, Sahi-Thakur, Mall-Thakur Gurung Lama Gurung Magar Rana, Thapa, Thapa-Magar Rai –– In addition to the above, a Punjabi family converted in to Gurkhas and a single Rai family was also residing in the village. OBC Status to Gurkhas One important thing which will impact Gurkha’s social structure and interaction of Gurkhas with other castes and communities in this region is the fact that Gurkhas of Uttarakhand, as well as of Karbari Grant, has been demanding for ST (Scheduled Tribe) status for a long time. On the contrary they have been provided with OBC (Other Backward Caste) status on 8th November, 2003 vide a formal notification in the state of Uttarakhand. They can now avail of 14 per cent reservation in state government jobs. Gorkha community (excluding Brahmins and Kshettriya) in Uttarakhand have also been included in the central list for OBC and therefore entitled to 27 per cent seat reservation in central government jobs and educational institutions among other benefits (“Storm over OBC”, 2012). However, the community at large is not satisfied with this as their demand is for ST status. This is so because, they believe their way of life is comparable to other STs in state. Another reason for ST status clamour is that no economic criteria have to be met to avail of benefits under ST category unlike under an OBC quota. “If the parents are occupying senior positions in government offices, their offspring cannot get an OBC certificate. Also, OBC parents who earn more than Rs 4.5 lakh per annum (other than salaried class and income from agriculture) will not be entitled to the certificate,” said a community member in the village. Gurkhas feel that as a community they have contributed heavily for India’s freedom, sovereignty and prosperity, but are looked upon by the general public still as a military class. In order to break out of this image, they want to make a mark in other fields, sectors and diversify. Gurkhas believe that if given the ST status they can accomplish this. Limbus Rais Sunwars Dispute Solving Mechanism in Gurkhas Solving disputes in the community is indispensible for the sustenance of any community and Gurkhas are no different. Here again the dispute solving mechanism of Gurkhas has 460 461 Holistic Approach to the Gurkhas of Karbari Grant village………Dispute Solving Mechanism Nishant Saxena been divided into two sections: first one is the ancient or traditional mechanism, while the second one is the modern mechanism being followed these days among the Gurkhas as evident from the field work. or treasurer. All the above have tenure of 3 years and are chosen by the “Karyakarini” or work-group in the council, thus not directly chosen by people. This work-group consists of 15-20 personnel both men and women. One thing notable here is the fact that literature on Gurkhas reveals the presence of village head-man since ancient times, but the concept of other office bearers is a recent one. Traditional Dispute Solving Mechanism Since 1768, when the Gurkhas were first unified and identified as an independent kingdom, they have been ruled by Kings who are akin to the Ksettriya division of Hindu hierarchy. The Gurkhali Kings of Nepal who reigned over the Gurkha kingdom extending to the present day Uttarakhand of India are as follows (in chronological order): Table 3 Gurkhali Kings of Nepal (in chronological order) Prithwi Narayan Sah Pratapa Sinha Sah Rana Bahadur Sah Girbhan Juddha Vikram Sah Rajendra Vikram Sah Surendra Vikram Sah Prithvi Vira Vikram Sah Tribhuna Bir Bikram Jang Bahadur Shah Bahadur Shamser Jang The ancient social and political system of Gurkha was based purely on militarist lines. Its laws and its religion are entirely and absolutely interwoven. The religious law is the base of civil law, and the civil law is based on the ancient Hindu Laws of Manu (Morris & Northey, 1974). But the Gurkha Government itself was purely militarist in nature, and therefore, although closely adhering to those same laws, the whole attitude to life is a militarist one. However, the nitty- gritties of this system are beyond the scope of the present paper as the focus here is on the village level political organization of Gurkha community. Hence the village council has been looked at from both the ancient and present perspectives. Traditional Village Council: The Gurkha villages have been looked after by “Mukhiya” or the head-man traditionally.. The head-man is chosen by the consensus of village folks for a period of 3 years and must be a person of high repute and wisdom. This institution is not hereditary. Also, in the ancient traditional council of Gurkhas there used to be a “Jamwal” or the Big Head-men who looked after more than one Gurkha village and under whose aegis the Mukhiya worked. Disputes related to Mukhiya were resolved by the Jamwal alone. However, the office of Jamwal is now obsolete. Present Day Dispute Solving Mechanism and Village Council Nowadays “Mukhiya” (head-man) is also known as “Adhayaksha” by some and is bestowed with the responsibility of representing the village in the meetings of the apex body of Gurkhas in Dehradun known as Gurkhali Sudhar Sabha. The other office bearers of the village council, in the order of their importance, are: “Upadhayaksha” or viceheadman, “Sachiv” or secretary, “Upsachiv” or assistant secretary, and “Koshadhayaksha” The meeting of the village council takes place once in every 3 months. But in special circumstances it can be held before that also. There is no specific venue for the meeting, but mostly it is held at the residence of the Mukhiya or in the village Panchayat Bhawan with the consent of people. In this meeting all the office bearers are present and also any adult member of the Gurkha community is allowed to attend it. Women also participate in these meetings with zeal and are given equal importance as men. Issues taken up in the meeting are those of social concern like disputes or grievances of community members. For example, during the course of my stay with the community, I had the auspicious chance of observing the village council meeting which was held for the purpose of allocating responsibility to the various community members for the “Sansari mata puja” i.e. worship of the holy Goddess (Picture 1). The Sansari Mata Puja is a significant religious tradition of the Gurkha Community celebrated every year on the preceding Saturday of ‘Chaitra Navratra’ (in this instance on 2nd April, 2011) with lots of zeal and reverence. The worship is performed to please the deity and to be showered with Her blessings for the well being and prosperity of the entire community. On this occasion villagers take a procession of ‘palki’ (palanquin) of the dough made idol of the deity across the village (Picture 2). This procession is carried to the sacred tree in jungle and the deity is invoked by offering religious performances (Picture 3). The puja ends with distribution of ‘prasad’ and feast for the entire village community. The entire Gurkha village is divided into wards for the convenience of collection of monetary contribution from households. Gurkha Karbari is divided into 4 wards, and from each household Rs. 10 per month is collected by the respective ward members. The entry fee for a new household is Rs. 551. The money collected from various sources is utilized by the council for meeting expenses of various types like organizing a “puja” or worship, building some community infrastructure in village like road, hiring labour during festival season for maintaining cleanliness in village, helping Gurkha family for marriage purpose, etc. The decisions in the village council, for solving disputes or preparing for an event of communal importance, are taken by consensus of all the members. However, in case of non agreement in the house, the decision taken by Mukhiya is binding for all. Nowadays, party not satisfied with the decision of the village council moves to Court of Law for getting justice as the institution of Jamwal is obsolete. Also, issues pertaining to criminal offence like murder, molestation, sexual assault, robbery, etc. are not brought up in village council and justice from Court of Law is sought after. However, issues like the one listed below are discussed and resolved in village council: 1. If a Chetri marries out of his own group, the offspring assumes the caste of the father. Before this can be effected certain formalities have to be carried out like: a Brahmin is summoned to a gathering at which the parents and relations of child are present. In the gathering the Brahmin invests the infant with the sacred thread. By this act the child is admitted to the Chetri caste. This ceremony takes place in the presence of Mukhiya and other office bearers of village council. 2. In a similar way, any child born to mixed parentage can be admitted to the clan of his father by performance of a ceremony similar to the one described above. 462 Nishant Saxena Holistic Approach to the Gurkhas of Karbari Grant village………Dispute Solving Mechanism 3. If a Chetri marries a woman from menial class, his caste is at once lost and is outcaste. This lost of caste is irrecoverable and the man sinks to the caste of his wife. However, in the present study I found that all the above discussed norms have become obsolete. The offspring born of mixed marriage can now opt either for the caste of father or mother as per their discretion. This is a remarkable difference with respect to the Hindu tradition where offspring always, as a rule, adopts the caste of the father since birth. Also, the Gurkha society has become flexible enough to accommodate the intermarriage between high caste and low caste. 4. In old days it was the custom for a husband, whose wife had been found unfaithful, to cut down the seducer with a khukri (knife indigenous to Gurkhas). The latter could save his life by passing under the uplifted leg of the outraged husband. Nowadays, however, all this has changed. Cases of infidelity are dealt with either through the medium of local village court of arbitration headed by Mukhiya of village or in Law Courts. The local village court consists, as a rule, of eight or ten notables of the village. In nearly every case the husband is compensated his original marriage expense known as zaari. The amount is decided by the village council. 5. Also, the Gurkhas, irrespective of their class or clan, entered into what is known as a mit relationship with any friend of whom they are particularly fond of. The meaning of word mit is ‘friend’, and relationship in their tradition was comparable to “blood brotherhood” which can be contracted with any person of any class or clan. Once contracted, the new relationship thus formed held good where marriage and similar ceremonies are concerned. Hence, in the traditional culture of Gurkhas the mit relation was one of the agencies of intermixing among the different castes and class. Disputes pertaining to this relationship are solved in the village council only. Conclusion The Gurkha community is one which is very well knit, but in transition. As discussed earlier, the question about origin of Gurkhas and their history is interesting and arguable as well. Thus, it will be safe to say that Gurkhas originated near or inside the present day Nepal as a consequence of the increment in Muslim invasion in India and to counter their anti-Hindu ideologies like slaughtering of cows. However, the present issue for Gurkhas as a community is to disengage themselves with the label of “Nepali” (i.e. one from Nepal) as perceived by other communities in India. This is in spite of the fact that traditionally they have been looked upon as great warriors and had a huge contribution to India’s independence. Therefore, it becomes much more important to understand their origin, and the present study is a step forward in this direction. Clearly it comes out that Gurkhas in Indian territory have been here for a long time (for about 250 years) and were here ‘with their land’ at the time of Treaty of Sigowli in 1816 and India’s independence in 1947. Hence, the time has come to give them due respect as respectable Indian citizens. At the same time, a close watch should be maintained on those who want to cross borders and attain Indian citizenship illegally. However, the question of giving the OBC status, as discussed earlier, is an open one and more detailed study by Indian government is required. Historically, Gurkhas have been an open society and present day Gurkha society is the result of assimilation of varied groups. Traditionally, they have also tried to stick to the Hindu caste system, which is hierarchical in nature. But, the rigid nature of the caste system is now becoming more and more flexible. It is primarily because of two reasons: firstly, close 463 proximity with other ethnic groups like Garhwali, Kumaoni in this area has resulted into intermixing, and secondly intermarriages between different castes within the Gurkha community are very frequent now. Both these factors are a consequence of the advent of era of modernization, industrialization and globalization in the last two decades in India. The traditional way of solving disputes and issues through the village council headed by Mukhiya has now taken the back seat. Though this institution has not become obsolete, but its importance over the years has certainly declined. It is primarily because of the Panchayati Raj system which is constitutionally recognized and functional in the entire country. The village Pradhan is now the one to whom village folks look up to for their day-to-day grievances. However, the verity that issues which are completely communal, like participation in traditional annual “Sansari Mata Puja”, are still dealt by village Mukhiya is exhilarating and a positive for the community. As concluding remarks, I would like to add that Gurkhas are large hearted people and very much Indian like any of us. It is a community in transition which is striving hard to come out of the garb that they are only “fit” for armed forces, and wish to make a mark in other fields also thereby contributing to the development of the nation. For achieving this goal, the most important thing for them could be a conscious effort to attain better education, diversify in other fields and make a mark. Bibliography Bruce, C.G., & Northey, W.B. (1925). Nepal. London, Geographical Journal, 65 (4). Crooke, W. (1999). Tribes and Caste of N.W.P. and Oudh. New Delhi, Asian Educational Services. David, B. (1967). Gurkhas. London West, Weidenfeld and Nicolson. Farewell, B. (1984). The Gurkhas. London, Penguin Books Ltd. Giuseppe, F. (1799). The Kingdom of Nepal. Asiatic Researchers, 11. Hamilton, B. (1819). An Account of the Kingdom of Nepal. Edinburgh. Hodgson, B.H. (1991). Essays on the Languages, Literature and Religion of Nepal and Tibet. New Delhi, Asian Educational Services. Hodgson, B.H. (1991). Miscellaneous Essays. New Delhi, Asian Educational Services. James, H. & Sheil-Small, D. (1965). The Gurkhas. London, Macdonald & Co. Ltd. Kirkpatrick, W. (1811). An Account of the Kingdom of Nepal. London, W. Bulmer and Co. Money, G.W.P. (1918). Gurkhali Manual. New Delhi, Asian Educational Services. Morris, C.J. & Northey, W.B. (1974). The Gurkhas: Their Manners, Customs, and Country. Delhi, Cosmo Publication. Ministry of Defence. (1965). Nepal and the Gurkhas. London, Her Majesty’s Stationery Office. O’ Cavanagh. (1851). Rough Notes on the State of Nepal its Government, Army and Resources. Calcutta, Military Orphan Press. Oldfield, H.A. (1880). Sketches from Nepal. London, Cosmo Publications. Vansittart, E. (1980). The Goorkhas. New Delhi, Ariana Publishing House. Wright, D. (1966). History of Nepal. New Delhi, Asian Educational Services. Storm over OBC status to Gurkhas in Uttaranchal. Retrieved January 23, 2012, from, http://archive.deccanherald.com/deccanherald/july29/n1.asp 464 Jr. Anth. Survey of India, 61(2) & 62(1) : (465-477), 2012-2013 ijEijkxr d`f’k dk;Z ,oa blds cnyrs Lo:Ik dk v/;;;u ¼xksj[kk dkjckjh xzk¡V xzke ds fo”ks’k lanHkZ esa½ tks[ku “kekZ 1 ifjp; vkfne ekuo thou vkjEHk esa iw.kZ:isu izd`fr ij vkfJr Fkk] rFkk vkjEHk esa os vkj.;koLFkk esa viuk thou;kiu djrs FksA os fdlh izdkj dk mRiknu ugha djrs Fks] oju~ izd`fr ls feyus okyh oLrqvksa dk laxzg dj mldk mi;ksx djrs FksaA os izd`fr Hkksxh Fks] mRiknudrkZ ughaA tSls&tSls tyok;q esa fLFkjrk vkrh x;h oSls&oSls euq’;ksa us vUu mRiknu 'kq: fd;kA lcls igys rks ekuo us ?kkVh rFkk <+yk¡Å iBkjh tehu ij d`f’k djuk “kq: fd;kA ekuo dk lkekftd bfrgkl ml le; izkjEHk gqvk gksxk tc ?kqeDdM+ euq’; us [ksrh dh dyk lh[kh ¼;kfu uoik’kk.k dky½ vkSj ,d fuf”pr LFkku ij LFkk;h :i esa cl x;kA bl izdkj ?kqeUrq euq’; ds iSjksa esa csM+h Mkyus dk Js; mu [ksrksa dks gS] tgk¡ mlus vius ifjJe ls cht cks;sA bl izdkj ge dg ldrs gSa fd xzkeh.k leqnk; ds vfLrRo dk izknqHkkZo ml le; gqvk tc ;gk¡ ogk¡ ?kqeus okys euq’;ksa ds lewg fdUgh fuf”pr LFkkuksa ij cl x;sa ¼ikBd] 1986½A ijEijkxr Kku ls rkRi;Z oSls Kku ls gSa tks ,d ih<+h ls nwljh ih<+h dks LFkkukUrfjr fd;k tkrk gS izk;% ;g fyf[kr Kku u gksdj ekSf[kd gksrk gSA bl Kku dk mn~Hko thou ds izk;ksfxd vuqHko ls gksrk gSa ¼cqz”k] 2005½A d`f’k {ks= esa Hkh ijkEjkxr Kku dk mi;ksx iwoZorhZ ihf<+;ksa es vkt Hkh ifjyf{kr gksrk gSA vkt d`f’k {ks= esa feV~Vh dk pquko] flapkbZ] rduhfd] ikS/k yxkus ds Kku] dhV ds fu;a=.k ds rjhds] feV~Vh dh moZjd {kerk dks c<+kus esa] vUu dk ns[kHkky o j[k&j[kko vkfn lHkh d`f’k dk;ksZa esa ijEijkxr Kku dk iz;ksx fd;k tkrk gSSaA ijEijkxr d`f’k ds izdkj ns'keq[k ¼1986½ ds dk;kZsa ds vk/kkj ij ijEijkxr d`f’k O;oLFkk dk oxhZdj.k ,d ;k ,d ls T;knk vk/kkj ij fd;k tk ldrk gS%& ¼d½ >[email protected] [ksrhA ¼[k½ ?kqeUrq i”kqpkjd [ksrhA ¼x½ fujUrj [ksrhA ¼?k½ fefJr [ksrh ckM+h O;oLFkkA 1Anthropological Survey of India, Dehradun. 466 ijEijkxr d`f’k dk;Z..............ds fo”ks’k lanHkZ esa½ ijEijkxr d`f’k O;oLFkk ds lkekU; fo”ks’krk,¡ vxj ge ijEijkxr d`f’k dh fo”ks’krk dks ns[ks rks ;g dg ldrs gSa dh bl O;oLFkk esa dk;Z ds nkSjku tksf[ke dh deh ij /;ku dsfUnzr djuk] lkyksaHkj feV~Vh dh moZjd {kerk dks cuk;s j[kuk] fuEu Lrj dh vkenuh o mPp dksVh dh vkRefuHkZjrk jguk] mRiknu {kerk esa vR;f/kd o`f) ugha dj lduk vkfn rRoksa dk lekos'k gksrk gSA bl rjg fd O;oLFkk esa ykbZ xbZ fof/k ljy o fuEu Lrj dh gksrh gSA v/;;u dk mn~ns'; xksj[kk dkjckjh xzk¡V xzke ds d`f’k dk;Z ds v/;;u dk eq[; mn~ns”; gS %& ¼d½ xzke ds d`’kd lekt ds leLr ijEijkxr d`f’k dk;ksZ dk v/;;u djukA ¼[k½ d`f’k dk;Z lEcaf/kr ikfjokfjd Je foHkktu dh fLFkfr dk v/;;u djukA ¼x½ d`f’k dk;Z esa ijEijkxr rFkk vk/kqfud midj.kksa ds izpyu dk v/;;u djukA ¼?k½ ijEijkxr d`f’k ds cnyrs Lo:i dk v/;;u rFkk bl cnyko dk bu d`’kd oxksZa ij iM+us okys izHkko dk v/;;uA “kks/kdk;Z esa iz;ksx esa ykbZ tkus okyh oSKkfud izfof/k;k¡ o rduhsd “kks/kdk;Z ds mijksDr mn~ns”;ksa dh iwfrZ gsrq mRrjk[k.M jkT; ds nsgjknwu ftys ds dkjckjh xzk¡V dks v/;;u {ks= cuk;k x;kA v/;;u {ks= esa Hkh xzk¡V ds ,d Hkkx tgk¡ xksj[kk leqnk; ds yksxksa dh tula[;k lcls T;knk Fkh] mldk pquko fd;k x;kA bl Hkkx dks ^xksj[kk dkjckjh xzk¡V* dgrs gSaA bl xk¡o esa xksj[kk leqnk; ds }kjk fd;s tkus okys d`f’k dk;ksZ esa bl leqnk; ds yksx vius ijEijkxr Kku fof/k;k¡ ,oa lkFk gh lkFk vk/kqfud rduhdksa o midj.kksa dk iz;ksx djrs gSaA buds bUgha Kku o fdz;k dyki dk v/;;u djus ds fy, 'kks/kdrkZ us ekuo'kkL=h; fof/k;ksa o rduhdksa dk iz;ksx fd;k gS] ftlesa lgHkkxh voyksdu] O;fDrxr lk{kkRdkj lewgppkZ 'kkfey gSAa blds vykok QksVksxkz Qh rduhd dh lgk;rk Hkh yh xbZ] ftlls buds ijEijkxr d`f’k midj.kksa o vkStkjksa dks laxzfgr fd;k tk ldsaA ßxksj[kk tkfrÞ ds mRifr ls lEcaf/kr vo/kkj.kk xksj[kkyh leqnk; vius lkgl vkSj fgEer ds fy, fo”o fo[;kr gSa vkSj mUgksus vius dk;ksZ }kjk Hkkjrh; xksj[kk jsftesUV vkSj fczfV”k vkehZ ds xksj[kk fcxzsM dks dkQh izfl++)h fnykbZ gqbZ gSA buds bUgha lkgl o fgEer izo`fr dks ns[k dj Hkkjrh; vkehZ ds HkwriwoZ phQ vkWQ LVkQ jg pqds lSe ekusd”kkW us iz[;kr :i ls dgk Fkk] ßog O;fDr tks ;g dgrk gSa fd eq>s ekSr ls Mj ugha yxrk og ;k rks >wB cksy jgk gSa ;k og xksj[kk gSÞ ¼fofdfifM+;k] xksj[kk½A xksj[kk dh mRifr 8 oh lnh ds fgUnw ;ks)k larJh xq: xksj[kukFk ls ekuh tkrh gSaA xq: xksj[kukFk ds vuq;k;h vius dks *xksj[kk* “kCn ls lEcksf/kr djrs FksA usiky esa ,d ftyk vofLFkr gSa ^xksj[kk ftyk^A ,slk ekuk tkrk gSa fd ;gh og txg gSa tgk¡ x: xksj[kukFk dks igyh ckj ns[kk x;k FkkA bl ftys es a ,d xq Q k gS ] tgk¡ xks j [kukFk ds ix fpUg~ gS a vkS j mudh ,d ew f rZ Hkh gS a ¼fofdfifM+;k] xksj[kk½A ^xksj[kk^ 'kCn dh mRifRr ds ckjs esa ;g Hkh dgk tkrk gS fd ;g dksbZ fo'ks’k {ks= ds yksxksa ls lEcaf/kr u gksdj ;g ,d fopkj /kkjk gS ¼Fkkik] 2011½A tks fd Hkkjro’kZ esa eqfLye 'kkldksa ds vkxeu ds tks[ku “kekZ 467 le; mRiUu gqvkA ^xksj[kk^ 'kCn dks fopkj/kkjk ekuus okys dk rdZ ;g gS fd] ^xksj[kk^ 'kCn nks 'kCnksa ls feydj cuk gS] ^xkS+^ $ ^j{kk^ ;kfu xkS dh j{kk djus okykA tks fd eqfLye “kkldksa ds izos”k ds le; Hkkjro’kZ esa gks jgs xkSo/k ls tqM+k gqvk FkkA bl fopkj/kkjk dh mRifr laHkor~ ns”k ds if”pe~ Hkkx esa “kq: gqbZ D;ksafd eqfLye 'kkldksa dk Hkkjro’kZ esa izos”k bUgha {ks=ksa esa izkjEHk gqvkA ;g {ks= fgUnq ckgqY; tula[;k okyk {ks= FkkA tc eqfLye “kkldksa us bl {ks= esa 'kklu “kq: fd;k ml nkSjku xk; dh gR;k cMs+ iSekus ij gqbZA pq¡fd xk; fgUnq /keZ esa iwT; ekuh tkrh gS] bl dkj.k xkSo/k ds fo:) o bldh j{kk ds fy, dqN yksx lkeus vk;s vkSj fojks/k 'kq: fd;kA /khjs&/khjs bl lewg esa vusd tkfr;k¡ ftlesa czkge.k~] jktiwr] oS';] “kwnz 'kkfey gksrs pys x;sA rRi”pkr~ xkSj{kk ls tqM+s yksxksa us le;≤ ij eqfLye “kkldksa ds fo:) fojks/k djuk tkjh j[kkA eqfLye “kkldksa ds }kjk bl fojks/k dks dqpy fn;k tkus yxkA blds i”pkr~ tks yksx bl fopkj/kkjk ls tqM+s gq, Fks ;k rks ekjs x,] ;k fQj ogk¡ ls iyk;u dj ns'k ds nwljs Hkkx ftlesa nqxZe {ks= vkfn 'kkfey Fksa esa pys x,A rkfd os idM+ esa u vk ldsA bu iykf;r yksxksa esa vf/kdka”k fgeky; ds nqxZe LFky o rjkbZ {ks=ksa esa vk dj cl x;s ,oa /khjs&/khjs ;s yksx ;gha dh laLd`fr o ifjos”k esa <+y x;sA xksj[kk oa'kkoyh vkSj vkj- ch- xkSjh”kadj ds erkuqlkj usiky ds xkksj[kk tkfr vykÅn~nhu f[kyth ds 'kklu ds nkSjku ftu yksxksa us ns”k ds if”pe~ ,oa mRrj if”pe~ Hkw&Hkkx ls iyk;u dj fgeky; ds rjkbZ o ioZrh; {ks=ksa esa tkdj “kj.k ys fy;kA rRi”pkr~ os ogha cl x;s ¼usxh] 1997½A izkphu o’kksaZ esa ;g {ks= ^n xzVs usiky^ ds uke ls tkuk tkrk FkkA 1769 bZ0 esa i`Foh ukjk;.k “kkg ¼1742&1775½ us dkBek.Mw] iV~Vlu] HkVxaxk vkSj xksj[kk jkT;ksa dks feykdj usiky esa ,d dsUnzh; “kklu dh LFkkiuk dhA ykMZ gsfLVaXl ds le; esa lu~ 1814 bZ0] 1815 bZ0 rFkk 1816 bZ0 esa ^vkXy&xksj[kk^ ;q) gq,A 1816 bZ0 esa vaxzstk os xksj[kksa ds chp flaxkSyh dh lfU/k gqbZA bl lfU/k ds vuqlkj ^n xzsV usiky^ ds if”pe o nf{k.k&if”pe rjkbZ izn”s k ftlesa fgekpy izn”s k] mŸkjkpay dk ioZrh; Hkkx] tEew&dk”ehj dk iwoksZrj Hkkx fczfV”k dEiuh ds vf/kiR; esa vk x;k ¼fo’V] 1987½A orZeku le; esa ;g Hkkjro’kZ dk vfHkUu vax gaSA v/;;u {ks= dk ifjp; ^xksj[kk dkjckjh xzk¡V^ tks fd dkjckjh xzk¡V xzke dk ,d fgLlk gS]a ftlesa xksj[kk leqnk; dh tula[;k lokZf/kd gSaA xksj[kk dkjckjh xzk¡V nsgjknwu ftys ds lgliqj fodkl[k.M ds vUrxZr vkrk gSaA ;g {ks= nsgjknwu ftyk eq[;ky; ls 24 fdyksehVj if”pe~] nsgjknwu&f”keyk ckbZikl lM+d ds fdukjs clk gqvk gSA bl {ks= ds uke ls gh ;g fofnr gksrk gS fd ^xksj[kk dkjckjh xzk¡V^ xk¡o dk fuekZ.k vuqnkfur Hkw&Hkkx ij gqvk gSaA xzk¡V (Grant) ,d vaxzsth “kCn gS] ftldk vFkZ vuqnku gksrk gSSA ^xksj[kk dkjckjh^ Hkh vkB Hkw&nkudrkZ }kjk vuqnkfur Hkw&Hkkx {ks= ij clk gS] blfy, bls ^xksj[kk dkjckjh xzk¡V^ dgk tkrk gSA xksj[kk dkjckjh xzk¡V ds vykok dkjckjh xzk¡V esa x<+okyh dkjckjh xzk¡V o x.ks'kiqj dk dqN fgLlk vkrk gSA xksj[kk dkjckjh xzk¡V Hkh nks fgLlksa esa ck¡Vk x;k gS] Åijh xksj[kk dkjckjh o fupyk xksj[kk dkjckjhA ;n~fi Åijh xksj[kk dkjckjh esa xksj[kk leqnk; dh lokZf/kd tula[;k gS] blds foijhr fupyh xksj[kk dkjckjh esa vkB ifjokj jgrs gSaA ;g {ks= ekud fl) eafnj ls lVk gqvk gSA ^xksj[kk dkjckjh xzk¡V^ ds HkkSxksfyd i`’BHkwfe dh ckr djs rks ;g izd`fr dh xksn esa jpk&clk gSA bl xzk¡V ¼xk¡o½ dh pkSgnh dh ckr djss a rks mRrj esa x.ks”kiqj] HkB~Vh xk¡o o dkjckjh pkj ou] nf{k.k {ks= esa ykV lkgc dk taxy ¼LFkkuh; uke½ vofLFkr gSaA 468 ijEijkxr d`f’k dk;Z..............ds fo”ks’k lanHkZ esa½ xzke dh izeq[k Qlysa o lkx lfCt;k¡ xksj[kk dkjckjh xzk¡V esa jch o [kjhQ nksuksa rjg dh Qlyksa dk mRiknu djrs ns[kk tk ldrk gSA jch Qlyksa esa xasgw¡] eVj] xUuk vkfn izeq[k :i ls mxk;s tkrs gSaA [kjhQ Qlyksa esa /kku] eDdk vkfn izeq[k :i ls mxk;s tkrs gSaA /kku dh mit [kkl rkSj ij dh tkrh gSA bl xkze ds d`’kdksa ds }kjk /kku dh ftu fdLeksa dk mRiknu fd;k tkrk gSa mlesa ckjhd] nsgjknwu cklerh] dLrwjh rFkk rjkojh] Vkbi&3 dkQh eg¡xs nkeksa ij cktkj esa fcdrs gSa tks dze”k% 40 #i;s izfr fdyks] 60 #i;s izfr fdyks o 80 #i;s izfr fdyks gksrh gSaA /kku dh Qly dh rjg xasgw¡ dh Hkh fdLeksa jkt o RR-21 vkfn dh iSnkokj dh tkrh gSA bl xzk¡V esa tks fdlku vkfFkZd :i ls l{ke gksrs gSa] os vius [ksrksa esa vkyw&I;kt dh [ksrh Hkh djrs gSaA gkykfd xzk¡V esa ?kj ds ikl ijrh tehu ij ckxokuh ¼fdpsu xkMZu½ dj vius [kkus ds fy, gjh lkx lfCt;k¡ mxk ysrs gSaA ftlesa yglqu] I;kt fHkUM+h] ckS[kyk ¼f”kopuk½] chu] jkbZ] ewyh vkfn ds lkFk&lkFk lkx Hkh mxk ysrs gSaA xksj[kk dkjckjh xzk¡V ds d`’kd lekt xksj[kk dkjckjh xzk¡V esa d`’kd lekt dks d`f’k Hkwfe ds ekfydkuk vf/kdkj ds vk/kkj ij fuEu pkj Jsf.k;ksa esa foHkDr dj ldrs gS %& ¼d½ cM+s d`f’k Hkwfe/kkjh okys ¼10 ch?kk ls Åij okys½ ¼[k½ e/; d`f’k Hkwfe/kkjh okys ¼5&10 ch?kk rd okys½ ¼x½ fuEu d`f’k Hkwfe/kkjh okys ¼5 ch?kk ls de okys½ ¼?k½ fngkM+h d`’kd ¼Hkwfeghu½ ¼d½ cM+s d`f’k Hkwfe/kkjh okys bl Js.kh ds vUrxZr xzk¡V ds oSls yksxksa dks j[krs gSa] tks nl ch?kk ls Åij d`f’k Hkwfe dk ekfydkuk vf/kdkj j[krs gSaA bl Js.kh ds Hkh nks :i ns[kus dks feyrs gSaA igyk] tks Lo;a d`f’k dk;Z esa Hkkx u ysdj nwljs vU; d`’kd dks ^euh^ vFkok ^cVk¡bZ^ ij d`f’k Hkwfe nsrs gSa rFkk cnys esa ,d fuf”pr jde ;k fgLlk ¼Hkkx½s esa izkIr gksrk gSA nwljk blds vUrxZr os yksx vkrs gSa] tks Lo;a d`f’k dk;Z esa Hkkx ysrs gSaA d`f’k ds lkjs dk;kZsa esa lfdz; jgrs gSaA vko”;drk iM+us ij ;s fngkM+h d`’kd etnwjksa dks dke ds fy, j[krs gSaA tks[ku “kekZ ¼x½ fuEu d`f’k Hkwfe/kkjh okys ¼5 ch?kk ls de okys½ bl Js.kh ds vUrxZr oSls d`’kd dks j[krs gSa ftuds ikl ik¡p ch?kk ls de [ksr dk ekfydkuk gd gSA bl oxZ ds yksx [ksrh dk;Z ds fy;s igys o f}rh; Js.kh ds d`’kd vf/kdka'kr% ijEijkxr d`f’k midj.k o rduhd dk iz;ksx vius d`f’k dk;ksZ esa djrs gSaA ¼?k½ fngkM+h d`’kd ¼Hkwfeghu½ bl Js.kh ds vUrxZr oSls d`’kd dks j[krs gSa] ftuds ikl viuh futh d`f’k Hkwfe ugha gksrh gS] tks FkksM+h Hkwfe gksrh Hkh gS mlls mldk thou fuokZg ugha gks ikrkA os fngkM+h d`’kd et+njw cudj ekSleh :i ls xk¡o esa d`f’k dk;Z djrs gSAa ckdh le; esa ;g vkl&ikl ds “kgjh {ks=ksa esa fngkM+h et+nwjh djrs gSaA xk¡o esa ;s yksx dk;Z djus ds cnys viuh etnwjh Hkh izkIr djrs gSa tks dh xk¡o esa fu/kkZfjr etnwjh gksrh gSA bl et+njw h ds vUrxZr tekuh ¼vkSjr½ dks 100 #i;s et+nwjh rFkk enZ ¼vkneh½ dks 150 #i;s vkB ls nl ?k.Vs ds fy, fn;k tkrk gSaA dHkh dHkkj dk;Z ds ?k.Vs c<+ Hkh ldrs gSaA [ksrh&ckM+h ls lEcaf/kr ijEijkxr dk;Z ns”k dh lkB izzfr”kr~ vkcknh d`f’k {ks= esa yxh gqbZ gS ¼xzhu 1987½ rFkk lRrj izzfr”kr~ vkcknh vkt Hkh xk¡o esa clrh gSA bl dkj.k Hkkjr ns”k dks xk¡oksa dk ns”k dgk tkrk gSA d`f’k {ks= esa bruh vkcknh dh fuHkZjrk gksus ds okctwn orZeku le; esa vf/kdka”k d`’kd lekt [ksrh&ckM+h ls lEcaf/kr vius ijEijkxr rkSj&rjhds] Kku] midj.k] jhfr&fjokt vkfn dks iz;ksx esa yk jgs gSaA blls tgk¡ ,d vksj d`f’k mRiknu esa mUgs izfrLi/kkZvks dk lkeuk djuk iM+rk gSa] rks nwljh vksj ;g muds lkekftd&vkfFkZd fLFkfr dh vkSj bafdr djrk gSA xksj[kk dkjckjh xzk¡V ds d`’kd ¼dk”rdkj½ d`f’k dk;Z ds nkSjku ijEijkxr d`f’k midj.k] rduhd dk iz;ksx djrs gS ijEijkxr ekU;rk;sa ns[kus dks feyrh gSaA blds lkFk gh lkFk ftu dk”rdkjksa esa vkfFkZd lEiUurk vk xbZ gSa os vk/kqfud d`f’k ;a=ksa dk iz;ksx djrs gSaA ;gk¡ iwoZtksa ds le; ls pys vk jgs d`f’k dk;Z dks xzke ds orZeku d`’kd viuk;s gq;s gSa] gkykafd budh la[;k de gSA bl xzk¡V ds d`’kd lekt ds }kjk viuk;s tkus okys d`f’k lac/a kh ijEijkxr dk;ksZ dks fuEufyf[kr Hkkxksa esa ck¡V ldrs gSa ¼pdzorhZ 1986½ ¼d½ [ksr fuek.kZ dk;Z djukA [ksrh dk;Z ds fy, tehu nsus dh O;oLFkk tehu nsus dh izd`fr & nj ¼[k½ cht MkyukA cVk¡bZ ij & vk/kk rFkk ,d frgkbZ fgLlk ¼?k½ fujkbZ ¼fuykbZ&xqM+kbZ½ djukA euh ij ¼Bsds ij½ & ik¡p gtkj #i;s izfr ch?kk ¼³½ [kkn Mkyuk ¼mjodZ½A ¼[k½ e/; d`f’k Hkwfe/kkjh okys ¼5&10 fc?kk rd okys½ bl Js.kh ds vUrxZr xk¡o ds mu d`’kdksa dks j[kk tk ldrk gS] ftuds ikl ik¡p ls nl ch?kk dh d`f’k Hkwfe miyC/k gSaA blls buds ifjokj dk lky& Hkj ds [kkus dk vukt izkIr gks tkrk gSA bl Js.kh ds d`’kd Hkh viuh Hkwfe dks ¼cVk¡bZ ;k euh½ Bsds ij nsrs gSaA bldk dkj.k gS [ksrh dk;Z esa viuk Je u ns ikuk ,oa ifjokj esa lnL;ksa dh la[;k de gkssukA 469 ¼x½ ikS/ks dk izfrjksi.kA ¼p½ flapkbZ O;oLFkk A ¼N½ dVuh¼Qly dh dVkbZ½A ¼t½ <qykbZ ¼Qly dks [ksrksa ls ys tkuk ½A ¼>½ Mke yxkuk ¼[kfygku yxkuk½A ¼´½ vUu dk HkaMkj.k djukA 470 ijEijkxr d`f’k dk;Z..............ds fo”ks’k lanHkZ esa½ ¼d½ [ksr fuek.kZ dk;Z xksj[kk dkjckjh xzk¡V lery Hkwfe ij u gksdj FkksM+h Å¡pkbZ okyh Hkwfe ij clk gqvk gSA bl dkj.k o’kkZ iz/kku ekSle esa o’kkZ ty ls Hkwfe ds dVko gksus dk [krjk cuk jgrk gSSA bl dVko dks jksdus ds fy, fdlku ßQkoM+kÞ ¼dqnky½ dh lgk;rk ls [ksr ds dVko dks feV~Vh ls jksd dj [ksrksa dks ty Bgjko ds vuq:i rS;kj fd;k tkrk gSA blds ckn [ksrksa dh ^tqrkbZ^ ¼tksRuq½ dh tkrh gSA ;g og ijEijkxr dk;Z gSa] ftlesa Hkwfe ds Åijh lrg dks myV&iqyV dj fn;k tkrk gS]a ftlls u, iks’kd rRo Åij vk tkrs gSAa blds QyLo:i [kr&irokj ,oa Qlyksa dh MaBy vkfn tehu esa nc tkrh gSa] vkSj /khjs&/khjs [kkn esa cny tkrh gSaA ftlls tehu }kjk ikuh ¼ueh½ cuk;s j[kus dh “kfDr c<+ tkrh gSAa ^tqrkbZ^ ¼tksRuq½ dk ;g dk;Z ^gykl^ o ^tqyk^ ds lgk;rk ls cSyksa ds ek/;e ls fd;k tkrk gSaA ftlesa yksgs dk QWkyk yxk jgrk gSA ^tqyk^ flQZ ydM+h dk cuk gksrk gSSA [ksrksa dh tqrkbZ djus ds ckn [ksr dh tehu dks lery djus ds fy, ^gsaxk^ fd;k tkrk gSA bl dk;Z ds fy, ^es<+h^ ¼ydM+h dk cM+k vk;rkdkj VqdM+k½ dk iz;ksx fd;k tkrk gSA [ksrksa esa ^gsx a k^ djus ij [ksrksa esa cM+& s cM+s feV~Vh ds VqdM+s VwV tkrs gS]a rFkk [ksr lery gks tkrs gSaA ¼[k½ cht Mkyuk lery [ksr ds NksVs ls Hkkx esa /kku ds Qly ds fy, cht Mkyrs gSaA [ksr ds bl Hkkx esa tqrkbZ o lery djus ds ckn mlesa dq'ky O;fDr cht oiu ¼cht dk fNM+dko½ djrk gSa ¼flag] 1987½A cht oiu fd, x, Hkkx esa ikuh ls flapkbZ dh tkrh gSA rFkk cht dks /kku dh ikS/k gksus rd NksM+ fn;k tkrk gSaA “khrdkyhu le; esa xsagw¡ dh Qly ds fy, cht Mkys tkrs gSaA ¼x½ ikS/ks dk izfrjksi.k ¼cqvkbZ] {kjukN%½ cht oiu fd;s tkus ds ,d ekg ckn /kku ds ikS/ks rS;kj gks tkrs gSa] [ksrksa esa izfrjksi.k ds fy;sA ftl [ksrksa esa bls jksiuk gksrk gS ml lery Hkwfe dks ty ls flapkbZ djus ds ckn nks ckj gsaxk ¼tkSy½ fn;k tkrk gSA blds ckn [ksrksa ls ?kkl&irokj dks fudky dj [ksr dks ikS/k yxkus ds fy;s rS;kj dj fy;k tkrk gSASa ;g dk;Z d`’kd lekt dh efgykvksa ds lkFk iq:’k Hkh feydj djrs gSaA rS;kj /kku dh ikS/k dks [ksr ls m[kkM+ dj mudk vyx&vyx eqðk cuk fy;k tkrk gS] blds ckn mls [ksrks esa ys tkdj jksi.k dk;Z fd;k tkrk gSaA ;g dk;Z lqcg 7-00 cts ls ”kke 5-00 cts rd izk;% gksrk gSaA /kku dh cqvkbZ o jksikbZ djus ds le; xksj[kk d`’kd lekt esa ijEijk gS fd jksikbZ dk;Z esa “kkfey gksus okyh efgykvksa dks ehB+s pkoy dks izlkn ds rkSj ij f[kyk;k tkrk gSaA blds ihNs budh ekU;rk gSa fd Qly dh jksikbZ ,d cgqr gh egRoiw.kZ dk;Z o “kqHk d`f’k dk;Z gSA ftldks efgykvksa ds }kjk fey dj lEiUu fd;k tkrk gS D;ksafd ?kj dh L=h y{eh dk :i gksrh gS rFkk Qly vPNh gks blfy, bl nkSjku [ksr dh iwtk Hkh fd tkrh gS] rkfd budh mit vPNh gks rFkk Hkxoku dh d`ik mu ij lnSo cuh jgsA ¼?k½ fujkbZ ¼fuykbZ&xqM+kbZ½ djuk bl dk;Z dks L=h iq:’k nksuksa gh feydj djrs gSaA ikS/k dk izfrjksi.k djus ds nks&rhu lIrkg ckn ikS/k ds c<+us ds lkFk [ksrksa esa ?kkl&ikr mx tkrs gSaA tks fd c<+ jgs Qly tks[ku “kekZ 471 ¼/kku dh ikS/k½ dks rsth ls c<+us ugha nsrs A [ksrksa es mxs bl ?kkl&ikr dks m[kkM+ dj ckgj dj fn;k tkrk gSA [ksrksa ds ?kkl fudkyus dh bl izfdz;k dks fuykbZ&xqM+kbZ dgrs gSA fuykbZ&xqM+kbZ nwljh ckj djhc ,d ekg ds ckn dh tkrh gS] Qly rS;kj gksus ds Bhd igys rhljh o vafre ckj ;g dk;Z fd;k tkrk gSaA blds ckn tc rd Qly iwjh rjg ls rS;kj u gks tk;s rc rd Qly dks Nqvk ugha tkrk gSaA bl dk;Z dks d`’kd vius gkFkksa ls djrs gSa rFkk ijEijkxr midj.k ^dwVksa^ ¼dksVyk½ dk iz;ksx fd;k tkrk gSA bl midj.k dh lgk;rk ls [ksrksa esa ?kkl fudkyh tkrh gSaA bl dk;Z dks ifjokj ds lnL; fey dj djrs gSA lnL;ksa dh deh gksus dh fLFkfr esa vU; d`’kd ifjokj ls enn ysrs gSa cnys esa os Hkh viuk Je nku djrs gSAa tks fdlku vkfFkZd :i ls etcwr gksrs gSa os bl dk;Z ds fy, xk¡o o vklikl ds {ks= ds d`’kd fngkM+h etnwjksa }kjk dk;Z djkrs gSaA etnwjksa dh la[;k [ksr ds vkdkj vkSj d`f’k dk;Z ij fuHkZj djrh gSA lkFk gh ;g Hkh /;ku j[kk tkrk gS fd ;g dk;Z le; ls [kRe djk fy;k tk,A ¼³½ [kkn Mkyuk Qlyksa dh mit o Hkwfe dh moZjrk c<+kus ds fy, [kkn fu;fer :i esa Mkyh tkrh gSA xksj[kk fdlku vius [ksrksa esa ijEijkxr moZjd ¼[kkn½ dk iz;ksx djrs gSaA ijEijkxr [kkn ds :i esa ßxkscj [kknÞ dk iz;ksx djrs gSaA ikyrw tkuoj xk;] HkSal] cSy vkfn ds xkscj dks bdV~VBk dj xkscj [kkn cukrs gSaA blds vykok ;gk¡ ds fdlku vU; [kknksa dk bLreky Hkh djrs gSa] blesa eq[;r% gjh [kkn ,oa tSfod [kkn gksrh gSaA gjh [kkn ds fy, <s+pk] ew¡x] lukbZ dks lM+kdj iz;ksx fd;k tkrk gSA bu [kknksa dk iz;ksx Qly ds cksus ls igys [ksrksa esa Mkydj tqrkbZ ds ek/;e ls feÍh esa feyk fn;k tkrk gSA xzk¡V ds dqN d`’kd viuh d`f’k dk;Z esa iw.kZ:i ls tSfod d`f’k ds rkSj&rjhds viuk;s gq, gSaA ;g vius [ksrksa esa tSfod [kkn dk gh iz;ksx djrs gSaA xkscj dh [kkn% xsg¡w ds Qly esa 1 ch?kk esa 20 fDoUVy rFkk /kku ds fy, 15&18 fDoUVy iz;ksx djrs gSaA ogha] ,d ch?kk xsgw¡ dh Qly ds fy, cehZ dEiksLV tSfod [kkn dh 10&15 fdyks dh t:jr iM+rh gSa] rFkk /kku ds fy, 12&15 fdyks dh vko”;drk gksrh gSA xzke ds d`’kd ds vuqlkj iwoZ esa Hkh Qly ds fy, flQZ xkscj [kkn dk gh iz;ksx fd;k tkrk FkkA xk¡o esa bldh deh gksus ij ikl ds xk¡o x.ks”kiqj] HkV~Vh xk¡o lfgr vU; vkl&ikl {ks=ksa ls ßxkscj [kknÞ yk;k tkrk FkkA ¼p½ flapkbZ O;oLFkk ^xksj[kk dkjckjh xzk¡V^ esa [ksrh&ckM+h ds fy, lhfer lk/kuksa ij fuHkjZrk ik;h xbZA eq[;r% o’kkZ ds ty ij gh fuHkZj jguk iM+rk gS] gkykafd ikl gh yxHkx nks fdyksehVj dh nwjh ij vofLFkr dM+okikuh dk lzksr ls fudyus okyk ikuh dk ukyk xzke ds [ksrksa ds ikl ls cgrk gSA o’kkZ ds vykok ;g Hkh flapkbZ dk ,d ek/;e gSA [ksrh dh Hkwfe Åpk¡bZ ij gksus ds dkj.k iwoZ esa bl ukys ds ikuh dks flapkbZ ds fy, iz;ksx djuk FkksM+k dfBu gksrk FkkA lzksr ls [ksrksa esa ikuh igq¡pkus ds fy, [ksrksa esa D;kjh ^cksyk^ o ^dwyksa^ ¼D;kjh½ cukrs FksA bUgha ^cksyk^ o ^dwyksa^ ¼D;kjh½ dh lgk;rk ls lzksr [ksr ds ,d fgLls ls nwljs 472 ijEijkxr d`f’k dk;Z..............ds fo”ks’k lanHkZ esa½ fgLls esa ikuh igq¡pk;k tkrk FkkA bl dk;Z dks djus ds fy, ^QkoM+k^ ¼d`f’k midj.k½ dk bLreky gksrk FkkA flapkbZ ds fy, ^cksyk^ o ^dwyksa^ dk fuek.kZ orZeku le; esa Hkh izpyu esa gSaA orZeku le; esa bl dk;Z esa flapkbZ ds lk/kuksa esa o`f) gwbZ gS] bl xk¡o esa V;wosy] eksVj iEi vkfn dh O;oLFkk gks xbZ gSA eksVj iEi dh lgk;rk ls dM+okikuh ds Lkzkrs ls fufeZr ukys ds ikuh dks [ksrksa esa igq¡pkuk vklku gks x;k gSA blds ckotwn vHkh Hkh bl {ks= dh d`f’k o’kkZ ds ty ij fuHkZj djrh gSA ¼N½ dVuh [ksrksa esa ikS/k yxkus ds ckn ikS/k ds Qly cudj iwjh rjg rS;kj gksus ij Qly dh dVkbZ dh tkrh gSA Qly dh dVkbZ d`f’k dk;Z ds nkSjku lcls egRoiw.kZ izfdz;k gSA Qly id tkus ds ckn mls ßnjkrhÞ (Sickle) dh lgk;rk ds dkVk tkrk gSA bl dk;Z dks iwjk djus ds fy, d`f’k Jfed dh T;knk la[;k esa vko”;drk iM+rh gSA ftu Hkwfe ekfydkssa ds ikl T;knk d`f’k Hkwfe gS] og viuh Qly dVkbZ ds fy, [ksr dks Bsds ij nsrs gSaA ;g O;oLFkk iwoZ ds le; ls pyh vk jgh gSA bl dk;Z dks djus ds fy, xk¡o ds ckgj ds d`’kd et+nwj xk¡o esa vkdj viuh {kerk ds vuq:i [ksr dks Bsds ij ysdj Qly dk¡Vrs gSaA blds fy, izfr ch?kk 1500 #0 ;k 30&35 fdyks v ysrs gSaA bl dk;Z dks djus ds fy, nwljs rjg ds et+nwj os gksrs gSa] tks fngkM+h d`f’k et+nwj ds :i esa dke djrs gSaA bUgsa izfr fnu 100&150 #0 fn;s tkrs gSaA iwoZ le; esa bl rjg ds etnwjksa dks 10 fdyks vukt fn;k tkrk FkkA ¼t½ Qlyksa dh <qykbZ Qly ds dVus ds ckn mls lqfuf”pr txg ij igq¡pkuk t:jh gksrk gSA Qlyksa dh <qykbZ ds fy, {ks= ds d`’kd vius ijEijkxr rkSj rjhds dks lkekU;r% viukrs gSAa Qlyksa dh dVkbZ gksus ds ckn dVs gq, vuktksa ds cM+s&cM+s ^cks>s^ cuk;s tkrs gSa]tks fd mBk dj <qykbZ fd;s tkrs gSAa ^cks>^s dk otu bruk j[kk tkrk gS rkfd mldks flj ij mBkdj vklkuh ls fuf”pr txg ys tk;k tk ldsA bu ^cks>s^ dks ck¡/kus ds fy, iqjky ;k twV dh jLlh dk iz;ksx fd;k tkrk gS] tks fd fdlku [kqn gh vius gkFkksa ls cukrk gSaA dHkh&dHkkj Qlyksa ds <qykbZ ds fy, cSyxkM+h dk iz;ksx fd;k tkrk gSA Qly dks ?kj ys tkus ls igys [ksr ls gh *ekudfl)* eafnj esa nsork dks p<k+us ds fy, Qly dks [ksr esa gh vyx dj fy;k tkrk gSaA vyx fd;s bl Hkkx dks xk¡o ds ikl fLFkr ^ekudfl) eafnj^ esa p<+krs gSaA budk ,slk ekuuk gS fd rS;kj Qly esa ls lcls igys Hkxoku dks Hkksx yxk dj mudk vkHkkj izdV fd;k tkrk gS]a ftlls mudh d`ik ls Qly ls mit vPNh jghA bl p<+kos ds lkFk gyok] iwjh Hkh cukdj p<+krs gS]a ftls ^jks izlkn^ Hkh dgk tkrk gSA ¼>½ Mke yxkuk ¼[kfygku yxkuk½ ^Mke^ izk;% fdlku vius ?kj ds vkl&ikl ijrh vFkok [kkyh tehu ij rS;kj djrs gSa] vxj [ksr ?kj ds ikl gSa rks ^Mke^ ¼[kfygku½ [ksr ds ,d fljs ij yxk;k tkrk gSA ftl Hkwfe ij [kfygku ^Mke^ yxkuk gS ml t+ehu dks lery dj feV~Vh o xkscj ls ysi dj fy;k tkrk gSA ;g dk;Z izk;% efgyk;sa djrh gSaA blds ckn blds pkjksa vksj tks[ku “kekZ 473 >kfM+;ks ;k ck¡l ds ckM+ yxk dj ?ksj fn;k tkrk gS rkfd tkuoj Qly dk uqdlku u dj ldsA ckM+ yxkus dk dk;Z iq:’k djrs gSaA dVs gq, Qlyksa dks <qykbZ dj ^Mke^ ¼[kfygku½ esa ykdj ,df=r fd;k tkrk gSA Qly ls /kku dks vyx djus dh izfdz;k ^Mke^ esa gh iwjh gks tkrh gSA blds fy, ^Mke^ esa Qlyksa ds ck>ksa dks [kksy dj ,d txg pdzkdkj esa QSyk fn;k tkrk gSA bl QSyk;s gq, Qly ij cSyksa dks pdzkdj fn”kk esa ?kqekrs gSaA orZeku le; esa cSyksa ds LFkku ij VªSDVj dk izpyu Hkh ns[kk tk ldrk gSA bl fof/k dks ^nkSbZ^] ^e¡MkbZ^ dgk tkrk gSA bl izfdz;k ds ckn ^/kku^ vkSj ^iqjky^ dks vyx dj fy;k tkrk gSA /kku dks ,df=r dj [kfygku esa gh j[k fn;k tkrk gS] tks fd i”kq/ku ds [kkus ds pkjs ds dke vkrk gSA ¼´½ vUu dk HkaMkj.k djuk ^Mke^ ¼[kfygku½ esa ^nkSbZ^ djus ds ckn ,df=r /kku dks cksjksa ,oa ^iVksa^ esa Hkjdj mls ?kj esa cus cM+s&cM+s feV~Vh ds ^dksBjh^ esa j[k dj vUr esa HkaMkj.k dj fy;k tkrk gSaA fdlh&fdlh ?kj esa ck¡l ls fufeZr ^dksBj^ Hkh ns[kus dks feyrk gSA orZeku le; esa edku ds iDds cuus ds dkj.k bu dksBjksa dk Lo:i Hkh cny x;k gSA vc ftuds edku iDds cu x, vUu dk HkaMkj.k Vhu ds cMs&cMs Mªeksa esa laxzfgr djrs gSaA xksj[kk d`’kd lekt esa Je & foHkktu bLekby nq[khZe ¼1893½ dk er gS fd ekuo lH;rk dk fodkl Je foHkktu dh xfr”khyrk ds vk/kkj ij le>k tk ldrk gSA l`f’B ds izkjEHk ls gh ekuo esa Je foHkktu jgk gS] ifjokj dh mRifRr Hkh iq:’k vk/kkj le>kSrs dk lEcU/k gSA vko”;drkvksa ds vuqlkj iwfrZ ds fosf”k’V lk/kuksa dh [kkst gksrh gSA ;s lk/ku ftu fo”ks’k O;fDr;ksa ds vf/kdkj esa gksrs gSa] muds izfr dqN dRrZO; iw.kZ djus iM+rs vkSj muds cnys esa vko”;drk iwjh dh tkrh gSa ¼[kku 1983½A xksj[kk d`’kd lektksa esa Hkh vk;q rFkk fyax ds vk/kkj ij Je foHkktu ns[kus dks feyrk gSA bl lekt esa efgyk ,oa iq:’k lkFk & lkFk feydj d`f’k dk;Z esa viuk ;ksxnku nsrs gSaA fQj Hkh [ksrh ls lacf/kr dk;Z tSls ^Njuk^ ¼cqvkbZ½] xqM+kbZ o fuykbZ ¼lksguh½ Qly dh dVkbZ] <qykbZ vkfn dk;kZsa esa budh Hkkxhnkjh T;knk ik;h tkrh gSaA gkykfd d`f’k ds dfBu dk;Z vHkh Hkh iq:’k oxZ gh djrs gSaA tSls gy pykuk] esaM+ cukuk] lery djuk vkfn dk;Z A d`’kd lekt ds os yksx tks d`f’k dk;Z esa lfdz; Hkkx ugh ys ikrs gSa] tSls ifjokj ds cqtxZ o cPps viuk lg;ksx vizR;{k :i ls nsrs gSAa buds ftEes d`f` ’k dk;Z ds nkSjku ?kj esa jg dj ?kj dh j[kokyh djuk o lqqcg “kke [ksrksa esa ?kwedj Qly dh ns[kHkky djuk gSA xksj[kk d`’kd dkQh ifjJfed gksrs gSaA ;g fdlh Hkh dk;Z dks djus ds fy;s fcYdqy yTtk vuqHko ugha djrsA xk¡o esa vko”;drk iM+us ij nwljs ds [ksrksa esa dk;Z dj lg;ksx nsrs gSa] rFkk blds cnys esa os Hkh buds [ksrks es dk;Z dj fn;k djrs gSaA ijEijkxr d`f’k midj.k xzk¡V esa ijEijkxr midj.k dk bLrseky vkt Hkh ns[kus dks feyrk gSA orZeku esa vk/kqfud d`f’k ;a=ks o midj.kksa dh miyC/krk ds ckctwn bl xk¡o esa vkt Hkh d`f’k dk;Z esa vius ijEijkxr midj.kksa o ;a=ksa dk mi;ksx djrs gSaA ijUrq iwoZ ds le; esa ;g midj.k cktkj ls [kjhn dj yk;s tkrs gSaA ijUrq iwoZ ds le; esa ;g midj.k o vkStkj ikl ds cqðh xk¡o ls ¼bu midj.kksa dks cukus okys 474 ijEijkxr d`f’k dk;Z..............ds fo”ks’k lanHkZ esa½ leqnk; ftlesa dkfu ¼ykSgkj½ o c<+bZ tkfr vkrs Fksa½ izkIr fd;s tkrs FksA xksj[kk dkjckjh xzk¡V esa ,d Hkh ?kj dkfu tkfr dk ugh gSaA ml le; bl xk¡o esa ttekuh izFkk dk izpyu ekStwn FkkA xk¡o ds o`) yksxksa ds vuqlkj cqðh xk¡o ds dkfu] c<+bZ o ukbZ vkfn tkfr;ksa ls xksj[kk dkjckjh xzk¡V dk iqjkuk o ?kfu’V lEca/k cuk gqvk Fkk tks vkt Hkh fo|eku gSA izkphu le; esa ttekuh izFkk ds nkSjku d`’kd d`f’k ls lEcaf/kr midj.k bUgha leqnk;ksa ls cuok;k djrs FksA cnys esa mUgsa N% eghus esa izfr tksM+k cSy ij ^iNM+h vukt^ dk chl fdyks ¼20 Kg½ /kku ;k xsgw¡ fn;k tkrk FkkA blh iz d kj ukbZ dks ik¡ p fdyks /kku ;k xs g w ¡ iz f ro’kZ fn;k tkrk FkkA xksj[kk dkjckjh xzk¡V esa d`f’k lacaf/kr dk;ksZa esa yk;s tkus okys ijEijkxr midj.k o vkStkj rFkk dk;Z izd`frA la[;k ijEijkxr d`f’k ;a= fgUnh uke dk;Z 1 gykl gy [ksr dh tqrkbZ ds fy,A 2 tqyk gjh'k tqrkbZ ds nkSjku cSy ds da/kks ij j[kk tkrk gS tks gy ls tqM+k gqvk gksrk gSA 3 >a>jk ¼ukSdhyk okyk½ D;kjh cukus ds fy,A 4 njkrh gl¡qvk Qly dh dVkbZ esaA 5 [kqjch [kqjih [ksrksa esa ?kkl fudkyus esaA 6 ikBy ¼vk¡lh½ dVkj ck<+ [kfygku cukus esaA 7 dksVyk ¼dwVh½ & ?kkl fudkyus esa 8 QMqvk dqnky feV~Vh dkVus esaA 9 es<+h gsaxk Hkwfe lery djus ds fy, ¼VsªDVj½A 10 es<+k gsaxk Hkwfe lery djus ds fy, ¼cSyk)kr½A 11 <s+dyh <s+dyh /kku ls pkoy fudkyus ds fy,A 12 pkcqd pkcqd cSy dks fu;a=.k djus ds fy,A 13 dksBj dksByh@dksBj vUu dk Hka.Mkj.k gsrqA 14 lCcy [karh@ lCcy CkkM+ yxkus esaA 15 xSarh & eV~Vh [kksnus ds fy,A tks[ku “kekZ 475 d`f’k ds cnyrs Lo:i o buds thou ij iM+us okys izHkko orZeku esa lalkj ifjorZu dh vksj vxzlj gks jgk gSA ;k ;g dgs fd lalkj esa ifjorZu dh ygj lh vk xbZ gSA ;g ifjorZu ekuo thou ds lHkh i{kksa dks izHkkfor dj jgk gSaA thou ds fofHkUu {ks=ksa esa vkS|ksfxd izxfr] HkkSfrdoknh&n`f’Vdks.k rFkk oSKkfud vkfo’dkjksa ds QyLo:i ,d cM+k ifjorZu vkrk fn[kkbZ ns jgk gSA ifjorZu dh bl /kkjk dk izHkko vkS|ksfxd dsUnzksa vkSj uxjksa rd gh lhfer ugha gS] vfirq xk¡o dh laLd`fr yksxksa ds jgu&lgu ds rkSj&rjhds Hkh blls izHkkfor gks jgs gSaA iwoZ le; esa xzkeh.k laLd`fr;k¡ viuh fo”ks’krkvksa ds dkj.k uxjh; thou Hkh izHkkfor djrh FkhA ijUrq vkt izHkko foijhr fn”kk esa cg jgk gSaA “kgjh laLd`fr xzkeh.k O;fDr;ksa ds vkd’kZ.k dk dsUnz cu jgh gSaA Mk0 ,l0 lh0 nwcs us viuh iqLrd ßHkkjrh; xk¡oÞ esa gSnjkckn ds xk¡o lehjisV dk mYys[k izLrqr fd;k gS fd ;g xzke gSnjkckn uxj ds laidZ esa vkus ds dkj.k xk¡o ds fuokfl;ksa ds vkpkj&fopkj] jgu&lgu] os”k&Hkw’kk] euksjatu ds lk/ku] fpfdRlk] lkekftd laxBu vkfn esa O;kIr vUrj ik;k ¼JhokLro] 1976½A Mk0 nwcs ds izLrqr mYys[k ds dFkkuqlkj xksj[kk dkjckjh xzk¡V xk¡o Hkh nsgjknwu “kgj ds laidZ esa vkus o rsth ls fodflr gks jgs “kgjhdj.k ds izHkko ls bl xk¡o ds izR;sd Hkkx dks izHkkfor fd;k gSA pkgs og jgu & lgu gks] “kknh&fookg gks] lekftd <k¡pk gks] ;k /kkfeZd thou vkfn bu lHkh {ks=ksa esa cnyko yk fn;k gSA blds lkFk gh bl xk¡o ds d`f’k ls lacaf/kr dk;Z tSls tqrkbZ] ikS/k yxkuk] ikS/k dk jksi.k] cht jksi.k] [ksr rS;kj djuk] flapkbZ] dVkbZ] [kkn Mkyuk] Mke yxkuk] nkSbZ ¼nobZ½] vUu dk Hk.Mkj.k vkfn esa vius ijEijkxr Kku] fof/k rduhd dk iz;ksx dj jgs gSaA lkFk gh lkFk ;gk¡ ds d`’kd vk/kqfud midj.kksa tSls VSªDVj] pdzh;/kq.khZ ;a=] rosnkj gy] Fkz”s kj vkfn iz;ksx dj jgs gSAa vkt vk/kqfudrk vkSj “kgjhdj.k ds nkSj esa tgk¡ mRiknu {kerk dks cuk;s j[kuk o mlesa o`f) djuk lgh ek;us esa ,d pqukSrhiw.kZ dk;Z gSA bl pqukSrh dks iwjk djus o yM+us ds fy, ;gk¡ ds d`’kd oxZ viuh {kerk ds o fLFkfr ds vuqlkj orZeku le; dh vk/kqfud fof/k;ks o rduhdks dks viuk jgs gSAa vkt vk/kqfudrk ds le; esa Hkh bu {ks=ksa esa d`f’k ds dqN dk;kZas esa vHkh Hkh ijEijkxr :i ls vius gkFk ls iwjk fd;k tkrk gSA xksj[kk dkjckjh xzk¡V dh d`f’k O;oLFkk dks ns[kus ls ;g irk pyrk gS fd ;gk¡ ijEijkxr d`f’k esa cnyko rks vk;k gS fdUrq blds ckotwn ;gk¡ ds d`’kd oxZ vius ijEijkxr midj.kksa ls d`f’k dk;Z djrs gSaA vkt Hkh ;g mUur rduhd dk iz;ksx dqN [kkl d`’kd ifjokj rd lhfer gSa] D;ksafd mUur rduhd dks gkfly djus ds fy, vkfFkZd fLFkfr etcwr gksuh pkfg,A xk¡o ds d`f’k dk;Z esa ijEijkxr o vk/kqfud nksuksa rjg dh [ksrh ds midj.k ds dkj.k tgk¡ budks mRiknu o`f) dk lq[k izkIr gksrk gS ogha cktkj esa cus jgus esa enn feyrh gSaA xzke easa vkt [ksrksa dh tqrkbZ gy o cSy dh lgk;rk ls dh tkrh gS] ogh cM+s d`’kd ;g dk;Z VSªSDVj ds ek/;e ls dj ysrs gSaA ;g orZeku le; ls fgrdkjh Hkh gSaA ,d vksj tgk¡ vk/kqfud midj.k ds iz;ksx ls budh vkfFkZd fLFkfr etcwr gksrh gSA ogha nwljh vksj [ksrksa esa d`f’k dk;Z e”khuksa ds }kjk djus ds dkj.k “kkjhfjd Je dh vko”;drk cgqr gh de iM+rh gSA bl dk;Z ds fngkM+h d`’kd [ksrksa ds vykok fdlh vU; jkstxkj esa :ph fn[kkus yxrk gS] blds fy, ;s yksx vkl&ikl ds {ks=ksa o “kgjksa dh vksj izokflr gksrs gSa] rFkk fngkM+h etnwj cu dj jg tkrs gSaA d`f’k {ks=ksa esa vk/kqfud o e”khuhdj.k ds mi;ksx djus ls ;gk¡ ds d`’kd lekt dh vkfFkZd fLFkfr esa lq/kkj ns[kus dks feykrk gSA fdlh dh vkfFkZd fLFkfr esa lq/kkj gqvk gS vFkok deh vkbZ gS] ;g ml le; rd Li’V ugha fd;k tk ldrk] tc rd mu rF;ksa dks voyksfdr u fd;k tk;A ftUgsa ge lkekU;r% vkadfyr dj ldrs gSAa tSls de ;k i;kZIr ek=k esa vko”;drkvksa dh iwfrZ] Hkkstu] oL= vkSj edku dh fLFkfr ¼ikBd] 1986½A 476 ijEijkxr d`f’k dk;Z..............ds fo”ks’k lanHkZ esa½ ftu yksxksa dh ekSfyd vko”;drkvksa dh iwfrZ mfpr :i esa ughsa gks ikrh mUgsa xjhch dh js[kk ds uhps ekuh tkrh gSaA v/;;u ds nkSjku ;g Hkh tkudkjh izkIr gqbZ fd {ks=ksa esa lHkh oxkZsa ds d`’kdks ds thou Lrj esa muds firk dh rqyuk esa o`f+) gqbZ gSaA d`f’k ds ijEijkxr dk;kZsa esa vk/kqfudrk vkus ls [ksrh lEcaf/kr dk;kZsa esa yxus okyk le; de gks x;k A d`’kd tks vk/kqfud Kku o fof/k;ksa ds iz;ksx dj jgs gSa muds ikl d`f’k dk;Z djus ds i”pkr~ cgqr le; fey tkrk gSA ftlds QyLo:i os eNyh ikyu] cr[k ikyu] eqxhZ ikyu vkfn vU; rjg ds O;olkf;d dk;Z djus yxs gSaA ftlls budh vk; c<+us ls budk thou Lrj vkSj Å¡pk gks jgk gSA tks[ku “kekZ 477 xzke ds yksx tks d`f’k ls tqM+s gq, gSa os rks bl dk;Z ls tqM+s jguk pkgrs gSa] ij muds ckn vkus okyh ih<+h ;k dgsa uo;qod oxZ dh :fp d`f’k dk;Z esa u gksdj vU; jkstxkj dh vksj T;knk gSA xksj[kk leqnk; ls lEcaf/kr gksus ds dkj.k budk >qdko QkSt ¼lsuk½ dh ukSdjh dh vksj T;knk gSA xksj[kk dkjckjh xzk¡V esa yM+fd;ksa dh mPp f”k{kk dk izfr”kr yM+dks ls T;knk gSA bldk dkj.k yM+dks dk flQZ ,d y{;] QkSt dh ukSdjh bl dkj.k os mPp f”k{kk esa :fp ugh fn[kk ikrsA xzkeh.k Hkkjr ds yksxksa dk thou eq[; :i ls d`f’k ij gh fuHkZj gSa] blfy, d`f’k dh O;oLFkk esa tc Hkh dksbZ ifjorZu gksrk gS rks mlls xzkeh.k vkfFkZd vkSj lkekftd thou vo”; izHkkfor gksrk gSA fu"d’kZ xksj[kk dkjckjh xzk¡V esa ,d foy{k.krk ;g Hkh ns[kus dks feyrh gS dh vc xzeh.k ifjokj Hkkstu rFkk oL= ds ekeys esa uxjh; ifjokjksa dk vuqlj.k djus yxs gSaA ;g Li’V :i ls ns[kk x;k gSa fd vc izk;% lHkh ifjokj ds yksx lqcg & “kke pk; vo”; ihrs gSa rFkk ftudh vkfFkZd fLFkfr vPNh gksrh gSa os pk; ds lkFk uk”rk Hkh djrs gSaA ;s vius vfrfFk;ksa dks Hkh xqM+ vFkok “kjcr ds LFkku ij pk; dkWQh fiykrs gSaA xzkeh.k {ks= esa vc vfrfFk;ksa dks xqM+ f[kykdj ikuh fiykuk ;k “kjcr fiykuk fuEu vkfFkZd fLFkfr rFkk fiNM+siu dk lwpd ekuk tkus yxkk gS] tcfd pk; fiykuk izxfr”khyrk vkSj mPp vkfFkZd fLFkfr dk izzrhd ekuk tkrk gS ¼ikBd] 1986½A xksj[kk dkjckjh xzk¡V xksj[kk ckgqY; leqnk; okyk xzke gS tks fd nsgjknwu ftys ds lgliqj CykWd ds vUrxZr vkrk gSA bl xzke ds vf/kdka”k yksx Hkkjrh; QkSt esa viuh lsok ns pqds gSa] vkSj orZeku esa mudh vxyh ih<+h vFkkZr~ muds csVs QkSt esa ns”k dh lsok dj jgs gSaA xksj[kk dkjckjh xzke dk fuekZ.k Hkw&nku fd;s x, Hkwfe ij gqvk gSaA blfy, bl xzke dks ^xzk¡V* dgrs gSaA edku ds {ks= esa Hkh bl xk¡o esa ifjorZu Li’V :i ls ns[kus dks feyrk gSA xzke ds o`+) o iqjkus yksxksa ls ckr dj ;g tkudkjh izkIr dh xbZ fd nl lky igys xk¡o esa iDds edkuksa dh la[;k cgqr de Fkh tSls&tSls yksxksa dh vkfFkZd Lrj esa lq/kkj vk;k oSls&oSls yksx “kgjh rkSj ij iDdh bZaV] lhesUV rFkk lfj;k dk iz;ksx dj edku cukuss yxsA ;gk¡ ds d`’kd lekt dks d`f’k dk;Z esa ijEijkxr dk;ksZ esa ijEijkxr Kku] fof/k;ksa ,oa rduhfd ds lkFk&lkFk vk/kqfud rduhfd dk iz;ksx djrs ns[kk x;k gSA gk¡¡ykfd vk/kqfud fof/k;ksa ,oa rduhdksa dk bLrseky vkfFkZd :i ls etcwr d`’kd oxksZ rd gh lhfer gSA ;gk¡ le;kuqlkj tSls&tSls d`’kd lekt ds yksxksa ds thou Lrj esa o`f} gks jgh gS] oSls&oSls ;g yksx vk/kqfud rduhdksa ,oa midj.kksa dk bLrseky dj jgs gSAa d`f’k dk;Z esa ifjokj ds lHkh lnL; vius Lrj ls Je&foHkktu ds vUrxZr viuk&viuk lg;ksx nsrs gSaA xksj[kk dkjckjh xzk¡V ds L=h ,oa iq:’kksa ds oL=ksa esa Hkh vk/kqfudrk dk izHkko iM+k gSA nsgjknwu “kgj ds rsth ls cnyrs ifjos”k dk vlj bl {ks= ds xzkeh.k yksxksa ds oL= igukos ds rkSj&rjhdksa esa Hkh ns[kus dks feykA gkykafd vHkh Hkh xzke dss o`+) iq:’k o efgyk,a vius ijaijkxr os”k&Hkw’kk igus ns[ks tk ldrs gSaA u, midj.k ds iz;ksx ls buds thou ij iM+us okys izHkko ds ckjs esa d`’kd lekt ds yksxksa ls ifjppkZ djus ds ckn tks rF; mHkj dj lkeus vk;s] og cgqr gh lkspuh; FkkA tgk¡ xzke ds o`+) o iqjkus yksxksa dk ekuuk Fkk fd bl ubZ rduhfd ls Qk;nk rks gS] ysfdu blds ckjs esa tkudkjh dqN yksxksa rd gh lhfer gSaA tks d`’kd fuEu vkfFkZd Lrj ds gSa] os bldks iz;ksx essa ugha yk ldrs rFkk os mRiknu esa fiNM+ tkrs gSaA yksxksa dk ekuuk gSa fd ubZ rduhd ls le; vkSj Je nksuksa dh cpr gksrh gSa] ysfdu blls csjkstxkjh Hkh c<+h gSA yksx jkstxkj dh ryk”k esa ckgj ds {ks=ks esa tk jgs gSa] ftlls ifjokjksa dk fo?kVu gks jgk gSA tSfod [ksrh bl xzke dh lcls cM+h [kkfl;r gSA bl xzke esa fiNysa ik¡p o’kkZsa ls vf/kdka”k d`’kd ifjokjks }kjk tSfod [ksrh dh tk jgh gS] bl dkj.k ;gk¡ ds d`’kd oxksZ esa jklk;fud [kknksa ij fuHkZjrk de gqbZ gSA tgk¡ tSfod [ksrh djus ls bl {ks= ds d`f’k mRiknu esa o`f) gqbZ lkFk gh lkFk Hkwfe dh mitkÅ {kerk esa o`f) gksrh gSA ;gk¡ ds d`’kd oxZ ls ckr djus ij ;g yxk fd tSfod [ksrh djus ls [ksr o Qly nksuksa dh fLFkfr esa lq/kkj gqvk gSaA ;gk¡ ds fdlkuksa us /khjs&/khjs bl izdkj dh [ksrh dks djuk izkjEHk dj fn;k gSA le;kuqlkj bl rjg dh [ksrh djus okys yksxksa dh la[;k Hkh c<+ jgh gSA xk¡o esa cdk;nk ,d lfefr Hkh cuh gqbZ gSa] tks bl tSfod [ksrh ds ckjs esa fdlkuksa dks tkx:d o izf”kf{kr djrs gSaA bl xzke es d`’kd lektks ds fHké&fHké Lrjksa dks ns[kk tk ldrk gS] ftlesa cM+s Hkwfe/kkjh] e/;e Hkwfe/kkjh] fuEu Hkwfe/kkjh ,oa Hkwfeghu d`’kd “kkfey gSaA xzke ds cM+s d`’kd vius miyC/k vk/kqfud d`f’k izkS|ksfxdh tSls] V~;wcosy] VªSDVj] Vªkyh] Fksz”kj] ifEiax lsV vkfn dk iz;ksx viuh vk; esa o`f} gsrq O;kikfjd mís”; ls djrs gSaA bldk ifj.kke ;g gqvk fd bl Js.kh ds d`’kdks us d`f’k ds vkykok vU; jkstxkj tSls eNyh ikyu] eqxhZ ikyu] cÙk[k ikyu vkfn “kq: dj fn;s gSaA xk¡o esa tgk¡ iwoZ le; esa izpfyr ttekuh izFkk ds vUrxZr vkus okyh tkfr;k¡ viuh lsok ds cnys dqN fuf”pr fu/kkZfjr vukt ;k oLrq,¡ ysrh FkhA ogha orZeku le; esa ;g tkfr;k¡ vukt ;k oLrqvksa ds LFkku ij uxn :i;s ysuk gh Js;Ldj le>rh gSaA ;gk¡ ds cM+s & cM+s d`’kd /kku dh iSnkokj O;olkf;d :i ls djrs gSAa budk iatkc] pM+hx<+] gfj;k.kk vkfn jkT;ksa ds pkoy cukus okyh cM+h&cM+h dEiuh;ksa ls vuqca/k jgrk gSaA dEifu;k¡ bUgsa /kku ds mŸke dksfV ds cht miyC/k djkrh gSa] ckn esa bu rS;kj Qlyksa dks os d`’kd ls ,d fuf”pr ewY; ij [kjhn ysrs gSaA bl dkj.k ;gk¡ iSnk gksus okyh mÙke dksfV dk pkoy LFkkuh; yksxksa ,oa LFkkuh; cktkj Lrj ij tYnh ugha fey ikrkA d`f’k dk;Z o Qly ifjorZu dh izFkk ekuo }kjk gtkjksa lkyksa ls lH;rk dh “kq:vkr ls gh viuk;h tk jgh gSaSA orZeku le; esa vk/kqfudrk o e”khuhdj.k ds izHkko ls mRiknu dk;Z gks jgk gSA bl dkj.k fdlku pkg dj Hkh orZeku le; esa bu vk/kqfud midj.kksa ls vNwrk ugha jg ldrk gSA bl dkj.k xzke ds d`’kd oxksZ dh vkfFkZd ,oa lkekftd Lrjksas esa lq/kkj vk;k gS] lkFk gh lkFk thou Lrj Hkh Åpk¡ gqvk gSA 478 Jr. Anth. Survey of India, 61(2) & 62(1) : (479-495), 2012-2013 Sacred Complex in Karbary Grant Village (with special reference to Gurkha community) Karuna Shankar Pandey1 ACKNOWLEDGEMENT Field work is the soul of Social Anthropology. As, a social anthropologist always seeks to go to field to collect the primary data. Regarding this, being a social anthropologist I am very thankful to Dr. V. Kaul (Superintending Anthropologist (P) and Head of Office, North-west Regional Center, Anthropological Survey of India) who gave me such an opportunity for doing field work at Karbary Grant village. It was his kind approval and support that I could complete my field work on ‘Gurkha Community’ successfully. In this order I am very grateful to Dr. S. A. Azez Saheb Superintending Anthropologist(C) who gave me valuable and critical comments for improving the report. Subsequently, I am very grateful to Dr. Harashawaradhana and Dr. Rizvi (both Anthropologist, Physical Anthropology) under whose guidance I completed this field work. Along with these venerables, I also have respect to Dr. J. Nayak whose kind cooperation and suggestions filled the gap of problems. Eventually I have to thank all my team mates whose cooperation was required in field and they helped as required. At last, I am very thankful to drivers for their devotion that I could reach within time daily to the field. Finally, I thank all my respondents who gave their valuable time to me for discussion related to my topic. Religion differs from the other aspects of social life because it is connected not only with system of belief and action but also with mode of expression of both of these components. Moreover, its systems of action and belief are directed towards the entities, the very existence of which is not open to direct observation (Mair Lucy; 1965: An Introduction to social Anthropology). Gurkhas are very well known as soldiers and commonly they have their origin in present Nepal. The name "Gurkha" comes from the hill town of Gurkha from which the Nepalese kingdom had expanded. The fact of their immigration to present India is that they came as soldier of Prithvi Narayan Shah the contemporary king of Gurkhas as well as Nepal 1Anthropological Survey of India, NWRC, Dehradun, Uttrakhand. 480 Sacred Complex in Karbary Grant Village who proceeded towards Kumaon, and Garhwal valleys and passing through the Shimla Hill States they dominated the Kangra valley also during last decade of 18th century. Consequently Gurkha soldiers won Dehradun in October 1803 and army came to Dehradun settled themselves near Indo-Nepal border including present Dehradun. But their rapid migration came into existence during British period itself. During the rule of British government in India they were in demand as soldier by the then government. Presently, they have become permanent citizens of India. Here, it is important to clear that their migration occurred not only during British period but it was a continuous process since the ancient time. In Dehradun (Uttarakhand), the population density of Gurkha is very much. Now they have acquired all the rights provided to any Indian citizen. It means they have been completely Indianized. They started to make marital relations with the Garhwali. Few years ago, Gurkhas were facing a very drastic problem of resistance from the Garhwali community, because they were from other community and nation. But later on it was solved and now they have frequent marital relations among them. Basically, they are Hindu by religion and polytheist like Indian Hindus. Like Hindus of India they celebrate Dipawali, Holi, Dussehra, etc. They are from Vaishanava Cult but they worship Lord Shiva also. Even after 200 years of their migration, they talk in their own traditional language that is Nepali that has been modified by Indianization of Gurkhas. Generally, they use to talk in Nepali among themselves. But when they talk with others they talk in Hindi or Garhwali. They generally prefer arranged marriage but now preferential marriages have been prevalent among them. They have no caste bar and allow inter caste marriage. They haveaffinal relations with the Garhwali also. There are some cases of love marriage with the Muslim community. Though, it is not very common and they do not accept it readily. Field area at a glance: - Field area Karbary Grant selected for study is a village of Sahaspur Block in Dehradun district. It is about 24 km from Dehradun city and located on DehradunShimla Bypass. This village is surrounded by a very dense jungle from three directions. Maximum households are engaging in agricultural practices as their primary occupation. Some are daily laborers who work in nearby villages. The village is multi-ethnic. Mainly this village is divided into two parts one represents Gurkha community and the other Garhwali community. One part is called Gurkha Karbary Grant and the other is called Garhwali Karbary grant. One family from Panjabi community also lives in Gurkhali part of Karbary grant. On Dehradun- Shimla Bypass, families from some other communities also live. There are some Muslims families also. But objective of my study was to study the Gurkha community hence, researcher covered only Gurkha community. In this village, there are 104 households of Gurkha community and their population is 529. There is one family from Garhwali community also in the Karbary Grant but now it has adopted Gurkhali culture and represents themselves as Gurkha after the marriage with a Gurkhali girl long ago. In spite of co-existence with other communities even after a period of about 200 years, they have their own identity. Elders know Nepali well while younger population uses mixed Nepali and Hindi languages. They have short stature and fair complexion as they belong to Mongolian race. Karuna Shankar Pandey 481 Objectives: - Main objectives of the study were 1. To know the presence and the structure of Sacred Complex in this village. 2. To find out co-existence of little traditions with great traditions. 3. To know why and how a community adopts the culture of another community in religious context is explained in the context of religious acculturation. 4. To know how the religious belief system is changing and why? 5. To know that these changes are giving new form to religion or rising/declining their belief system in religion. 6. To know the celebration and festivals observed by them. Hypotheses: - The researcher formulated very simple hypothesis to study Gurkha community and the sacred complex concept. 1. That the little and great traditions exists together. 2. That whether young generation is more casual towards the belief in religion. They do not like to give time to worship or to such activities as in the present scenario of complex economy, they are more oriented to attain good economic opportunities for future rather than to focus on religious belief system. 3. That the elders also could not give time to religious performances due to their own busy schedule. 4. That females are more religious in comparison to males. 5. That the all the elements of sacred complex is necessarily present in the set up of sacred complex. Methodology: - Firstly, researcher has consulted the secondary sources to know the Gurkha community. In field, researcher has selected Gurkha community as the sample population. Researcher was interested to know how the changes in belief system occur and what the responsible factors that govern it are. Hence, respondents were chosen from three different age groups of both the genders. Five respondents from each gender were selected and thus, 10 respondents from each age group. The respondents were from three age groups: firstly those whose age lies between 18 to 30 years, second of the age between 31 to 50 and last having the age above 50 years from the both the genders. Such a purposive sampling was planned to achieve the aim of covering respondents from all the age groups. The respondents were classified into three age groups keeping in view that generally at any time three generations are most likely to live together in any community’s social set-up. For the compliance of the objectives a set of questions i.e. interview schedule was prepared. With the help of this 30 respondents were interviewed. Group discussion was also applied at two sacred centers viz., Barah Bhagwan Temple and Manak Siddha Baba temple. Non- participant observervation was also exercised during Sansari Devi Pooja, a little tradition ceremony in the village. 482 Photography and Videography method was also used to record a documentary film and photographs of religious aspect of Gurkha life are also collected with the cooperation of team members. Definition of Sacred Complex: Sacred complex which was developed by Prof. L. P. Vidyarthi during his doctoral research work in Hindu Gaya during 1956- 1961(Vidyarthi: Sacred Complex of Hindu Gaya, 1961) is the union of three elements viz. Sacred Geography, Sacred Performances and Sacred Specialists. According to L. P. Vidyarthi, Sacred Geography is an area which is considered as holy. A sacred geography is further divided into several parts like in Sacred Zone then in Sacred Segment and then Sacred Cluster and at last in Sacred Centers. Sacred center is unit of sacred geography. Sacred Centers are most important because rites and rituals are performed here. It may be a sacred tree, a temple, a deity, a sacred river, etc. A sacred center is a place where sacred specialists do sacred performances. Sacred Performances are the set of activities (rituals and rites) which are performed by sacred specialists at different sacred centers. Sacred specialists are those who have good knowledge and experience regarding sacred performances at any particular sacred center. Sacred specialists work also as the religious advisers for their community members. They help the worshippers and pilgrims in sacred performances during several occasions. In mid 20th century, after the introduction of the concept ‘Sacred Complex’ in Indian Anthropology to study a civilization in totality a new trend came into existence in Anthropological studies to study the religious centers keeping in center the concept Sacred Complex. Following this concept several studies were done at different sacred centers by different scholars. Some studies done applying the concept of ‘Sacred Complex’ are given in Table No. 1 Table No. 1: List of work done on Sacred Complex in India and Nepal Sl.No. Name of Title 1. 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 Holy Circuit of Nimsar Temple organization in Goa. Organization of Ascetics in Kashi Sacred Complex of Janakpur Sacred Complex of Ratanpur Rajgir Rameshwaram and Dwarika Ayodhya and Puri Sacred Complex of Badrinath Sacred Complex of Kashi Lingraj Temple: Its structure and change Chamundeshwari Temple in Mysore Tarkeshwari Temple in West Bengal Tirmal- Triputi Temple in Andhra Pradesh Sri Sailam: A Shaivite Pilgrimage center, Andhra Pradesh Panchkosi Yatra: A Sub- Regional Pilgrimage of Southern Chhatisgarh, India History, Patronage and Social organization of a Sakta Pilgrimage centre in India: A case study of Kamakhya Temple of Assam Sacred Complex of Swayambhunath 16 17 18 Name of Scholar Saraswati Saraswati B. N. Saraswati & Sujit Sinha M. Jha M. Jha Students from Ranchi University Dinesh Kumar Vidyarthi, Saraswati and Jha Mahapatra Morab and Goswami Chakravarti V. N. Reddy and M. Reddy S. Vijay Kumar and M. Suryanarayan 483 Karuna Shankar Pandey Sacred Complex in Karbary Grant Village Year 1962 1978 1971 1967 1972 1973, 74 1992 1978 1972 1975 1974 1991 1991 Edward J. Jay 1991 M.Jha 1991 A. P. Rajauri* 1988 Sl.No. 19 20 21 22 Name of Title Name of Scholar Sacred Complex, Study of LumbiniKapilvastu in Nepal Sacred Complex of Baidyanath Sacred Complex of Pashupatinath Sacred Complex of Prayag P. R. Koirala* S. Narayan T. R.Shrestha Prof. D. P. Dubey Year 1972 1973 * Nepali Anthropologists who did their work on Sacred Complex. Sacred Complex concept attracted several scholars and they applied the concept to all the sacred centers and have been inseparable part of Indian Anthropology focusing on religious study. Researcher has also tried to utilize the tools and techniques of this concept to fetch on the most of the religious life in this village. When the researcher compares it with Sacred City, Gaya (where researcher is doing his D. Phil. research work as a restudy of sacred complex for the fulfillment of his doctoral degree he found that the religious complexity of this village is very much simple but the existence of all the elements of sacred complex is here. Sacred Complex of Karbary Grant Village: - Sacred Complex of Karbary Grant village can be divided into three divisions viz. Sansari Devi (Mata), Manak Siddha Baba temple and Barah Bhagwan Temple. As the village is a small unit consists of only three centers and hence, it is not possible to divide the sacred geography into sacred zone, sacred segments and sacred clusters. There are two main temples in the village; one is the temple of Barah Bhagwan and other one of Manak Siddha Baba. Barah Bhagwan temple is visited by all Gurkhali whereas later is visited not only by other communities but by local Muslims also. Some other sacred centers are Holy teak tree, holy river Yamuna. 1. Sacred Complex of Sansari Devi (Mata)Puja: - Historically Gurkhas were Buddhists. But when they came in contact with Hindu Nepali Population due to disease smallpox which had attacked over the population of Gurkha they started to worship Goddess Shitala (Swambhoonath Temple; Kathmandu) and thus they adopted some Hindu religious practices and this temple became the part of life for both the religions (Northey and Morris, 1974). Gurkha became Hinduized completely when they came in contact with Hindu shelters during the incursion of Turka in India. Above all these changes, they were very different from Indian Hindus. But when they came to India they adopted the ideologies and practices of Indian Hindu Religion. Belief in local deity is very common in Indian Hindu culture. For welfare of community and village, villagers organize some kind of worship which is limited to that village only where it is performed. Sansari Devi puja is such a worship of local deity which is done by Gurkha of Karbary Grant. Sansari term is feminine form of the Hindi word ‘Sansar’ which means world. Therefore Sansari Puja refers to the worship of goddess of the world. Sacred Holy Teak trees: There is couple of teak trees in the jungle, in the vicinity of the village, which are considered sacred by the natives. Beneath the trees the place is used for worshipping the deity – “Sansari Devi”. This place is cleaned on the day of worship of Sansari Devi. 484 Sacred River Yamuna: This is situated at outside of the village Karbary grant. After the Sansari Devi ritual performance the palanquin is left in the flow of river Yamuna for the next village. Religious belief system of Gurkhali community can be seen in different festivals. It becomes more clear when one looks at this special worship. This is a purposive worship of village goddess. Each member from Gurkhali community of this village takes part in the Sansari Devi Puja (worship). This worship is done to please goddess Sansari to avoid epidemic attack on the villagers. The time of starting of this worship is not very clear. It is said that once a large number of people of this community died due to epidemic. This was only known reason of starting this ritual to please Sansari Devi. Now it has been tradition and inseparable part of the villagers’ life. It is celebrated on the Saturday proceeding to Chaitra Navaratra each year. It is very interesting and very long process. It takes a whole day in celebration. This festival is being participated by Gurkhali of this village only. Preparation for this celebration is started about 15 days prior to the day of worship. Each family is imposed for equal contribution for the worship. Contributions are collected by a team constituted by village headman (this village head man is elected by Gurkhali community traditionally and not through present democratic election system). Each family is expected to donate what is decided in common meeting. But contribution is not strictly imposed to any household. It was told that till the date of today (the day when Sansari Devi worship was going on during this research work) no such case was found in the village either to ignore or deny the donation. In the headship of Headman of village, a committee is organized apart from the caste identification, and duties are announced in a common meeting of Gurkhali community and a notice is tagged on notice board in the village Panchayati Bhawan showing the duties and responsibilities of the concerned people. Regarding this, nine committees are being constituted. 485 Karuna Shankar Pandey Sacred Complex in Karbary Grant Village The reason behind the constitution of such committees is done to make clarity in responsibilities but members are not limited to their committees only but they are also expected to be cooperative with other groups also. But on the day of celebration they come together to participate jointly. On the day of celebration, each member of this community from this village starts to get together at one end of village in morning. The process of the celebration is very complex. It starts with the building of a palanquin. This palanquin is built by concerned committee members. This is made with the help of bamboo strips, woods, papers and cloths of red-brown color. After the construction of the palanquin, an idol of Ma Sansari Devi made up of wheat flours is posited in palanquin and with enchanting of hymns the ceremony of imparting life in the idol is completed. Priest is called from other village if not available in the village. But generally they have their own priest in the village. Present priest of the village is from Nepal but he has completed his religious study from Hardwar. He is not from Gurkha community but Brahmin by caste. He performs sacred duties not only for Gurkha but also goes to city areas in the search of job. In case of Sansari Devi also coexistence of both the traditions is visible. In palanquin traditionally only the idol of Sansari Devi made up of flour was kept but now they keep some photographs of some other goddesses viz. Durga, Laxmi, etc, also. They decorate this palanquin with different electrical items. Thus, they are adopting great tradition in this celebration also. A notice (Translated into English by the researcher) representing responsibilities of members during Sansari Devi Worship Sl. No. Name of the Sacred Specialists Responsibilities 1. Chandra Singh Gurung 2. Shamsher Singh Chhetri 3. Manoj Kumar Mall 4. Sunil Thakur 1. Pujari: This is very important committee. This committee purchases the articles/ items related to worship and also provide help to priest in imparting life in the idol of Sansari Devi. 5. Surendra Gurung 6. Rahul Chhetri 7. Surendra Gurung To take care the Goat 2. Purchasing committee: This committee purchases the goat. 8. Nakta Bahadur Thapa To slaughter of the Goat 3. Committee for caring of: This committee cares of the goat by proving food and security. 9. Devendra Chhetri 10. Setu Rana 4. Committee for sacrificing the goat. 11. Manoj Kumar Mall 5. Committee for construction of palanquin. 12. Nat Bahadur Gurung 13. Ram Kishan Sahi 6. Committee to make the temple clean. 14. Sudhir Thakur 7. Committee for cooking the Prasad. 15. Sudhis Lala 8. Committee for collection the community pots. 16. Surendra Gurung 9. Committee for severing into pieces the meat. 17. Sunil Thakur Worship To purchase Goat To Construct and prepare the Palanquin To clean of the temple 486 Karuna Shankar Pandey Sacred Complex in Karbary Grant Village Sl. No. Name of the Sacred Specialists 18. Sachin and pary 19. Ashok Thapa 20. Rahul Chhetri 21. Ram Kihsn Shahi 22. Deepak Thapa 23. Shamsher Thapa 24. Nim Bahadur Gurung 25. Sudhir Thakur 26. Sumit 27. Vipin 28. Miridul 29. Sachin 30. Tapan 31. Rakku 32. Vinay 33. Nakta Bahadur Thapa 34. Rudra Bahadur Khatri 35. Devendra Chhetri 36. Sachin 37. Sunil Thakur 38. Sumit 39. Vipinn 40. Mridul 41. Tapan 42. Rakku and Party 43. Santosh Thapa 44. Sandeep Thapa Responsibilities To Distribute the Prasad To carry and to collect the pots To make the pieces of Goat After imparting the life in the idol of Goddess Sansari, three pots (Lota) of copper is decorated with leaves of mango and flower and filled with water. With imparting life in the idol people shout slogans in the name of Sansari Devi. After the completion of this, three girls come to take three sacred water pots each on ones’ head. Girls may be from any family regardless the caste (the selection of the girls are not done already but on spot girls are called even any girl may take the sacred pot without calling for). Following those, four people give their shoulders to lift up palanquin which is followed by some drummers also. Now gradually this procession move forward from one end of the village to another. People from each household wait for this palanquin at their doors. When the palanquin reaches their door, it is welcomed and females do the ceremony of Arti (moving a lighted lamp in circular path before the goddess). The palanquin moves very slowly in the village with the shouting of names of ‘Sansari Devi ki Jai’ and takes stop at each door in the Gurkha hamlet. People from each household worship for palanquin and pay their reverences with Arti and after this they join the procession as the member of this splendid and sacred 487 journey. In this way the palanquin leads from one end to the other end of the village. This journey ends in jungle at sacred groves (Teak tree) to perform puja at its root. Every year this journey ends at the same sacred groves. Thus, the root of these sacred groves has become a part of this traditional ceremony. Now worship of the goddess is started under the teak tree. The place where palanquin is put is made very clean and it is polished with mud and cow dung. Same process is done in the root of sacred groves, the Teak tree. A small place is made for worship in root of the teak tree. This place is decorated with the help of sacred water pots carried by three girls (Kalash) and one Kalash is put with a coconut over it and all the Kalash are occupied with water and mango leaves. Two attractive rangolis (decorative figurines) are also made with wheat flour of different colors. A special pot (Thali) is prepared for worship and decorated with sacred rice (Achhat), Turmeric powder, Curd, Sandal Powder, Doob (a sacred grass for Hindus), etc and put it in the middle of one rangoli. After the complete preparation of puja, four to five persons (not fixed) from the village participate in worship (here the people who will participate in the fire sacrifice are decided already but anyone can participate in the sacrifice performance from the village of Gurkhali community). Priest enchants hymns and calls all the gods and goddesses on this occasion in ‘Sanskirit’. After completion of a single hymn sacred performance of sacrificing the sacred items viz. water, rice, (Achhat), fire is done by the participants. Sacrifice of all the sacred items is done only by a single participant sitting near the sacrifice spot whereas others keep on touching the body of sacrificer during the whole process of worship. During this worship, name of Sansari Devi is also taken several times with other gods and goddesses. This worship process takes about 1 and 1/2 hours. During this worship some villagers are engaged in cooking ‘Rota’ (a very form of bread made up of flour). This is distributed as Prasad after completion of worship among the Gurkhali community members. After the completion of this worship a group of youngsters carry the palanquin on their shoulders and go to float the palanquin in the flow of Sacred River Yamuna. Remaining villagers stay in jungle for other sacred performances. In past the palanquin was left at the border of next village and people of next village waited for this palanquin and then they do same process as done by Gurkhali community. It was so done because this celebration was done to check the impact of epidemic disease on the population. It is believed that all the diseases of the village are indulged in the palanquin during the circumambulation in the village. This is the reason why Palanquin is taken to each door in the village from one end to another. Same performances were done by the neighbor villages to dispose the impact of diseases very far from the village limit. But presently Karbary grant villagers (Gurkhali) celebrate this occasion only and they leave palanquin in Yamuna River. Now a couple of pigeon is left free. This is done as a symbol of peace from very immemorial time. The pots (Lota) after the completion of worship are donated to the priest the sacred specialist. Now the Gurkhali wait for their share of ‘Parasad’. As Prasad, very big bread called ‘Rota’ is cooked and divided into equal shares in same number as per the numbers of households are Gurkhali hamlet. This distribution is followed by sacrifice of a Male-goat. The pieces of the meat of goat are also distributed equally into same number as per the number of households is in the Gurkha Hamlet. After the distribution of the Prasad people 488 Sacred Complex in Karbary Grant Village Karuna Shankar Pandey 489 cannot go to their home with meat. They have to cook the meat outside the village. On this occasion, Gurkhali call their relatives also. Each household cooks meat separately. They purchase more meat from market as per family requirement but it cannot be added with Prasad. Till the completion of this Puja, they cannot have food-intake. Thus, they cook their food this day as a celebration with relatives. In the evening they return to their homes. Almost all Gurkhali are non- vegetarian but some are vegetarian. Such Gurkhali family or members give their Prasad to others of their community member. Presently the temple is situated at the border of Jungle and it has taken the complex form with the several other gods temple in comparison to the original one. In the campus of the new temple (an outline is given in the appendices of this report), there is a temple of Lord Shiva, Lord Narshingha, and a Shivalinga. There is a sacrifice hole in the campus of this temple also. Besides these, there is a Dhuni (a very big Homalaya) where sacred woods and materials continuously burn. Generally, Brahmins do the sacred performances for their society but in Gurkha community Gurkha Brahmins do not participate in such activities even there are two families of Brahmins in Gurkhali hamlet. Thus, though there is no specific priest in the village from Gurkhali ethnic group. They fulfill their requirement by calling priest from nearby villages. Presently, there is a priest who is living in the village in a rented house. He is basically from Nepal but has acquired religious knowledge in Hardwar (Hardwar is famous and well known for centers of religious teachings for the Hindus). He works as priest for the villagers and also goes to Dehradun city in search of priesthood job. He works as priest during marriage ceremony in the village and outside the village also. Villagers are free to call any other priest from other village if require instead of a priest in the village. But they prefer to the priest available in the village. At Manak Siddha Baba temple, treacle (jiggery) is considered as sacred thing and traditionally it is offered to Manak Siddha Baba, and since it is limited to this sacred center and not offered commonly to any sacred center hence it is a feature of little tradition. But, since, devotees are in contact with other religious centers also; hence presently they offer other sacred things like milk and other sweets of milk but rarely. Later has been great tradition because it is widespread. Thus, there is coexistence of both the traditions. 1. Sacred Complex of Manak Siddha Baba Temple: - This is very ancient temple and according to the locals it is a Siddha (Proved) place. It is believed that Manak Baba had four brothers and all were saints. They were pious persons of Lord Shiva. They took trance (Samadhi) at the place of their meditation in the four directions of district Dehradun and all these sites are popular today as Siddha Peetha. Siddha means proved and Peetha is generally used for a place in the religious context. It is one of the four Siddha Peeth situated in or nearby Dehradun. The glory of this temple is very far away. In winter very few pilgrims come to visit this sacred center but in summer the number of pilgrims’ increases to somewhat 100 – 150 daily sometimes 500 per day. During summer, on each Sunday a sacred feast is organized in the campus of this temple. This is organized by the locals. For this collaborative organization, locals contribute work and wealth for the arrangement of required materials. This temple is under the supervision of villagers of Karbary Grant. Previously, this temple was under the jurisdiction of the saints of this temple but as about three generations ago, a saint tried to transfer the property to his son. When villagers came to know about this activity, they decided to constitute a committee. In beginning, Garhwali were the only members but later on Gurkhali were also started to become the member of this committee. Thus, presently it has been under supervision of both the communities. Presently, there is a President, a Secretary, a Treasurer and six other members in this committee. This temple is visited by all the religious people but Muslims come furtively as idol worship is not permitted in Islam religion. From March to August, pilgrims come in larger number and they organize feast. Before organization of the feast, it is required to take the permission from the chairman of the temple committee. This rule is made so that cleanness in the temple campus can be ascertained. Another sacred specialist is priest of Manak Siddha Baba Mandir. He has only responsibility to watch over the temple and manage the rituals in the temple time to time. He does not do door to door priest-hood but he looks after only the Manak Siddha Baba temple. There is a condition for being priest of the Manak Siddha Baba Temple that he should not be married. Annually, a feast is organized by the temple management on any Sunday in May, generally on first Sunday. The decision on feast is taken in a common meeting generally held in the last week of April. For it, major contribution is done by the villagers of Karbary Grant and management is done by the priest of the temple but people from outside village can also contribute in this feast and they do in a great number. As contribution, devout give sweet made of sugarcane, locally called Gur (Jiggery), milk, cereals, etc. In this temple Gur (Jiggery), is reputedly offered. Original Sacred Center of Manak Siddha Baba Temple: The original place of this temple (shown in the picture given above) is about 3 km inside the forest from present temple. Manak Siddha Baba is sitting here in the form of a stone. There is a shivalinga near Manak Siddha Baba. This indicates that he was a devout sage of Lord Shiva. This place is surrounded by Mango trees. At this place there is a cemented platform. Just beneath the stairs there is a sacrifice hole. Besides this feast, an Akhand Ramayana Path is organized by temple committee in Chaitra Month on eighth day of Navratra i.e. nine day holy celebration in the name of nine incarnations of Goddess Durga (a female Hindu deity). This is organized in the supervision of villagers and priest of the temple. Reciters come from the village but reciters are also called from other villages on payment to make successful the ritual. This center was not safe in past and it was not convenient for the pilgrims to visit it. Hence, a priest of this temple took a small part of stone from original place and kept it on present site. Thus, darshan (a holy visit) of Manak-Siddha Baba is made convenient to all the pilgrims. Visitors pay their visit to the original temple in summer and in day in all the seasons. Gurkhas are very religious from very beginning. They were tribal Buddhists but their doctrine and practices were different from other Buddhists since they were in contact with Nepali Hindus also. They believed in Hindu as well as in Buddhism. But when they came in contact afffinally of Indian Hindus (Kshatriya), they could not keep untouched themselves from Hinduism and from its doctrines and practices. 490 Sacred Complex in Karbary Grant Village Although, some lax in their religious obersavances, these mountain people were very fond of displaying of dancing, music, and general hilarity which were considered an indispensible adjunct to the majority of Hindu festivals. It just follows that these festivals, which differ but little from those practiced in Hindustan are celebrated throughout the length and breadth of the country with great enthusiasm. (Northey and Morris, 1974) Even hierarchal social structure was not in vogue in Gurkha society. Like other tribal society their society was harmonious and no social discrimination was like it is in Hindu society. But when they came in the contact of Hindu society they adopted the hierarchical system in their society. Even it is given in the history that Brahmins the highest caste came into existence very later in the Gurkha society, probably when they came to India. Presently hierarchical system is prevalent among the Karbary grant Gurkhas but feeling of un-touchability is totally absent among them. 3. Sacred Complex of Barah Bhagwan Temple: - This is located in the middle of the village. This temple is supervised by the Gurkhali. In this temple there is an idol of Barah Bhagwan. Presence of believe in Barah Bhagwan was very extraordinary in itself because it was first chance in when researcher could know about the worship of Barah Bhagwan. Hindu religious texts say that Lord Vishnu had taken several incarnations on this earth to kill demons. Barah is one of those incarnations. In Hindu religion, Lord Vishnu has very good status but there are only two incarnations which are commonly worshipped, one is of Lord Ram and other is of Lord Krishna. It was very interesting for researcher to know that Gurkhali worship the Barah Bhagwan daily. But in the month of April a special celebration for the Barah Bhagwan is done by the Gurkhali. This ceremony was started about four years ago and now it is celebrated every year. On this day they organize ‘Akhand Ramayana reciting’ and then they sing and dance overnight. They enjoy this occasion and invite their relatives for the celebration which is followed by feast also. Karuna Shankar Pandey 491 water and even do not allow touch of water to their lips. In evening, females wash feet of their husbands and drink same water used to wash the feet of their husbands to break their fast. This way, they complete their fast. This is celebrated during Shravan month on the day of Chauth (Fourth day after full lunar). 3. Kuldevata Pooja: - This is celebrated in Jyesthaya month according to Hindu calendar. The date of worship varies from household to household. On this occasion females are not allowed to participate in worship and only males do worship of Kul Devta and the ancestors. This celebration is done in the old houses of the Gurkhas and hence they keep their old houses even after they have brick made buildings. Mainly, this is a kind of ancestor worship. The prasad (sacred food offerings distributed after the completion of any worship in the name gods and goddesses) cannot be distributed to the members of other families even it cannot be distributed to the relatives. This is the only celebration among Gurkha community in which they cannot invite their relatives. Besides all above, Gurkhas celebrate all the Hindu festivals like diwali, Holi, Raksa Bandhan etc. The other main festival (except above) of the Gurkha is daisan which is popularly called as Deshahara in India. In ancient period even Gurkhas celebrate all the ten days but they celebrated especially last four days of this festival. They called these days with different names viz. seventh day Phulpati, Astami, Naumi, and Dashami to seventh, eighth, ninth and tenth respectively. Especially eighth day they celebrated very specially. On this day, they scarified buffaloes or goats. But presently it is not ubiquitous in Karbary grant and they celebrate the Deshahara with very reverence. 1. Sostanik Pooja: - It is very important for Gurkhali. It is celebrated during Magh (January- February) every year for a period of one month. This festival is described in Skanda Puran. On this occasion they worship their domestic deity and keep fast. Changes in Belief System: - It was the presumption of the researcher about this field that it would be a traditional village and structure of this village might give me some new results regarding the reasons why religious belief system is changing. Generally we think that today is a time of complex economy and youngsters face a hardcore problem of livelihood. They give their all time to plan for future security. Thus, they cannot give time to religious activities. This is very common idea one may think in case of towns and cities where primary sources of income are other than agriculture. But in case of a village, population primarily depends on agricultural practices and situation is completely different in the villages. With above presumption that they are villagers and agriculturists, Researcher thought that reasons of changes in belief system would be related to agricultural practices. But the scenario in this village was different. This village falls under village list in government record but the look of village and their ways of living are not like villagers but like that of town. It is so because they are near to city but several families have at least one government job. Almost all families visit Dehradun (nearest city to the village) daily. It means, they are in direct contact with urban culture regularly. Hence, they have adopted several urban cultural elements. Along with this, they are good agriculturists also. Thus, they lie somewhere in between urban and rural culture that was beyond my imagination prior to the field visit. 2. Haritalika Tees: - It is a festival for long life of husband. On this occasion females keep fast for the long life of their husbands. Throughout the day females do not drink Females of Gurkhali community keep all religious fasts throughout year. Even in all families, only females take participation in religious performances in houses. In maximum So far as the sacred specialist at Barah Bhagwan temple is concerned, there is no special sacred specialist is. Villagers are the true worshippers at this center. Coexistence of both the traditions (Little and great traditions) is seemingly present in the reciting of Akhand Ramayan during annual worship of Barah Bhagwan. This reciting is part of great tradition which was about four years ago associated with traditional Barah Bhagwan worship and now has been part of the celebration. Thus, they celebrate Barah Bhagwan worship day traditionally but has been adapted reciting Akhand Ramayana which represents great tradition. Festivals performed by the Gurkha community: 492 Karuna Shankar Pandey Sacred Complex in Karbary Grant Village cases, males accept that they visit temples with their wives. Males have not visited any temple with their own consents but with wife’s. But one thing was very interesting that “they have more belief in religion presently in comparison to past. In past, they had no more knowledge about religion. They knew only the names of gods and goddesses. They were depended on priests for a simple worship also. They could never worship daily but now they can read religious texts and can understand the meanings. They do not have to call priest for regular worship. They require priest on special occasion only.” Thus they have belief that they are more religious at present. One reason what they find behind it, is the means of communication. They reported that they like to see all the religious programs telecasted by different TV channels. This has also given them support to know more about religion. Accessibility of religious texts has also become very easy now. When religious belief is compared among three generations, it is very clear that youngsters are very casual towards religion whereas elders especially those who are above 50 years are serious towards religion i.e. they generally worship daily. But when youngsters especially males start any new work, they believe to start with the taking of the name of gods and goddesses. But they regularly do not go to temple for worship. Yet they deny saying that they have no belief in religion. At present Gurkha are Hindu by religion but some have visited the shrines of other religion nearby Dehradun but not for the purpose of worship but those were part of their tourism. Each family makes a temple in their houses. They worship daily in their houses and occasionally they visit the temples. They generally visit Manak Siddha temple but sometimes visit temples situated in the nearby villages and in Dehradun city, viz. Tapkeshwar temple in Dehradun, Dat wali ma temple on Dehradun- Shimla highway. Very few members from this ethnic group have also visited temples like Vaishno Devi temple in Jammu, Golden temple in Amritsar, etc. In some families if any person performs religious performances especially elder one and generally females, no other family member does sacred performances in the domestic temple because it is so believed that at least a single member from the family should light the lamp and Agarbatti before the gods and goddesses while other family members may do also but not necessarily. In some cases of Gurkha community, change in religious pattern is not very clear. In case of Sansari Devi worship they seemed to be very traditional. Even all enjoy this worship but size of gathering is decreasing. They go to collect Prasad because they fear from the curse of goddess but they do not go to participate in rituals. In past after the gathering of all the members of this community from the village, the celebration took place. But now a day, people wait for palanquin at door and they come to jungle after some time when they think that worship has been completed. Even there are some who never come in this celebration and a member of his family goes to collect Prasad. In many cases people like to adopt the changes. In case of religion also it is followed. Actually in many cases, people could not get achievement what they expect from any visit of sacred center or doing sacred performances. Hence, people always try to find new 493 trend in religious belief so that they can achieve their wish. Thus, acceptable changes immediately become part of religion. Another thing is curiosity of human being to know and adopt new things. When an individual comes in contact with other community or society and he finds any interesting performance that may helpful to get the desired results so he tries to adopt that. This is another fact which introduces changes in cultural body of society. Conclusion This report is focusing majorly on the set up of sacred complex in the Gurkhali hamlet of Karbary Grant village. Starting from the sacred complex of Sansari Devi worship it ends at the changing pattern of religious belief system. The first and the most important sacred complex is sacred complex of Sansari Devi. Though, in Karbary grant village, the sacred geography may be divided into three parts first is Sansari Devi worship centers which are scattered in the Gurkha hamlet of the village. Second is of Manak Siddha Baba temple, and third is Barah Bhagwan temple. In this report all the temple is taken as sacred complex independently. Sacred complex of Sansari Devi is union of the centers where the worship is done, sacred specialist who perform the worship along with the participants and sacred performances. Sansari Devi festival is celebrated with very reverence. It took a whole day for celebration and preparation is started very before to the commencement of the day of worship. This is celebrated for the welfare of the society by disposing the epidemics (it is so believed that all the diseases are taken into the palanquin by the goddess Sansari Devi during the worship and with such believe palanquin is taken at each door of the Gurkhali village hamlet) outside the village boundary with the palanquin. This worship is one type of remedial worship done for the healthy society of the Gurkha. Sacred complex of Manak Siddha Baba temple is union of the sacred centers viz. Manak Siddha Baba Temple, Shivalaya, Narsingha Temple, sacred specialist who supervise the temple and third is the annual Bhandara celebrated at this complex. Manak Siddha Baba temple was represented by a throne of stone and situated in the middle part of jungle. It was not at the safe place for the pilgrims. Later on a part of the stone is brought from the forest to the outside of the forest to make more convenient for the pilgrims. Presently, this temple has taken the form of a sacred cluster including the temple of Shiva, Narshingha Bhagwan and Shivalinga along with Manak Siddha Baba temple. This temple is visited by a sacred specialist deployed by the villagers. Sacred specialist should be unmarried. Annual feast is the most popular festival at this sacred center celebrated by the villagers. Same way sacred center of Barah Bhagwan temple comprises of Barah Bhagwan temple and the sacred performance the reciting of Akhand Ramayana. Since there is no sacred specialist at this center, hence he is not included but the villagers are discussed only as sacred specialists. Next sacred center is Barah Bhagwan temple which is located in the 494 Karuna Shankar Pandey Sacred Complex in Karbary Grant Village middle of the temple. This is constructed about few decades back. Villagers are the supervisor and the only worshippers. At this center in the month of April a special celebration for the Barah Bhagwan is done by the Gurkhali. This ceremony was started about four years ago and now it is celebrated every year. On this day they organize ‘Akhand Ramayana reciting’ and then they sing and dance overnight. Finally, focus on the changes on religious belief system is explained in the reference of Gurkha which lies on some parameters. Ultimately it determines the way of life in the society and up to some level members from each society demands automatically changes for their better survival. If changes are acceptable to all the members then these become the part of religion otherwise it may take form of a new cult. Acceptance of changes is not a fast process but it happens very slowly and one cannot understand it immediately. Since, religion is related to faith in unseen power, hence, people fear primarily to adapt the changes but steadily they try to adapt these changes in their life. Undoubtedly, changes in belief system exist but it does not mean that impact of religion is decreasing or increasing. It is a subjective phenomenon. If we say it is decreasing it may be concluded by the fact that people cannot give time for the rituals which take more time like Akhand Ramayana, Sri Mad-Bhagwat Geeta Path, etc. because it takes several days. Whereas if we say it is increasing it may be concluded from the fact that they like to give their valuable time in worship by their own mode. Thus, religious belief system is modifying and we cannot study this change on the basis of decreasing or increasing impact but what can be studied only the modified form of belief system and whenever these changes are not acceptable, new cult or religion comes into existence. Thus, change in religious belief system is a continuous process. Sometimes people could not know how those changes came but when they compare from their past they find changes but sometimes they adopt some cultural elements in a very natural way also like the reciting of Akhand Ramayana on the occasion of Barah Bhagwan worship. But, the utmost important thing is coexistence of little and great traditions. In context of religion, Gurkha is very simple society but here coexistence of little and great traditions is frequently presented. Bibliography Jha, Makhan 1971 The Sacred Complex of Janakpur in Nepal: Allahabad, The United Publishers. Jha, Makhan 1978 Aspects Of a Great Traditional City in Nepal, Varansai, Kishor Vidyaniketan,. Mair, Lucy 1965 An Introduction to Social Anthropology; New Delhi, Oxford University Press. Northey, W.B. and C. J. Morris 1974 The Gurkhas; Delhi, Cosmo Publications. 495 Sharma, Prayag Raj 1968 The Nepalese Culture: Its Historuical Background; Nepal Review 1:2, pp.7-16 Singer, Milton 1975 Traditional India: Structure and Change, Chicago. Singer, Milton 1958 Structure and Change in Indian society, Chicago. Vidyarthi, L.P. 1961 Sacred Complex in Hindu Gaya; Bombay : Asia Publishing House. 496 Jr. Anth. Survey of India, 61 : 2 (497-507), 2012 Migration pattern and kinship system among Gurkha community in Karbari Grants, Dehradun - A critical appraisal to bio-social perspective. Mr. Subrata Kundu1 ABSTRACT The Gurkha community are originally from Nepal but after migration to this area their culture somewhere differes from their natal place. The present paper highlights about their kinship system. In Himalayan region each community has terms of relationship for both paternal and maternal lines and also acknowledges bilateral kinship. INTRODUCTION At the end of the twentieth century the complex career path of one of anthropology’s most famous domains of inquiry-kinship about to take another unexpected turn. Studies in kinship and the related institutions of marriage and family, have until recently been central to anthropological investigation and debate. As Ladislav Holy remarks (1996:1) “if there was a subject which anthropologist could have rightly claimed to be their own, it was kinship”, and thus the problem of handling the topic of kinship cross- culturally is the key to understanding the historical development of a large majority of anthropology’s central analysis concept theories and methods. The issue of kinship becomes therefore the topic through which the most able minds in the history of anthropology could display their erudition. As a result, kinship was that aspect of social life that become the linchpin for the unfolding of all the grand paradigms of though within anthropology, whether it be Morgan’s narrative of evolutionism (1871) of Malinowski’s of functionalism (1930), Redcliffe Brown’s of structural-functionalism (1962 [1952]), Levi - Strass’s of structuralism (1969a [1949]). As Robin Fox could comment in (1967:10) ‘kinship is to anthropology what logic is to philosophy or the nude is to art; it is the basic discipline of the subject.’ Today anthropologist demonstrates such a decided lack of interest in the topic of kinship that it is tempting to declare it no longer to be a key concept. According to David Schneider 1Projeet Research Assistant, Anthropological Survey of India, Dehradun. 498 Migration pattern ......... bio-social perspective Mr. Subrata Kundu (1984) ‘kinship studies were the heart beat of the discipline of anthropology. All the perils of the modernist stories through which anthropology develop as a field of study are highlighted in those passionate debates about the substance of kinship.’ (Rapport & Overing, 2000: 217) In Himalayan region, every community has terms of relationship for both the paternal and maternal lines and in so far acknowledges bilateral kinship. The two sides of the family are reckoned with not only join vocabulary but in customary law, definite functions being associated with definite types of relationship. (Parmar, 1975:151) Area and People Gurkha Community Of Karbari Grant, Sahas Pur, Dehradun Karbari Grant is a village of Dehradun district of Uttarakhand state. It is situated between 30° 35 N latitude and 77° 94' E longitudes. Karbari Grant is a village in Sahaspur block (vikaskhand). The village Karbari Grant is situate of 14 km. far from proper Dehradun. The village is multi ethnic. The major population of the village is Gurkha and other few families like Garhwali, Punjabi etc. reside there. Total number of house-holds of Karbari Grant village is 322 and total population is 1590. Among the total population, number of male is 758 and number of female is 832. Sex ratio: 1098 (female per 1000 male). Literacy rate of this Gurkha population of Karbari Grant village is 79.33 % (Census of India, 2001). 499 Administrative Location Village : Karbari Grant Vikaskhand (Block) : Sahaspur Tehsil : Vikas Naga District : Dehradun State : Uttarakhand Total Population : 1590 a) Male : 758 b) Female : 832 About the Gurkha Karbari Grant The Gurkha Karbari hamlet is mostly populated by Gurkhas along with a few Garhwali families and a Punjabi family residing in it. The Hamlet had about 104 Gurkha Households with a population of about 529. About the Community of Gurkha of the Village Karbari Grant Village Total No. of Households Total No. of Population Total No. of Male Total No. of Female Karbari Grant 322 1590 758 832 (Census of India, 2001) Total Male Population Total Female Population % of Male Population % of Female Population Village Literacy Rate Male Literacy Female Literacy Karbari Grant 79.33% 86.41% 72.97% (Census of India, 2001) Male Literacy Rate (%) Female Literacy Rate (%) The Gurkha people of this Karbari Grant are originally Nepal origin but though their culture somewhere differs from original Nepali culture in many aspects. Marriage can take place at any time after the age of 7. It is considered good to get a girl married before she reaches the age of 13. But now this concept is almost change. If a boy without being engaged to her meets a girl, fall in love, run away and marries her, he and his bride cannot approach the girl’s father until called by him. When the father-in-law relents, he will send word telling the boy that he may present himself with his wife at his home on a certain hour of a certain day. On their arrival the father-in-law will paint a spot on their foreheads with a mixture of rice and dahi (Tika Dinnu Garnu) and then the boy and girl will have to make submission by bending down and saluting him. This is usually the Gurkha people denoted “Dhok Dinnu”. Amongst Magars it is customary for marriage to be performed by Brahmans, and the ceremony is conducted in much the same way as the ordinary Hindu Marriage. These Gurkha people use to speak Nepali language when they are talking with each other usually. But they also have known Hindi language as well. They use to speak Hindi with outsider. Their kinship system is almost alike Hindu kinship system. Almost everything is same with Hindu kinship system culture. Not they use their own kinship terminology. They use to call ‘Baba ’ for father and ‘Ama’ for mother. Grand father is called by ‘Baje’ and grandmother is called by 'Bajai’. ‘Dai’ is used for big brother. ‘Nad’ for grandson and ‘Natini’ are used for granddaughter. 500 i. Migration pattern ......... bio-social perspective Mr. Subrata Kundu Older Generations (a) 501 3. Younger Generation (continued) Jiju Great-grandfather (Jiju-baje haru... forefathers) Jiju ama (Jyama) Great-grandmother; ancestress Baje Grandfather (pat. Ghara ko baje; mat. Maula ko baje) Bhatijo Nephew (elder or young brother’s son) Bhanjo (Bhanij) Nephew (elder or younger sister’s son; or locally - son of female cousin) Niece (elder or younger brother’s daughter) Bajai (Bajyai) Grandmother (pat. Ghara ki bajai; mat. Mania ki bajai) Bhatiji Babu (Ba) Father (loosely - uncle) Bhanji Niece (elder or younger sister’s daughter; also wife of Bhanjo) Ama Mother (loosely - aunt; Ama babu, parents; Dudh ama... foster mother) Bhado (Bhadaha) Nephew (a woman’s brother’s or sister’s son) Sasura Father-in-law (loosely - sister’s husband’s father) Bhadai Niece (a woman’s brother’s or sister’s daughter) Sasu Mother-in-law (loosely, her sister; also loosely... sister’s husband’s mother and wife’s elder sister; or locally... wife of brother’s son; also, Sasu bajai... mother-in-law) Juwain Son-in-law (also brother-in-law, husband of Baini; loosely - niece’s (Bhanji’s husband) Jethaba/Kaka Uncle (father’s elder / younger brother; loosely... mother’s sister’s husband) Buhari Mama (X) Uncle (Mother’s elder or younger brother) Daughter-in-law (loosely - also wife of grandson; also sister-in-law (wife of Bhai), or loosely - nephew’s wife) Phupu (Y) Aunt (Father’s elder or younger sister) Bhatije Juwain Nephew-in-law (husband of brother’s daughter) Chhyama Aunt (Mother’s elder or younger sister) Bhatije buhari Niece-in-law (wife of brother’s son) Phupajyo (Pusai) Kaki Uncle (husband of Phupu) Bhanje juwain Niece-in-law (wife of sister’s son) Maiju Aunt (wife of KLaka; locally - mother’s elder or younger sister) Aunt (wife of Mama; loosely - mother-in-law) Bhanje buhari Niece-in-law (w7ife of sister’s son) 4. Relations other than Blood 1. Older Generations (continued) Mused 2. Own Generation (continued) Mother’s sister’s family (Mused bhai - mother’s sister’s son) (X) Amongst Gurungs and Tamangs only wife’s father (Y) Amongst Gurungs and Tamangs only wife’s mother A Gurung’s, or Tamang’s, wife’s parents are known by the same term as that used for father’s sister and mother’s brother because the son or daughter, i.e. Solti or Soltini, of either of these relatives is the correct and usual marriage partner. (b) The undermentioned four pairs of synonymous terms vary from family to family in their particular application: Father’s elder brother Husband of mother’s elder H (i) Jethababu (Jethaba) Uncle sister (locally -Mother’s [elder Thulobabu (Bara babu) brother) (ii) Jethi ama Thuli ama (Bari ama) Aunt Mother’s elder sister Wife of father’s elder brother, Father’s first wife (locally - father’s elder sister) N.B : Bara ama - Grandmother, sometimes. (iii) Kanchho ba (babu) Sana babu (iv) Kanchhi ama Sani ama Father’s younger brother Husband of mother’s younger Uncle sister. Mother’s second husband (locally - Mother’s younger brother) Aunt Mother’s younger sister Wife of father’s younger brother Father’s co-wife Step-mother (locally -father’s younger sister) Dewar Brother-in-law (husband’s younger brother) Sala Brother-in-law (wife’s younger brother; also a term of abuse for anyone else: Magars only - son of mother’s sister) Sali Sister-in-law (wife’s younger sister; Magars only - daughter of mother’s sister) Own Generations Widow Samdi Samdini This is the relationship between the parents of a man and his wife. Thus if A marries B, their respective parents are Samdi and Samdini to each other Brother-in-law (husband of Amaju) Jhadkelo Prefix added to step-children Brother-in-law (husband of Nanda) Jamlyaha (Jaumle) Twins Jethan didi Sister-in-law (wife of Jethan; also wife’s elder sister) Dewarani (Dewarani bhaini) Sister-in-law (wife of Dewar; also husband’s younger sister) Solti Brother-in-law or sister-in-low (brother or sister of brother’s wife or sister’s husband; also cousin; also boy friend; Gurungs and Tamangs only - Mother’s brother’s child) Soltini Sometimes used for female Solti (also girl friend) Sant bhai, Sam daju Brother-in-law (wife’s sister’s husband) Logne (Poi) Husband (wife may call him Swami) Swasni (Joi) Wife (her parents’ home is ‘Mait’) Santa Co-wife Nati Grandson (alsogreat-nephew, sister’s son’s child) Bhauyu Sister in-law (wife of Daju) Natini Bhena (Bhinajyu) Brother-in-law (husband of Didi) Granddaughter (also great-niece, sister’s son’s child) Jethajyu Brother-in-law (husband’s elder brother) Panati Great-grandson Jethan Brother-in-law (wife’s elder brother) Panatini Great-granddaughter Baini Widower Ranri Nanda daju Younger sister (loosely - cousin; also younger brother-in-law’s wife) Elder sister (loosely - cousin; also elder brother-in-law’s wife) Adopted daughter Ranra Amaju daju Daughter (locally -specially among Gurungs, brother’s daughter; loosely - niece or co-wife’s sister’s daughter) Younger brother (loosely - cousin) Didi Adopted son Dharm Putri Sister-in-law (husband’s younger sister) Chhori Bhai Female Mit Dliarm Putra Sister-in-law (husband’s elder sister) Son (locally - specially among Gurungs, brother’s son; loosely - nephew, or wife’s sister’s son) Elder brother (loosely - cousin) Mitni Nanda Chhoro Daju (Dai) The mother or father of a Mit Amaju 3. Younger Generation 2. Mit ama Mit babu 502 Migration pattern ......... bio-social perspective Objective 1. To create historical reconstruction and migratory pattern and marriage distance. 2. To create the database of genealogy of Gurkha societies. 3. To collect their family data, taboos, relation among family members and other related people of said society. 4. To make a study on the basis of their disease pattern among the population of Gurkha society in Gurkha Karbari Grant. 5. To make a study on the basis of their kinship terminology of this said community. Methodology 1. Data collected on the population based on: Mr. Subrata Kundu 503 in this village named Mahesh Lai Beez (Genealogy No. - 20) whose birth place is Pakistan. His parents are basically Pakistani Punjabi. Fie came in this village through his friend and settled there. His son married with a Delhi girl named Rajni Beez. Household No.93, (Genealogy No. - 57) Saraswati Devi’s (58 years) grandfather Devi Singh Rana migrated from Almora. Few people also in this village are migrated from Saharanpur due to marriage or other purpose. These Gurkha people use to speak Nepali language when they are talking with each other usually. But they also have known Hindi language as well. They use to speak Hindi with outsider. Their kinship system is almost alike Hindu kinship system. Almost everything is same with Hindu kinship system culture. Nut they use their own kinship terminology. They use to call ‘Baba ' for father and ‘Ama’ for mother. Grand father is called by ‘Baje’ and grandmother is called by ‘Bajai. ‘Dai’ is use for brother. ‘Natl ’ for grandson and ‘Natini’ is use for granddaughter. 2. Observation method (Participation) 3. Interview technique (semi structured) 4. Schedule 5. The generated data analyzed by appropriate statistical tools. CHART SHOWING GURKHA FAMILY RELATIONSHIPS Discussion The Gurkha community of the Gurkha Karbardi Grant, Dehradun is mainly migrated from the country Nepal. Mainly two or three generation ago the Gurkha people came from Nepal. These people were ex-military persons for service purpose they come in India and resided in Karbari Grant. Few families like Kishan Bahadur Grurng (Genealogy No. - 33) and his wife Meena Gurung just came from Nepal approx. 6 years ago and his son, Raju Gurung’s birth place is Nagaland (India). Now he lives in Nepal. Tula Ram Gurung and his wife Radha Devi (Genealogy No. - 40), they came from Nepal in the year 1975 and settled in Karbari Grant. Radhika Sharma, wife of Santosh Sharma (Genealogy No. -11) born in Dhangiri (Nepal) and after that marries Santosh (born and lie in India) and live in India. Kishan Bahadur Gurung (Genealogy No. - 46) also a retired army man, came from Nepal in his age 17 years and reside in this village with his family. Another example of Padma Mall family (Genealogy No. - 63). Padma Mall, wode of Ramesh Mall, born and brought up in Nepal but after married she live in India, with a son Parash Mall. Another person named Aanth Veer (Genealogy No. - 81) migrated from Okhal Danga (Nepal). The people of this village believed that Uttarakhand was a part of Nepal in previous days. After that the Maharaja of Nepal gifted this land to Indian Government. They think that this land of their own mother land. That’s why the Gurkha people of this village are still in regular contact with Nepal. Few are regular goes in Nepal for their home town. Except Nepal few people come from Garhwal side of Uttarakhand. Family of Pancham Singh Thalcur came from Poudi Garhwal. Bahadur Singh (Genealogy No. - 19) came from Pithoragarh and after that settled in Gorkha Karbari Grant. From Shila, Dhim Singh Thalcur came and settled here. In this village so many people also come from nearby villages like Chandrabani, SelaQui, Anarwala, Mehuwala, Mobbewala and also from Kaulagarh, Balliwala, Ballupur etc. in Dehradun. There is one Punjabi family lived (See also Explanatory Notes) 504 505 Migration pattern ......... bio-social perspective Mr. Subrata Kundu Amongst Magars it is customary for marriage to be performed by Brahmans, and the ceremony is conducted in much the same way as the ordinary Hindu Marriage. The data base genealogy on this Gurkha community of Karbari Grant is also shows some family diseases. One common case in almost one or two members’ even more than two members in a single family is ‘High Blood Pressure’. Almost every Gorkha people like spicy food in their food pattern. They are from army. So almost every army men are take alcohol regularly. All these reason may their blood pressure remain high almost every time. Except blood pressure there are few more diseases are there which become family disease, and affected by this generation after generation. Among these one is ‘Sinus’. Household no 118 (c) Beena Rana (52 years old) and Sattu Sing Rana (62 years) (Genealogy No.-29) family, in this family all these family members are affected by ‘sinus’. Another family disease found i.e, ‘blood sugar’, Radhika Bhandari (42 years old) (Genealogy No.-26) and her mother Shanti Devi (61 years old) is affected in blood sugar. ‘Hypertension’ is another example. Santosh Sharma (48 years old) (Genealogy No.-11) and his elder brother are affected by hypertension. There are few common diseases also found in the genealogy study in this community. Bhim Bahadur Gurung (72 years old) (Genealogy No.-19) is suffering in ‘Diabetics’. Santosh Sharma also suffered by high blood pressure. The family of Puran Sing Gurung (58 years old) is suffered by thyroid. Soham Rana’s father was died by tuberculosis. Kishan Bahadur Gurung’s (Genealogy No.-33) one daughter was died in thyroid age at 18 years. Hemlata Gurung (Genealogy No.-36) (39 years old) and her husband Surendra Gurung (50 years old) were paralyzed in right hand and her son Kalu Gurung was dead by polio at 2 years. Usha Gurung (Genealogy No.-107) was a daughter of Ramesh Gurung dead by pneumonia. These retired military are being treated in Military Hospital in Dehradun mainly and they are also getting monthly check-up facility as well in this hospital. The Gurkha people are now quite liberal about marriage, with only Gurkha people. In this village, there are many families whose sons and daughters married with non-Gurkha people. Intercast marriage is now very common in this village. Many Gurkha boys and girls have marriage in Garhwali community. In Gurkha community, there are many caste system i.e., Sharma, Khanal, Gautam, Acharya are considered as higher caste {Brahmin). Thakur, Shahi, Chhetri, Mall, considered after Brahmin (Kshetri). And after that all these Gurung, Thapa, Magar etc. are considered as third place. Among Gurung there are four classes in higharchy. Lama, Lamcha, Ghala, Godhane is placed respectively. Now a days intercaste marriages are usually happened in this community of this village. Devendra Singh Chhetri (Genealogy No. - 91) married with Rachna Shahi (Shahi is an upper caste in Gurkha community). Puspa, sister of Devendra Singh Shahi married with an Agarwal family (Vinod Agarwal). There is an example of love-marriage, Neelam Mall (Now Neelam Chhetri) have marriage with Rahul Chhetri (Genealogy No.-92). Neelam Mall is sister of Kuldeep Mall, one is famous person in this village. The Gurkha family in this village marriage their daughter in other caste and also accept other caste’s daughters as their son’s wife as well. There is only one example of inter-religious marriage. A Gurkha girl marriage with a muslim community boy. Another exceptional love marriage in this village is about Pampha Devi (Genealogy No.-l). Her husband name is Keshab Bahadur, who is also husband of her (Pampha Devi) elder sister, Pravati Devi. Interesting is, this is happened almost 27 years ago, though at that time it was accepted in her family members. But the relation between two sisters and their children are very friendly. Usually marriages in own caste are also very common in this Gurkha community in this village. Sahi with Sahi, Sharma with Sharma, Kshetri with Kshetri, Magar with Thapa or Gurung are very common. This Gurkha people get married with also their relative. There is some taboo in marriage almost like Hindu custom, but in relatives, it is usually practiced. Few cases are there in this community that one people had married two or more than two woman (polygyny). Keshab Bahadur (Genealogy No.-l) example is already given above. There is another example of Kishan Bahadur Gurung (Genealogy No.-33), age 68 years old. He came from Nepal almost 20 years ago and settled in Gurkha Karbari Grant. His present wife’s name is Meena Gurung. But he had married also two times before when he lived in Nepal. And his previous two wives were live together with him. Now these two wives were dead. Raju Gurung (Genealogy No.- 33) is a son of Kishan Bahadur Gurung and his first wife. He also married (3 times) and now he lived with his all wives in Nepal. According to Kishan Bahadur Gurung, more than one wife allow in Nepal. One man cans marries more than one woman and it’s by Government rule in Nepal. Gobardhan Thapa is brother of Madhu Sing Thapa (Genealogy No.-lOl) also married twies. Another name is Sanjay Thapa (Genealogy No.-51) is elder brother of Sukhdev Thapa also Married twies. In both cases one wife had died. Conclusion Karbari Grant is a village of Dehradun district of Uttarakhand state. The Gurkha community of the Gurkha Karbardi Grant, Dehradun is mainly migrated from the country Nepal. Mainly two or three generation ago the Gurkha people came from Nepal. These people were ex-military persons for service purpose they come in India and resided in Karbari Grant. The people of this village believed that this Uttarakhand was a part of Nepal in previous days. After that the Maharaja of Nepal gifted this land to Indian Government. They think that this land of their own mother land. That’s why the Gurkha people of this village are still in regular contact with Nepal. Few are regular goes in Nepal for their home town. Except Nepal few families come from Garhwal side of Uttarakhand. In this village so many people also come from nearby villages like Chandrabani, SelaQui, Anarwala, Mehuwala, Mobbewala and also from Kaulagarh, Balliwala, Ballupur etc. in Dehradun. Few people also in this village are migrated from Saharanpur due to marriage or other purpose. These Gurkha people use to speak Nepali language when they are talking with each other usually. But they also have known Hindi language as well. They use to speak Hindi with outsider. Their kinship system is almost alike Hindu kinship system. Almost everything 506 Migration pattern ......... bio-social perspective is same with Hindu kinship system culture. Nut they use their own kinship terminology. They use to call ‘Baba’ for father and ‘Ama’ for mother. Grand father is called by ‘Baje’ and grandmother is called by ‘Bajai ‘Dai is use for brother. 'Natl' for grandson and ‘Natini’ is use for granddaughter. Also few common example of kinship terminology are ‘Dai’, ‘Bhai’, ‘Didi’, ‘Baini’ ‘Bhauyu’, ‘Jethan’, ‘Solti’ etc. The Gurkha people of this Karbari Grant are originally Nepal origin but though their culture somewhere differs from original Nepali culture in many aspects. Marriage can take place at any time after the age of 7. It is considered good to get a girl married before she reaches the age of 13. But now this concept is almost change. If a boy without being engaged to her, meets a girl, fall in love, run away and marries her, he and his bride cannot approach the girl’s father until called by him. When the father-in-law relents, he will send word telling the boy that he may present himself with his wife at his home on a certain hour of a certain day. On their arrival the father-in-law will paint a spot on their foreheads with a mixture of rice and dahi (Tika Dinnu Garnu) and then the boy and girl will have to make submission by bending down and saluting him. This is usually the Gurkha people denoted “Dhok Dinnu". Amongst Magars it is customary for marriage to be performed by Brahmans, and the ceremony is conducted in much the same way as the ordinary Hindu Marriage. Mr. Subrata Kundu 507 Referance Morris, C. J. & Northey, W.B. 1974 : “The Gurkhas; Their Manner, Customs and Country”. Delhi, Cosmo Publications. Ministry of Defence 1965 : “Nepal and The Gurkhas” Her Majesty’s Stationery Office, London James, H. & Sheil-Small, D. 1965 : The Gurkhas, London, Macdonald & Co., (Pub.) Ltd. Vansittart, E. 1980 : “The Goorkhas”. New Delhi, Ariana Publishing House. Bolt David. 1967 : “Gurkhas”. London, Weidenfeld and Nicolson. Farwell, B. 1984 : “The Gurkhas”. London, Allen Kane, Penguin Books Ltd. Ferraro, G. 1992 : “Cultural Anthropology-An Applied Perspective”. New York, West Publishing Company. Bhatt, S.C. & Bhargava, G.K. 2005 : “Land and People-of Indian States and Union Territories-Uttranchal”. Delhi, Kalpaz Publications, vol-27. The Gurkha people are now quite liberal about marriage, with only Gurkha people. In this village, there are many families whose sons and daughters married with non-Gurkha people. Intercast marriage is now very common in this village. Many Gurkha boys and girls have marriage in Garhwali community. In Gurkha community, there are many caste system i.e., Sharma, Khanal, Gautam, Acharya are considered as higher caste {Brahmin). Thakur, Shahi, Chhetri, Mall, considered after Brahmin (Kshetri). And after that all these Gurung, Thapa, Magar etc. are considered as third place. Among Gurung there are four classes in higharchy. Lama, Lamcha, Ghala, Godhane is placed respectively. Rapport, N. & Overing, J. 2000 : “Social and Cultural Anthropology - TheKey Concept”. London and New York, Routledge. Taylor &Francis Group. Srivastava, A. R. N. 2005 : The data base genealogy on this Gurkha community of Karbari Grant is also shows some family diseases. One common case in almost one or two members’ even more than two members in a single family is ‘High Blood Pressure’. “Essentials of Cultural Anthropolgy”. New Delhi, Prentice Hall of India Private Limited. Schweitzer, P.P. (Ed) : “Dividends of Kinship-Meaning and uses of social relatedness”. London and New York, Routledge. Taylor & Francis Group. Almost every Gorkha people like spicy food in their food pattern. They are from army. So almost every army men are take alcohol regularly. All these reason may their blood pressure remain high almost every time. Except blood pressure there are few more diseases are there which become family disease, and affected by this generation after generation like ‘Sinus’ ‘Blood Sugar’ ‘Hypertension’ ‘Diabetics’ ‘Tuberculosis. Except these few disease such as ‘Thyroid’, ‘Paralyzed’, ‘Polio’, ‘Pneumonia’ also found but these are not family disease. These retired military are being treated in Military Hospital in Dehradun mainly and they are also getting monthly check-up facility as well in this hospital. 508 Jr. Anth. Survey of India, 61 : 2 (509-521), 2012 “Health Care Practices and Traditional Medicine of Gorkha Population in the Village Karbari Grant” Arnab Mukherjee1 ABSTRACT Traditional knowledge plays a great rule for most of the ethnic groups in countryside for their sustenance. The present paper highlights the health care practices among the Gorkha commnity and the empirical data were collected from Karbari grant village. INTRODUCTION Health and disease are measures of the effectiveness with which human groups, combining cultural and biological resources, adaptation to their environment. Every culture irrespective of its simplicity and complexity has its own beliefs and practices concerning diseases. The culture of community determines its health culture. Health problems and practices of any community are profoundly influenced by interplay of complex social, economic and political factors. Due to the belief in supernatural elements and religion in matters concerning health, the rural people and the tribes are almost invariably found to response faith in diviners or the traditional medicine men, sorcerers and shamans. However, tribes and rural people are not averse in accepting western medicine, whenever available Ethno medicine deals with those beliefs and practices relating to health and disease, which are the products of indigenous cultural development. Traditional medicine is the sum total of knowledge, skills and practices based on the theories, beliefs and experiences indigenous to different cultures that are used to maintain health, as well as to prevent, diagnose, improve or treat physical and mental illnesses. Traditional medicine that has been adopted by other populations (outside its indigenous culture) is often termed alternative or complementary medicine. Herbal remedies are considered the oldest forms of health care known to mankind on this earth. Prior to the development of modern medicine, the traditional systems of medicine that have evolved over the centuries within various communities, are still maintained as a great traditional knowledge base in herbal medicines (Mukherjee and Wahil, 2006). Traditionally, this treasure of knowledge has been passed on orally from generation to generation without any written document (Perumal samy and Ignacimuthu, 2000) and this is found among many indigenous people even today. 1Anthropological Survey of India, Dehradun. 510 511 “Health Care Practices ............ Village Karbari Grant” Arnab Mukherjee In some Asian and African countries, 80% of the population depends on traditional medicine for primary health care. In many developed countries, 70% to 80% of the population has used some form of alternative or complementary medicine (e.g. acupuncture) (W.H.O Report). informants were identified after preliminary discussion with the people. Voucher of the encountered plant species were collected and identified by specialists. Surveys, personal interviews and group discussions as participatory rural appraisal (PRA) technique were applied to reveal the specific information about the traditional healing practices and ethno medicinal uses of plants. Local healers, experienced aged persons were consulted for information on folk uses of plants, which was further authenticated by cross checking with key informants. The key informant was experienced older person. Not many countries have national policies for traditional medicine. Regulating traditional medicine products, practices and practitioners is difficult due to variations in definitions and categorizations of traditional medicine therapies. A single herbal product could be defined as a food, a dietary supplement or a herbal medicine, depending on the country. This disparity in regulations at the national level has implications for international access and distribution of products. Herbal materials for products are collected from wild plant populations and cultivated medicinal plants. The expanding herbal product market could drive over-harvesting of plants and threaten biodiversity. Poorly managed collection and cultivation practices could lead to the extinction of endangered plant species and the destruction of natural resources. Efforts to preserve both plant populations and knowledge on how to use them for medicinal purposes is needed to sustain traditional medicine. The practice of using herbs to treat diseases dates back to the very earliest period of known human history. Due to constant intimacy with vegetation cover, primitive societies have gained profound knowledge about the medicinal utilities of plants. They have full faith in them and their time tested medicines. These medicinal plants obviously need correct botanical identity and other scientific confirmation for the facts and acceptance. According to Edwards (2004). about two-thirds of 50000 medicinal plants in use are still harvested from the natural habitat and about one-fifth of them are now endangered. The indigenous knowledge on medicinal plants is gaining world wide recognition. The World Health Organization has estimated that more than 80% of the world’s population in developing countries depends primarily on herbal medicine for basic health care needs (Vines, 2004) Study Area and People The present study was focused on Gorkha population who live in the village Karbari Grant. They migrated from Nepal 2-3 generation before and started to live in Karbari Grant Village. The village has its own life style, social setup and a unique system of self governance. There is a forest name Karwa Pani Forest adjacent to the village. The forest is very rich with ethno medicinal plants. There is a natural spring which is the main water source of the village. Karbari Grant is a village of Sahaspur Mandal in Dehradun district of Uttarakhand State. Karbari grant is 14.76 km far from its mandal main town Sahaspur and 11.11 km far from proper Dehradun. This village is under the tehsil Vikashnagar. The village Karbari Grant is situated between 30.35' N Latitude and 77.94' E Longitude. The hamlet had about 104 Gurkha household with a population of about 529. Methods Applied Ethno medicinal data for wild plants traditionally used by inhabitants of the study area were recorded during field visits. The fieldwork was conducted during March 2011. Key Actual personal observation were also made during field studies information regarding the plants and parts or products, uses, vernacular names, diseases, and process of preparation of medicine either individually or in combination with other plant part, and mode of application for the treatment of a particular disease or diseases was documented. Result & Discussion Food Practices :- Generally they take three or four meals in a day. They take heavy breakfast in morning after that they take lunch at noon. In evening they take light snacks and late evening they take dinner. Generally they take heavy meal in lunch and breakfast. During acute illness, they like plain, easily digested foods. Most common food of the Gorkha is ‘Chaol’ (Boiled Rice), ‘Roti’ or ‘Chapatti’ (flat baked bread made with whole wheat flour), ‘Puri’ and ‘Paratha’ (flat bread fried in oil made with whole wheat flour), with meat, locally available fish, vegetable and ‘Daal’ (lentil curry). Generally they prefer chicken and mutton but they avoid beef. They take hard and soft drink both. Generally Gorkha male prefer to take alcoholic beverages but female avoid this type of drink except some occasion. The Gorkha people prefer to take tea three or four times in a day. The morning and evening tea is compulsory for them. They prefer to take tea with breakfast and in evening time with light snacks. Some time they take cold drinks and fruit juice which is easily available in market. They prefer to take ‘Momo’ and Noodles as a light snacks. Hygiene and Sanitation :- Every society has its own concepts of health and hygiene (Upadhyay and Pandey, 2003). Most of the Gorkhas prefer morning shower but in summer season they take bath twice daily. In winter season they use hot water for bathing. They use lot of running water when they bathing. They use soaps and shampoos which is easily available in market. Young Gorkha males and females prefer to use talcum powder, body deodorant and various type of perfume to remove bad odor of sweat of the body. In Gorkha women long hair consider as a feminine beauty. They wash their hair once or twice weekly. The Gorkha women use locally available coconut oil, mustard oil or perfumed oil to massage their scalp. The Gorkhas cut their nail short and keep clean. They cut their nail twice and thrice in month. The Gorkha man cut their hair once or twice in month but young generation Gorkha man keep long hair due to influence of westernization and modernization . They shave their bared twice in a week. The interior of the Gorkha houses is well decorated and well decorated and well decorated and well ventilated and full of light. The kitchen is separate from the bed room. They use gas oven for cooking. The toilet and latrine is separate from main house. They prefer to use private toilet to defection. They are accustomed to take regular bath. They clean their teeth by tooth paste and tooth powder which is available to local market. Generally they wash their hand before and after the eating. 512 513 “Health Care Practices ............ Village Karbari Grant” Arnab Mukherjee Concept of etiology of illness: - Illness is not solely biological and physical phenomenon. It is also an event that occurs in a social context and reflects the intimate association of the person with other people. Both the internal as well as social environments are sources of important events that affect the health of human beings. Illness is a universal phenomenon, occurring in all societies. It forces the temporary disruption to varying degrees, of regular patterns of social interaction and responsibilities. Fulfillments of normal tasks by the sick are often impossible. Evil-eye or ‘Nazar’: - Belief in the bad effect of the evil-eye is widespread among the Gorkha. They think that evil-eye some time causes even death in case of children. If a person look steadily at any child and says or think, how beautiful it is, it falls sick, suffers in vomiting and keeps crying whole day. To avoid evil-eye they tie black thread to the leg and neck of the children. Similarly some time the adult people may suffer for evileye. If someone gives greedy look and feel jealous to anybody’s amount of foods, the food eaters may fall in sick and suffers from vomiting, indigestion and loose motion. But they perform ‘Sansari Mata’ puja for overall well being of the village. In Gorkhas, illness as such is taken primarily to mean, not feeling well but external injury or accident are not recognized as illness. The Gorkhas don’t think that the disease may be caused due to the anger of some deity or due to some supernatural beings but they believe the diseases have attribution with some natural or physical things. Some of the popularly recognized natural causes include diseases due to (a) Environmental effect (b) Effect of “wrong combination” of food. (c) Contact with certain living organism. (d) Unknown causes. Physical Factors Due to Effects of Environmental condition Name of Diseases by Village Folks English Name Caused recognized Environmental Condition Sardath, Khashi Sir Dard Bukhar Sardi Garmi Cold & Cough Headache Fever Sunstroke Due to cold climate Due to cold climate Due to cold climate Due to heat wave Patchis Dysentery Dast Vomiting Diarrhea Diarrhea Due to drink contaminated water or evil eye. Due to eat rich food or wrong food combination like meat and milk Due to eat contaminated food or evil eye. Contact with certain living organism Malaria Malaria Mosquito Bite Causes not recognized Kustha Leprosy Causes unknown. Due to wrong food and drink. The Gorkhas think that the good health depends upon the food habit and lifestyle. In their view one who takes fresh food never becomes ill. They think that the breakfast is much more important than lunch and dinner and the quantity of food in breakfast is needed to be big, the lunch is medium and dinner is very small quantity. The Gorkhas belief that disease like dysentery came from water. They take purified water. Many of the villagers of Karbari Grant use the water purification system like aquaguard, pureit and other water purification filter. According to the villagers smoking has bad effect on health. Asthma, High blood pressure is the causes of smoking. But the researcher has noticed many Gorkhas take Bidi or Cigarette regularly. Consumption of alcohol is noticed among the Gorkha Population of this village. Many adult male especially who employed in Indian Army take alcohol regularly. Total 183 respondents were interviewed out of which 114 are females and 69 are males. Out of 183 respondents 29(15.84%) were alcoholic and 154 (84.16%) were non alcoholic. About 11% individuals were found to be smoker and 89% non smokers. Out of 114 females only one (0.88%) was found to be smoker and rest (99.12%) were non smoker. Only 1.76% were alcoholics and 112 (98.24%) were non alcoholics. Out of 69 individual males 19 (27.53%) were smokers and 50 (72.47%) were non smokers and 27 (39.13%) were alcoholics and rest 42 (60.87%) non alcoholics. Except some old aged Gorkhas there has no concept of Shaman or Ojha as well as no beliefs on magico religious performances to cure diseases. Case Study-I: Hari Sing Thapa, 70 years old male Now a day nobody has belief on shaman or ojha. When I was 12-13 years old I was become ill. My mother took me to a man who is magico religious practitioner to cure my illness. The magico religious practitioner performed some magico religious activity through chanting ‘Mantra’ and beating drum like musical instrument. It is noticed that many Gorkhas suffering from Hypertension, Anemia, Diabetes, Skin disease and so many chronic diseases. They prefer allopathic treatment to cure themselves. Some of the Gorkhas use traditional medicine for curing diseases. They mainly use herbal medicine for treatment. There are two medical practitioners who use traditional medicine. The knowledge of their medicinal practice transmitted orally from their father. They told that Traditional Medicinal treatment is time consuming. It takes more time to cure diseases than allopathic medicine but it cures diseases completely. Now a day’s nobody has time for traditional medicinal treatment. The traditional medicinal practitioners have not proper scientific knowledge as well as formula about the procedure of medicine making because they have no formal training. 514 “Health Care Practices ............ Village Karbari Grant” Case Study-11: Punam Sing Gurung, 50 years old female I am suffering from hypertension, hyperthyroidism for 4 years. For these diseases I consult allopathic doctor and use allopathic medicine according to doctor’s prescription. Doctor suggested me to eat ‘Roti’, green vegetables, toned milk, refined oil as cooking medium and to avoid Rice, Potato, Ghee, Butter etc. 2 years ago I have fallen in bathroom and my knee has broken. After that I go to Doon Hospital for treatment. In Doon Hospital doctor suggested me to do x ray photo copy of my broken knee. After that I was done x ray photocopy and consulted with physician. My physician plastered my broken knee and gave some medicine. The physician suggested me not to walk and told me to come after one month. After one month I went to the physian at Doon Hospital for further checkup and he opened my plaster and suggested some medicine. Now I am more or less cure. Some people have belief but I have no belief in traditional medicine because it is some time unscientific and it has no effect on patient. Generally I prefer to consult allopathic physician for any kind of illness for me and my family. We are facing problem in case of any emergency like heart attack, because there is no hospital or allopathic physician in our village. The traditional medicinal practitioners use 26plant genera and 27 plant species for healing diseases and their method of preparation and utilization is different. The information on scientific name, vernacular name of the plant part used to cure and methods of preparation and utilization has been providedTable - 2. List of Medicinal plants Sl. Name of No. ailments Vernacular name of the plants Botanical name Family Habit Parts Used Methods of Preparation and use 1. Coughn & Cold Arush Adhatoda vasica Acanth aceae Shrub Leaf Leaf boiled in hot water. The water is consumed to cure cough and cold. The dose is daily morning for 7 days. 2. Gynecological Dhania disorder Coriandum Apiaceae sativum Herb Seeds One teaspoon coriander seeds boiled in hot water. The warm water gives to the patient to controle excession menstrual flow. 3. 4. Dysentery Cardiac problem Barhami Booti Arjun ped Centella asiatica Apiaceae Terminallia Combr arjuna etaceae Herb Tree Leaf Bark 515 Arnab Mukherjee The paste of the 3-4 leafs is consumed daily morning in empty stomach to cure dysentery. The power of the skin of the bark added with pure ghee and boiled rice is used to cure heart and cardiac pain Sl. Name of No. ailments Vernacular Botanical name of name the plants Family Habit Parts Used Methods of Preparation and use 5. Skin disease & Wound Tambaku Nicotiana tabacum Solanaceac Herb Leaf, Root The dried leaf is boiled at hot water and the water is used to wash the bacterial and fungal infested areas of skin and wound of the skin. The root dust is orally used to cure indigestion 6. Constipation & Indigestation Aamla Embilica officinalis Phylanthaceae Tree Fruit Powder of the dried fruit mixed with the powder of haritaki and bibhitaki fruit add slight salt and consumed daily night before sleep to cure constipation and indigestion 7. Constipation & Indigestation Bibhitaki Terminallia Combretaceae Tree Bellirica Fruit Powder of the dried fruit mixed with aamla powder and haritaki fruit powder is used daily night to cure indigestion 8. Constipation & Indigestation Hiritaki Terminallia Combretaceae Tree chebula Fruit The Powder of the fruit mixed with aamla powder and bibhitaki fruit powder is used daily night to cure indigestion and constipation. 9. Acute Stomach Kadvi-booti Ainsliaea aptera Asteraceae Herb Root The root pest is taken orally to cure acute stomach. The powder of dried root is taken with luke warm water relieves quickly. Ban-ajwain Thymus Lamiaceae Shrub Whole The plant decoction is plant used orally to cure cough, cold and fever. The powder of the flowers mixed with gur (jagerry) is given as vermicide. Verbenaceae Shrub leaf 10. Cold, cough & fever serphyllum 11. Skin disease & wound Chaturang Lantana camara 12. Hair fall Gurhal Hibiscus Verbenaceae rosasinens is The leaf paste applied over the wound, skin disease to heal. Shrub Flower The decoction of flower mixed with coconut oil is used for good and black hair falling and help hair nourishing 516 “Health Care Practices ............ Village Karbari Grant” 517 Arnab Mukherjee Sl. Name of No. ailments Vernacular Botanical name of name the plants Family Habit Parts Used Methods of Preparation and use Sl. Name of No. ailments Vernacular name of the plants Botanical name Family Habit 13. Rheumatic arthritis Nirgundi Vitex negundo Lamiaceae Shrub Leaf The paste of the leaf is used externally to cure rheumatic arthritis, swelling of the joint. 25. Piles Nag fani Opuntia dillenii Cactaceae Shrub Fruit The decoction of fruit of the tree is used orally to cure piles. 14. Mental disease Brahmi Bacopa monnieri Scrophulariacae Herb Kalanchoe pinnata Crassul aceae Herb The leaf juice is used orally to cure kidney stone and hyper tension. Leaf The leaf of the tree is fried into ghee then feed to cure the mental disease. 15. Cough & Cold Tulshi Ocimum Lamiaceae tenuiflorum Herb Leaf Decoction of leaf added with honey is taken orally to cure cough, cold. 16. Stomach ache & Dysentery Kaith Limonoa acidisima Rutaceae Tree Fruit The unripe dried fruit is used orally to cure diarrhea, dysentery and Stomach ache. 17. Dysentery & Diarrhea Bael Aegel marrmelos Rutaceae 18. Diabetes & Skin Diseases Neem 19. Sunstroke 20. Wound Tree Fruit The pulp of the ripe fruit is taken as a tonic for digestive effect. The powder of unripe and dried fruit is used for dysentery and diarrhea. Azadirachta Meliaceae indica Tree Leaf Leaf of neem tree boiled in hot water. The water is used to cure Diabetes mellitus. The paste of the leaf is used externally to cure skin disease. Imli Tamarind us indica Fabace Tree Fruit The fruit juice is taken orally to cure sunstroke. Jangli pudina Mentha asiatica Lamiaceae Herb Whole The paste of the tree is plant used externally to treat wound. 21. Urinary disorder Pudina Mentha spicata Lamiaceae 22. Skin diseases Kumari 23. Blood Cancer 24. Toothache, Throat & Gum infection Aloe Vera Herb Leaf The leaf juice is consumed at morning in empty stomach for 4-5 days to increaes urination. Xantho rrhoeaceae Herb Leaf The decoction of leaf is used for skin disease and cures the wounds. Sadabahar Cattaranth us roseus Apocyn aceae Shrub Root Powder of the root of the tree is orally taken to the treatment of blood cancer. Akarkara Compo siteae Herb Spilanthes acmella Flower Flower head is used either fresh or dried and powdered for toothache, throat and gum infection. 26. Kidney stone Darmar & Hyper tension 27. Stomach aches Kagji nimbu Citrus Rutaceae aurantifolia Parts Used Leaf Shrub Fruit Methods of Preparation and use The juice of the fruit added with lukewarm water and consumed to cure stomach aches. There is no primary health center and no hospital in Karbari Grant. They go to Military Hospital in Dehradun for treatment of major and minor diseases. Generally the villagers use Allopathic medicine which is suggested by the doctors of Military hospital. They get facility in case of treatment in Military Hospital because at least one or two adult male family member of the Gorkha who lives in Karbari Grant is either employed in Indian Army or retired army man. But the Military Hospital is too far from the village so they sometime face problem in case of emergency cases which happened in night. According to the villagers they need a primary health center in village because in case of emergency situation at least primary treatment is possible in primary health center. The villagers said that in many cases patient died on the way to the Military hospital. The pregnant mothers also go to Military Hospital for vaccination. The health employees (ANM) of Buddhi Chowk Govt. Hospital come to the village for pulse polio vaccination in each and every month. Habit of Ethnomedicinal Plant in Percentage 40.74 29.63 Tree 29.63 Herb Figure 1 Habit of ethno medicinal plant in percentage Shrub 518 Arnab Mukherjee “Health Care Practices ............ Village Karbari Grant” 519 Conclusion and Discussion Consumption of Alcohol Habit Smoking Smoker Percentage of individual 84.16 The Gorkha villagers males and females both prefer to take alcohol and smoking. In case of male frequency is greater than female. Males prefer smoking and drinking alcohol than females. But few females (Only two individuals) prefer to drink alcohol. Some of the villagers are social drinker they don't prefer to take alcohol regularly they prefer to take alcohol occasionally like in Sansari mata Puja, Marriage and birthday party. Non Smoker 11% 100 80 60 15.84 Except some old aged Gorkha there is no magico-religious concept of disease and they don't prefer to go to shaman or ojha for curing the disease but the concept of Evil Eye is very widespread among Gorkhas. The villagers prefer to go to doctor. Those who are employed are of Indian Army the their family go to Military Hospital for treatment because they get facility to treatment. The Military Hospital provides treatment free of cost to their family. But the Military Hospital is too far from the Village Karbari Grant. For that reason they sometime face problem in case of Emergency cases. There is no allopathic doctor or allopathic medicinal shop in the village Karbari Grant and there is no primary health center in this village. 40 20 0 Alcoholic 89% Non alcoholic Figure 2 Consumption of Alcohol Figure 3 Habit Smoking Habit Smoking Male in Percentage Consumption of Alcohol Male in Percentage Some old people prefer to go to Local traditional medicinal man. Because they think that the allopathic Medicine has some side effect that may be causes of other disease. They use the plant part separately or mixed with other plant part and other materials like ghee, jagerry, milk. Fresh parts as well as dried parts have seen to be used to prepare traditional medicine. Various parts of the plant like leave, stem, bark, root, fruit and flower even whole plant have seen to be used to prepare traditional medicine. 72.47 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 27.53 Smoker 60.87 39.13 Series1 Non Smoker Alcoholic Figure 4 Habit Smoking (Male) Figure 5 Consumption of Alcohol (Male) Consumption of Alcohol in Female 120 99.12 80 60 40 20 0 0.88 Smoker Non Smoker Figure 6 Habit Smoking (Female) Percentage of individual Percentage of individual Habit Smoking in Female 100 Non alcoholic 98.26 100 50 1.76 0 Alcoholic Non Alcoholic Figure 7 Consumption of Alcohol (Female) From the data 1 have noticed that herbs (40.74%) are the most used plant followed by the shrubs (29.63%) and trees (29.63%) in descending order. Many species like Acanthaceae, Apiaceae, Phylanthaceae and Verbebenaceae is frequently used in this village to cure diseases. Different researchers from the country have reported altogether 2416 ethno medicinal uses of plants (Sajem A.L & Gosai K, 2006, P-5). Different plants used by the Malani tribes of Himachal Pradesh, Santal of West Bengal, Jaintia tribes of Assam. Irula and Thottianaickans of Tamil Nadu, Khonds of Andhra Pradesh, Bhil tribe in Madhya Pradesh etc. has some or the other relevancc with the plants that are found to be use by the Gorkha residing in the Dehradun district of Utarrakhand. Lantana camara is found to be used among the Irula Tribe of Tamil Nadu to cure the wounds and the same plant is found to be used among various tribes of Buldhana district of Maharashtra. The fruit of Coriandum sativum is found to be used among Jaintia tribes of Asssam to cure Stomachache and the same plant is found to be used among Gorkhas to control excessive menstrual flow. Adhatoda vasica have also used among Irula to cure respiratory disorder and the same plant uses by the jaintia tribes to cure dysentery and blood vomiting. The data collected shows that the majority of the remedies taken orally and some externally. The herbal medicines which used and prescribed by Gorkha population of the village 520 521 “Health Care Practices ............ Village Karbari Grant” Arnab Mukherjee Karbari Grant are either based on single plant or a combination of several plant parts. Most of the reported preparations are drawn from single plant; mixtures are used rarely. Some time the domestic substance is found to be used to prepare medicine. Ganesan, S., G. Venkateshan and N. Banumathy, 2006. Medicinal plants used by ethnic group Thottianaickans of Semmalai hills (reserve forest), Tiruchirapapalli district, Tamil Nadu. Indian Journal of Traditional Knowledge. Vol. 5(2): 245-252. The present author is fully convinced that traditional ethno medicinal remedies in the area are valid and reliable. Doses vary sometimes depending upon age of sufferers. These treatments of diseases with plants and plant products also cause no side effect. Jadav, D. 2006. Ethnomedicinal plants used by Bhil tribe of Bibdod, Madhya Pradesh. 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Ethnobotanical usages of Grasses by the tribals of West Dinajpur district, West Bengal. Indian Journal of Traditional Knowledge. Vol 4(4): 396-402. Sharma, P. K., N. S. Chauhan, and B. Lal, 2005. Studies on plant associated indigenous knowledge among the Malanis of Kullu district, Himachal Pradesh. Indian Journal of Traditional Knowledge Vol 4(4): 403-408. Rao, V. L. N., B. R. Busi, B. D. Rao, C. S. Rao, K. Bharath, and M. Venkaiah, 2006. Ethnomedicinal practices among Khonds of Visakhapatnam district, Andhra Pradesh. Indian Journal of Traiditional Knowledge. Vol 5(2): 217-219. Sajem, A. L and K. Gosai, 2010. Ethnobotanical investigations among the Lushai Tribes in North Cachar Hill district of Assam, Northeast India. Indian Journal of Traditional Knowledge Vol.9(1): 108-113. Revathi, P. and T. Parimelazhagan, 2010. Traditional Knowledge on Medicinal Plants Used by the Irula Tribe of Hasanur Hills, Erode District, Tamil Nadu, India. Ethnobotanical Leaflets 14:136-160. Jain, J. B., C. S. Kumane and S. Bhattacharya, 2006. Medicinal flora of Madhya Pradesh and Chattisgarh - A Review. Indian Journal of Traditional Knowledge. Vol. 5(2): 237-242. Sajem, A. L. and K. Gosai, 2006. Traditional use of medicinal plants by the Jaintia tribes in North Cachar Hills district of Assam, Northeast India. Journal of Ethnobiology and Ethnomedicine. 2:33. Acharya, K. P. and M. Acharya, 2010. Traiditional Knowledge on medicinal plants used for the treatment of livestock diseases in Sardikhola VDC, Kaski, Nepal. Journal of Medicinal Plants Research. Vol. 4(2): 235-239. 522 Jr. Anth. Survey of India, 61(2) & 62(1) : (523-533), 2012-2013 A Demographic Study of Gorkha Population in Village Karbari Grant, District Dehradun, Uttarakhand Minakshi Sharma1 ABSTRACT This paper deals with the demography of Gorkha population residing in the Karbari Grant village of Dehradun and discusses the socio-cultural aspects of the community through the demographic parameters. Sample size comprises of all 529 Gorkha individuals (262 males and 267 females belonging to 104 households in the main hamlet of the community called Gorkha Karbari Grant. The primary data for demographic parameters regarding household census, population characteristics, educational status, occupational status along with disability profile and religious profile was collected. Demographic indicators like sex ratio, child sex ratio, literacy rate, work participation rate, etc. were also calculated. The results of the study highlights the healthy sex ratio in general and very poor child sex ratio in particular; high literacy (91.21%) but low level of higher education; more than 50% work participation rate and service particularly in Indian army as the main occupation of the Gorkhas. Though the community has been given the status of OBC in the state, it still feels marginalised on developmental aspects. The issues like low child-sex ratio, low higher education level and less representation of the community in the state administration, politics and in the occupations other than army are required to be addressed for the holistic development of the community and the Gorkhas are gradually becoming aware about these aspects. INTRODUCTION Demography is the mirror to a population. It’s the backbone of planning and development for the people. In the words of father of the nation, Mahatma Gandhi “The soul of India lies in villages”. It is remarkable here that it’s ultimately a village that develop into a town or city in due course of time. Therefore, demography of a village- the basic unit of planning and development assumes utmost importance in anthropology being the holistic science of man. 1Research Associate (Cultural), Anthropological Survey of India, North West Regional Centre, Dehradun 524 Minakshi Sharma A Demographic Study of Gorkha Population …District Dehradun, Uttarakhand Present Study In March 2011, the North West Regional Centre of Anthropological Survey of India in Dehradun conducted ‘An Extensive Study on Gorkha Population’ under the national project ‘DNA Polymorphism of Contemporary Indian Population’ in village Karbari Grant of Dehradun district. The present work by the author was a part of the above stated project. Study Area and the People The village Karbari Grant comes under Gram Panchayat Karbari Grant of Block ‘Sahaspur’, Tehsil ‘Vikasnagar’ of district Dehradun. The village lies at the northern outskirts of the dense ‘Karwapani Reserve Forest’ in ‘Asarori Forest Range’ of ‘Rajaji National Park’ towards south to the Shimla By Pass Road. There are 5 hamlets viz. Gorkha Karbari, Garhwali Karbari, Manak Siddha Karbari, Gooily Karbari and Jhiwarhedi Karbari in the village. The study area i.e. the hamlet Gorkha Karbari Grant lies in north-west part of the village and owes its name to the fact that the maximum concentration of Gorkha population resides here. Most of the Gorkha population settled here consist of serving or retired army men. Therefore, the exposure to urban life style of army and simultaneous interaction with nearby rural and urban areas through Shimla Bypass road makes this hamlet an ideal example of rural-urban continuum in spite of its vicinity to the Karwapani reserve forest. Location :The studied area is situated between 30035’N latitude and 77094’ E longitude. It is located towards the north-west of Dehradun district at a distance of about 21 km from Dehradun city on Shimla By Pass road, and south of the National Highway 72 which connects Dehradun to Ponta Sahib, the famous pilgrimage for the Sikhs. Accessibility: The studied village can be reached by foot or through a vehicle from Shimla Bypass main road. The main road coming from the hamlet has two openings on Shimla By Pass road; one, near Bhuddi Chowk towards north east and the other near Ganeshpur towards north. 525 It is accessible at shortest distance from Shimla bypass main road through the road via Ganeshpur. At this opening a board indicating the way to Karbari Grant and name of land donors for this path is placed on main Shimla By Pass road (Figure 1). A part of this route passes a little through the forest and as the water canal is crossed; the hamlet Gorkha Karbari Starts. Village History: The village has a very peculiar historical story behind the term “Grant” in the name of the village. It was told by some elderly in the village that before India became independent in 1947 this piece of land was owned by a King. About that time, the news about annexing all the kingdoms in to India after independence was spreading like fire. So the King, in fear of this, sold the land to the other King, who later ‘granted’ or allowed the Gorkha population already existing there to continue agriculture on his land. He even asked the jobless Gorkhas of that time, to come and farm his land. This is how the village got the word ‘Grant’ in its name. Even today a large portion of the agricultural land is owned by the descendants of this King. Ethnic Groups/Communities: The village Karbari Grant is multi-ethnic and multi-caste village. It mainly consists of multi-caste population of the Garhwali and Gorkha community. The Gorkha generally reside in the hamlet called Gorkha Kabari Grant along with a few families of other communities while Garhwali population is in majority in rest of the village. The Garhwali population generally includes Brahmins and Rajputs while Gorkha Population consists of the various castes like Pandits, Kshetri, Thapa and Gurung, etc. Settlement Pattern: The medicinal properties of the water of the Karwa Pani stream and the nearby forest resources are the main reason of human settlement in this area. The main village road along which the hamlet Gorkha Karbari is located is almost parallel to the Karwapani stream. The houses are generally located along the both side of main village road in a linear pattern and the agricultural fields lie at the back side of the houses. Some houses are embedded into the agricultural fields along the footpaths through them. Objectives The main objectives of the present research under the broad objective of ‘Demography of Gorkha Population’ were as follows: 1. 2. 3. 4. To conduct a household census. To record and analyse the population characteristics. To know the educational status . To record and analyse the occupational status. Methodology Figure1: Sign-board on Shimla Bypass indicating the road to the village Various qualitative and quantitative tools and techniques of research methods in Anthropology like observation, schedules, unstructured interview, field diary etc. were employed for data collection for this study. The sample population consisted of all 529 Gorkha individuals consisting of 262 males and 267 females residing in 104 households of the Gorkha community in the studied hamlet. The definitions by Census of India for various demographic parameters like broad age groups, sex ratio, literacy rate, work participation rate, classification of workers, etc. were followed throughout the study. Digitalisation and analysis of data was done using MS Excel-2007. 526 Results and Discussion 1. Household Census 1.1. Households by Community kachcha. A remarkable point is that people have not destroyed their older kachcha household in the same premises according to the desire of their parents and they still perform the ‘Kuldevta Pujan’ in their Kachchha house. The Gorkha Karbari hamlet has a total number of 109 households in total including the Gorkha and other communities with a population of 638. Out of these 109, the households belonging to Gorkha community are 104 in number with a population of 529 individuals. Other than the Gorkha, there are 2 Garhwali, 2 Punjabi, and 1 Bawari family in the Gorkha Karbari Hamlet (Table 1.1). Most of the Gorkha families residing in Gorkha Karbari hamlet though migrated long back from Nepal, are natives of the village now. 1.3. 1.2. Households by Family Size Based on the analysis of 104 households belonging to the Gorkha community, the structure of Gorkha population as per the family size is as follows: Table 1.3: Family Size in Gorkha Karbari Table 1.1: Community Wise Households in Gorkha Karbari Sl. No. 527 Minakshi Sharma A Demographic Study of Gorkha Population …District Dehradun, Uttarakhand Family Size Number of Families 1 to 5 74 (71%) 6 to 10 26 (25%) Community No. of Households 11 to 15 04 (4%) Total 104 (i) Gorkha 104 (ii) Garhwali 2 (iii) Punjabi 2 (iv) Bawari 1 Total Households 109 In the studied area, most of Gorkha families (71%) consist of 1 to 5 members, followed by 25% of Gorkha families that consist of 6 to 10 members. A few (4%) of Gorkha families consist 11 to 15 members (Table 1.3). So far as their family setup is concerned, most of the families consisting up to 5 members are ‘nuclear’ (having husband-wife and their unmarried children only) while those consisting more than 5 members are of ‘joint’ type (having husbandwife, their married and unmarried children, and grand children and other relatives) generally. In few cases, unmarried or widow sister or widowed brother of the head of household or of his wife also reside in the joint family. All communities other than the Gorkha are neo-local to the village. There are some neo-local Gorkha families also who have recently settled in the village through some friend, relative or marriage alliance with the daughter of the village. For further analysis, the 104 households belonging to Gorkha population only have been taken into account. 2. Population Charcteristics of the Gorkha Population Households by Infrastructure 2.1. Sex Composition The sex composition of Gorkha Population based on 529 individuals in 104 households of Gorkha Karbari Grant is shown in Figure 2.1 as follows: Almost all the houses owned by the Gorkha community in the hamlet are ‘pucca’ (having concrete roof, brick wall and cemented floor) with a number of 102 houses. At present, only 2 houses belonging to very poor Gorkha families are ‘kachcha’ (having tiled roof, mud walls and earthen floor) in the village (Table 1.2). Figure 2.1 Table 1.2: Infrastructure of Houses in Gorkha Karbari Sl. No. Type of Infrastructure No. of Houses (i) Kachchha 2 (ii) Pucca 102 Total Households 104 But, the old Gorkha men of the village tell that this development is very recent. In their young age, there were just 15-20 households and all of these houses were Sex Female Composition 50.47% Male 49.53% The number and percentage of Gorkha females was found to be slightly higher than their counterparts among the community. 528 2.2. Sex Ratio The sex ratio of Gorkha Population in the studied area is 1019 which is healthier in comparison to the census 2011 (provisional) figure for the state of Uttarakhand (963) and that of India (940). The Child sex ratio of Gorkha Population in the studied area is 517 which is much poor in comparison to the census 2011(provisional) figure for the state of Uttarakhand (886) and that of India (914). The low figure of child sex ratio is a matter of concern and is in absolute contradiction of the normal sex ratio figure. The sex composition in the age group of 0 to 1 years, with higher number of male children though skewed against females but apparently no discrimination was observed or stated by the community among boys and girls. 2.3. 529 Minakshi Sharma A Demographic Study of Gorkha Population …District Dehradun, Uttarakhand 86-90 Years 9 81-85 Years 9 71-75 Years 5 66-70 Years 5 61-65 Years 56-60 Years 46-50 Years 15 41-45 Years 15 Total 0-6 31 (11.83%) 20 (7.49%) 51(9.64%) 07-14 37 (14.12%) 28 (10.49%) 65 (12.29%) 15-59 164 (62.60%) 197 (73.78%) 361 (68.24%) >60 30 (11.45%) 22 (8.24%) 52 (9.83%) Total 262 (100%) 267(100%) 529(100%) As per the Table 2.3.1, there are maximum number of individuals (68.24%) in the age group of 15-59 years in Gorkha Karbari reflecting the good status of available work force. The population in the age group of 07-14 years (12.29%) shows the potential workforce in near future while the age group more than 60 years (9.83%) and 0-6 years (9.64%) indicate the dependents. 2.3.2. Population Pyramid The Gorkha population has been further classified into smaller age groups to get a more clear picture of the age sex structure of the Gorkha population. It is observed through the analysis of population pyramid (Figure 2.3.2) that the total Gorkha population is decreasing up to the age of 15 yrs; it is uniformly increasing from the age of 15 yrs to the age of 30 yrs and thereafter it decreases gradually. The population pyramid shows that the number of females upto the age of 10 years are less than the males while the females in the age group of 11-35 is generally higher than males which is largely because of marriage. This also explains the contradiction between the the sex ratio and child sex ratio. 12 19 12 F 16 17 23 M 30 25 29 32 26-30 Years 36 19 21-25 Years 26 16-20 Years 17 11-15 Years 20 22 6-10 Years 17 15 29 40 Number of Females (%) 10 10 51-55 Years Table 2.3.1 Broad Age Groups in Gorkha Karbari Grant Number of Males (%) 5 12 0-5 Years Age Group 1 14 31-35 Years 2.3.1. Broad Age Groups Age composition reflects the dominance of a particular age group of the population in socio-cultural life and economic status of a community. Following the classification of Census of India, the Gorkha Population data is classified in four broad age group as follows: 1 1 76-80 Years 36-40 Years Age Sex Structure 1 9 30 20 10 0 10 20 30 40 Figure 2.3.2 Population Pyramid of Gorkha Community 3. Status of Education among Gorkha Population in Gorkha Karbari Hamlet Education is very important for the holistic development of a society. The Gorkha community give adequate importance to education as is evident from the literacy and educational level given below: 3.1. Literacy Rate All individuals aged 7 and above i.e. 478 in number comprising of 231 males and 247 females has been taken into account to analyse status of educational among Gorkha population. According to the primary data collected, the literacy rate among Gorkha population is 91.21% (Table 3.1). Table 3.1: Status of literacy among Gorkha Population Category Number of Males (%) Number of Females (%) Total (%) Literate 217 (93.94%) 219 (88.66%) 436 (91.21%) Illiterate 14 (6.06%) 28 (11.34%) 42 (8.79 %) Total 231(100%) 247(100%) 478(100%) The ‘male literacy’ among Gorkha Population is 93.93% while the ‘female literacy’ among Gorkha Population is 88.66%. (Table 3.1). This shows that the male literacy in Gorkha population is higher than the female literacy. But, it is remarkable to 530 note here that Gorkha females have attained comparatively higher education as indicated by the education level as discussed below. 3.2. 4. 4.2. Education Level Though the Gorkha community gives importance to education but they generally do not aspire for higher studies. Among the literates, only 15.83% Gorkha individuals continued their education beyond class 12.Similarly, only 10.14% among literate males and only 21.46% among literate females continued their studies beyond class 12. The education level of females is higher because most of the Gorkha male youth generally target to get into armed forces after passing high school or intermediate. But, during the present study, the author also observed that the male Gorkha youth have started giving importance to higher education and professional courses now due to increasing competition for army jobs. Occupational Categories among Gorkha population in Gorkha Karbari Grant In Gorkha Karbari, all the occupational activities have been classified into the major and other occupations as follows: Other Occupations 51% Major Occupations 49% Service/Job 36% 5% Occupational Status of Gorkha population in Gorkha Karbari 3% The total workforce between the age group 15 to 59 years in Gorkha Karbari consisting of 361 individuals (197 females and 164 males) has been taken into account to analyse the occupational status of Gorkha population in the studied area. The occupational status of Gorkha Karbari is discussed below: 4.1. 531 Minakshi Sharma A Demographic Study of Gorkha Population …District Dehradun, Uttarakhand 2% Household Industries Agricultural Labourers Cultivators Work Participation Rate (W.P.R.) Figure 4.2: Occupational Categories in Gorkha Karbari Major occupations include ‘Service/Job’ (including both government and private jobs), ‘Daily Wage Workers’ (working on daily wage as labourers or otherwise), ‘Household Industries’ (industries run by one or more household members or the persons doing service and repairing of transport equipments like motor mechanics, electricians, etc.), ‘Agricultural Labourers’(working as labourers for agriculture), and ‘Cultivators’ (those cultivating their own land) as about half of the population is involved in these activities. While rest of the occupations and the persons doing house work including housewives have been put under the category of ‘Others’ for the analysis of occupational status of Gorkha Karbari Grant. Main Workers 52.74% Non-Workers 44.99% 3% Daily Wage Workers Workers 55.01% Figure 4.2 highlights that maximum Gorkha individuals (36%) in the studied area are engaged in service/job. Among these, most of the individuals do government service particularly in Indian Army as the Gorkhas have been the soldiers historically. Cultivation is practised by a few individuals (only 2%) because of the lack of irrigation facilities, fear of monkeys and residential plotting in the area. Those who fail to get any kind of service or job or those who are less educated either work as agricultural labourers (3%) or daily wage workers (5%) or become self employed in household industries (3%). The occupational category of ‘Others’ represents about half of the population because it also includes the housewives and other persons engaged in household work as workers besides those engaged in the other occupations. Marginal Workers 2.27% Figure 4.1: Work Participation in Gorkha Population Among the total population of 529, the work participation rate in Gorkha population is 55.01% (291 workers) that consists of 52.74% (279) ‘main workers’ and 2.27% (12) ‘marginal workers’. It means 44.99% of the Gorkha population is dependent on on the 55.01% actual work force. Here, it is remarkable that the author during the field work also found 35 senior citizens (aged above 60 years) including 09 males and 26 females being actively involved as the workforce in Gorkha population while the absence of child labour (<15 years) in Gorkha Karbari is observed. 4.3. The existing workplaces of Gorkha population in Gorkha Karbari Grant The Gorkha population generally work in nearby villages like Ganeshpur, Jhiverhedi, Bhuddi, Badowala, Nayagaon, Ratanpur and other nearby areas within a distance of 10 kms as daily wage labourers. Some do private jobs in nearby cities like Selaqui, Vikasnagar and Dehradun. Those employed in government 532 jobs are generally working nationwide at long distances. Some of the Gorkha individuals also migrate temporarily to Nepal to earn their livelihood and for the marriage purpose. 5. Disability Profile The disability in the village is 1% approximately. There are only 6 disabled individuals comprising of 2 mentally retarded (both males) and 4 physically disabled one. Among the physically disabled, one male and one old female is disabled due to paralysis while 2 females are orthopaedically disabled due to arthritis and overweight. 6. Minakshi Sharma A Demographic Study of Gorkha Population …District Dehradun, Uttarakhand Religious Profile All 104 Gorkha families in the studied area except one (who recently converted to Buddhism) are Hindus. Every Gorkha household has a ‘Tulsi’ tree at its entrance that is revered as a female deity. ‘Tulsi Vivah’ is a popular celebration among Gorkha community. The practice of keeping a flower in a copper pot filled with water at entrance of the house is observed as a traditional practice of Gorkha to please the Goddess Laxmi for prosperity. The Gorkha worship all Hindu Gods. Barah Dev- the incarnation of Lord Vishnu is Kul Dev of the village. The temple of ‘Barah Dev’ in north-west and ‘Manak Siddh Baba’ in the south west are two religious centre located within the village. The ‘Sansari Devi Pooja’, ‘Barah Dev Poojan’ and ‘Bhandara’ (big feast) at ‘Manak Siddh’ temple are three regular annual religious events here. Besides ‘Dat Kali’ and ‘Nag Devta’ are also worshipped as the ancestral deity. A figurine of ‘Kul Devta’ (local deity) resembling the ‘Shivalinga’ (a symbol of Hindu Lord Shiva who bears the ‘Nag’ as ornament) is placed at a corner in the agriculture field of the Gorkha usually. Sai Baba is very much revered among new generation. Conclusion The present study among the 104 Gorkha households in the village Karbari Grant reveals that the Gokhas basically love the nature and prefer to settle around forest, river, etc. The sex ratio (1019) among Gorkha population is very healthy. On the contrary very poor child sex ratio (517) is a matter of concern. The literacy rate among Gorkha community is very high (91.21%) and there is a marginal gender gap of 2.73% in literacy rate with males being on higher side. So far as education level is concerned females take an edge because the males prefer the army jobs rather than higher studies. The Gorkhas are very diligent and are not shy of doing any kind of work that gets reflected by the work participation rate of 55.01%. Participation of females in the workforce is generally for household work while the males are engaged in economically productive activities outside. It makes the participation of females in active work force comparatively higher than their counterparts. The maximum numbers of the Gorkha individuals are employed in government jobs, particularly in Indian Army indicating their occupational preference towards serving in the armed forces for the nation and highlighting their patriotism. Among the remaining population, most of the Gorkha individuals work as ‘Daily Wage Workers/labourers’, followed by ‘Household Industry Workers,’ ‘Agricultural Labourers’ and ‘Cultivators’ respectively. The health status of the Gorkha community is generally good as only 1% population was found disabled. The mental retardation, paralysis and orthopaedic disability 533 were identified during study only in the five individuals. The Gorkhas generally practice Hindu religion. Only one family recently converted to Buddhism was noted. They worship all Hindu Gods. Most popular are the ‘Barah Dev’ (Lord Vishnu), ‘Lord Shiva’ and ‘Goddess Kali’. Though migrated from Nepal long back in history, they regard India as their motherland. They prefer themselves to be called as the Gorkha and their language as Gorkhali rather than Nepali. They are proud of serving the country as soldiers in the Indian army. The community has been given status of OBC in the state, however, they still feel marginalised on developmental aspects. The issues like low child-sex ratio, low higher education level and less representation of the community in the state administration, politics and in the occupations other than army are required to be addressed for the holistic development of the community and the Gorkhas are gradually becoming aware about these aspects. Acknowledgements Author expresses deep sense of gratitude to all the subjects of Karbari grant village who gave their valuable time and information to enriched the data. Author is thankful to Dr. Vinod Kaul (Superintending Anthropologist (P) and Head of Office), Dr. Shaik Abdul Azeez Saheb, Superintending Anthropologist (C), Dr. S.N.H. Rizwi (Anthropologist) and Dr. Harashavardhana (Anthropologist) of Anthropological Survey of India, North-West regional centre, Dehradun for their valuable comments on the paper which helped me immensely in improving it. The author is also thankful to Anthropological Survey of India (Govt. of India), Ministry of Culture for providing the financial support for conducting this research study. Author expresses special thanks to the two team members viz. Mr. Jokhan Sharma and Mr. Arnab Mukerjee for their cooperation in digitisation of huge data of Gorkha Population and also to all the other team members who were part of this extensive study of Gorkha population viz. Dr. Priyanka Singh, Dr. Jayanta Nayak, Shri Nishant Saxena, Shri K.S. Pandey, Shri Subrato Kundu, and Smt. Lucy Pramanik who were there with me to extend their help as and when required during the fieldwork. References 1. Census of India 2011, Data Summary, http://www.censusindia.gov.in/Metadata/Metada.htm 2. Census of India, 2011 http://censusindia.gov.in/2011census/censusinfodashboard/index.html 3. Census of India, Provisional Population Totals Paper1 of 2011: Uttarakhand :Census2011 Press Release dated 02.04.2011: 2 http://www.censusindia.gov.in/2011-prov results/data_files/uttarakhand/ ppt_figures_press_rel.pdf 4. Census of India, Provisional Population Totals Paper2, Volume1 of 2011: Rural & Urban Distribution: Uttarakhand Series 6: Census 2011:1-2 http://www.censusindia.gov.in/2011-prov-results/paper2/data_files/uttrakhand/4fig-uttra-1.pdf http://www.censusindia.gov.in/2011-prov-results/paper2/data_files/uttrakhand/4fig-uttra-2.pdf 534 Jr. Anth. Survey of India, 61(2) & 62(1) : (535-547), 2012-2013 Scenario of Parkinsons Disease in India Jaya Sanyal1, Biswanath Sarkar2 ABSTRACT Functional, biochemical or structural abnormalities of the basal ganglia, the cerebellum and their connections are responsible for the vast majority of the disorders. It is now generally accepted that there is no single cause of Parkinson's disease, and the concept of "Parkinson's diseases" is now emerging to indicate multiple etiologies for a group of diseases with overlapping clinical and pathological features. As a result of these studies, a new insight into the mechanisms of neuronal death, many neurodegenerative diseases including PD are now considered proteinopathies caused by abnormal protein processing in the affected cells. Advances in understanding mechanisms of neurodegeneration are now being translated into therapies that are not merely symptomatic but also potentially disease modifying. Although, levadopa continues to be the most effective symptomatic treatment for Parkinson's disease, the emergence of motor fluctuations and dyskinesias limit usefulness of the drug. Considerable attention is devoted to depict the scenario of Parkinson's disease in West Bengal, India. This paper depicts a general introduction of Parkinson's disease, risk factors (genetic and environmental) involved and different mechanisms leading to the disease pathogenesis as studied among PD patients of West Bengal.One of the major attractions of this paper is the screening of DJ-1 and LRRK2 genes for the first time in India and correlation of the mutations with phenotypic/clinical data. This study highlights the interplay of genetic and environmental risk factors acting on the Bengalee speaking population on PD progression and comparing with other studies of the world. In future, advanced screening of other genes involved might unfold mechanisms in disease pathogenesis along with gene-gene interaction. Several other markers can be predicted thus, helping clinicians for better and early diagnosis of this complex disorder and predicting treatment response. Although not meant to be encyclopedic, this comprehensive report highlights recent advances in basic sciences related to PD and as such should be of interest not only to clinicians but also to basic investigators pursuing answers to some unanswered questions about the pathogenesis of this challenging disorder. It is the hope and wish of the authors that this will serve as a testimony to update the knowledge of Parkinson's disease in India with special emphasis on West Bengal. 1&2Anthropological Survey of India, 27 Jawaharlal Nehru Road, Kolkata, INDIA 536 Scenario of Parkinsons Disease in India INTRODUCTION Movement disorders describe a group of neurological disorders that involve the motor and movement systems. Parkinson’s disease (PD), essential tremor, dystonia is some of the commonly known disorders that fall in this category. Although the etiology of movement disorders is poorly understood, both genetic and environmental factors play an important role in the disease pathogenesis. In this chapter, the scenario of PD in Eastern India is highlighted. The ancient texts of the Indian system of medicine ‘Ayurveda’, describes Parkinsonism and tremors as early as 5000-3000 BC. The Ayurvedic physician, Charaka, was possibly the first to describe Parkinson’s disease (PD) in his treatise “Charaka Samhitha” where he called it ‘Kampavata’, literally meaning ‘tremors of neurological origin’. Interestingly, the treatment recommended in Ayurveda for PD is the seeds of Mucuna pruriens whose extract contains levodopa. All this was known much before James Parkinson described this disease in modern times. The prevalence studies have recorded widely differing rates in India mostly due to dissimilar ethnicity and age structure of the studied population. A study on the Parsi community shows a very high prevalence of PD, as their longevity is different from that of the national average and is characterized by a larger age population as well as a distinct ethnicity. Epidemiological study from India revealed that about approximately 7 lakh Indians are affected with PD because of the larger size of Indian population (Behari et al., 2002). However, the prevalence rates could be much higher (3.30 per 1000 elderly population > 60 years) based on the recent report from eastern India (Das et al., 2006). The age and sex specific prevalence showed increasing frequency of neurological disorders with advancing age in both genders excepting slight dip in the fourth and fifth decades among females. Different inclusion criteria, multiethnicity, different environmental factors, poor medical facility and insufficient number of aged population may be responsible for lower prevalence of chronic neurological disorders as compared to Western countries. Increase in the life expectancy in future will lead to increasing burden of chronic neurological diseases in absolute term in Indian society considering the one billion populations at present. The age-adjusted prevalence rate (PR) and average annual incidence rate were 52.85/100,000 and 5.71/100,000 per year, respectively. The slum population showed significantly decreased PR with age compared with the non-slum population. The adjusted average annual mortality rate was 2.89/100,000 per year. The relative risk of death is 8.98. The case-control study showed that tobacco chewing protected and hypertension increased PD occurrence (Das et al., 2010). Role Environmental risk factors in PD patients of Eastern India A study from Eastern India with male:female ratio to be 4:1 revealed that family history of Parkinson's disease, pesticide exposure, exposure to toxins other than pesticides, rural living and previous history of depression were associated with increased risk of PD and smoking is inversely associated. The above study being a hospital-based study might reflect a higher male-female ratio as more males seek medical attention for comparably severe medical illness in Indian context. Such hospital-based studies are generally misleading, as survival of women recruited from hospital is worse as compared to men. This suggests a bias in favor of males in seeking medical advice for neurological disorders (Sanyal et al, 2010). Agriculture is the main occupation of rural people, which is linked Jaya Sanyal, Biswanath Sarkar 537 to pesticides exposure and also well water consumption exclusively for more than five years. Factors like rural living, farming and use of pesticides and insecticides appear to be interrelated. Most studies that show increased risk of PD with pesticides exposure also show increased risk with rural living. But in the study from Northern part of India (Behari et al., 2001), both cases and controls were collected from the same catchment area of the hospital and this may be one of the explanations why rural living could not emerge as a risk factor. But with respect to the cohort of Eastern India, controls included relatives of patients accompanying them in clinic and OPD, which included both rural and urban subjects in a more random fashion. This is probably why both pesticides exposure and rural living emerged as significant factor. Though it was difficult to ascertain the nature of pesticides but mostly they were organophosphorus, organochlorine, carbamates in chemical nature and this quantification of exposure to pesticides was not possible. The quantum of land owned by a rural household is perhaps an important indicator of the economic status of the household. In India, three different types of crops are cultivated in a year per field. The field size varies from 0.1-2 acres of land. Farmers use different pesticides to cultivate crops like Dhaan (rice), vegetables, potato, cabbage, brinjal etc. Ketazine (250ml/spray), Action 505, Eldrine, Phostathione, are some of the commonly used pesticides sprayed to eradicate pests. Though the cut off value for the use of pesticides has been kept to five years, it has been seen that patients exposed to such toxic substances from their younger years have more severe PD symptoms (Hoehn and Yahr score > 4) than those exposed at a later stage. Manual laborers though engaged in other occupation, sometimes also work in such open fields. This may be the reason that they have a greater risk for occurrence of PD. It was expected that farmers would comprise a significant proportion of cases but only two cases (1.1%) and two controls (0.5%) were farmers. The farmers in the PD cohort are of older age with one of them having a positive family history. Comparatively, the controls with farming as an occupation were of younger age. It can be assumed that with longer years of exposure to pesticides they might develop PD in their lifetime that explains the discrepancy that farming as an occupation was not associated with PD. In rural West Bengal, housewives of farmer families and also people of other professions like shopkeepers and small businessman handle pesticides during cultivation of land seasonally. This indicates direct exposure to pesticides is probably more important than rural living or farming as a risk factor. Many patients with Parkinson's disease have clinically significant anxiety, depression, fatigue, sleep disturbance, or sensory symptoms. The comorbidity of these nonmotor symptoms and their relationship to PD severity has not been extensively evaluated. Two epidemiological studies from India and one from Japan have documented an increasing prevalence of PD among women with advancing age. (Saha et al., 2003; Das et al., 2006; Kimura et al., 2002). The exact reasons are not known. One of the reasons may be that women are usually nonsmokers. An experimental study has documented a beneficial effect of oestrogen on neurons including dopaminergic (DA) neurons (Miller et al., 1998). However, no significant correlation has been demonstrated between parkinsonian symptoms and the levels of oestrogen and progesterone. Thus, a gender-based interaction (e.g. men in the US and Europe, and women in Japan and India) between environmental and/or genetic risk factors might explain this difference. A meta-analysis of 44 case-control and 4 cohort studies on smoking, and 8 case-control and 5 cohort studies on coffee-drinking showed a 60% lower risk of PD in smokers than non-smokers, and a 30% lower risk among coffeedrinkers than non-drinkers, respectively (Hernan et al., 2002). The primary candidate 538 Scenario of Parkinsons Disease in India substances that offer a protective effect are nicotine and caffeine. Study by Sanyal et al, 2010 revealed an association between PD and previous history of depression up to 15 years prior to PD symptom onset. Although, the relevance of depression in pathogenesis of PD is unclear, depression has found to be common in PD patients and predates symptoms of PD. This might be linked to a reduction in brain catecholamine, serotonin or dopamine. Interestingly, there was no association of PD with exposure to domestic pets for five years whereas, two times reduced risk for developing PD was found for those exposed more than ten years (Behari et al., 2001). Whether there is any mechanism of possible protective effect of exposure to pets in PD is difficult to attribute to any factor and this field needs to be explored. In studies on survival of cardiac infarction, patients who owned dogs had better survival as compared to those who did not own a pet. It might be hypothesized that sympathetic nervous system arousal and decrease in anxiety in response to stressors could play a role in survival after cardiac infarction. This hypothesis may not be applicable in etiology of PD. Inflammatory processes and cytokine expression has been implicated in the pathogenesis of several neurodegenerative disorders. Inflammation is a common finding in the PD brain, but due to the limitation of postmortem analysis its relationship to disease progression cannot be established. Role of Oxidative stress in PD patients of Eastern India Due to increase in free radicals and other reactive oxygen species, which play an important part in neuronal death in major neurodegenerative diseases, oxidative stress is a primary causal event in the etiology of PD. Under normal conditions, the actions of reactive species are opposed by a balanced and coordinated system of antioxidant defenses like Superoxide dismutase (SOD), catalase (CAT) and Glutathione peroxidase (G-Px). Oxidative stress might be a consequence of reduced efficiency of these endogenous antioxidants that render PD patients more vulnerable to oxidative stress. In a study on Eastern India among 160 subjects, it was seen PD patients had a significant higher RBC SOD activity (Sanyal et al, 2011). The mean RBC activity of CAT was found to be lowered in patients compared to the controls. These enzymes do not decrease with age or age of onset, but the correlation with duration of disease, UPDRS and HY stages was significant for those patients suffering for a greater duration with later stages of PD progression; thus the lowering of activity of these biochemical parameters. In the initial stages of the disease, increased SOD, CAT, G-Px activity in the nervous system of PD patients may be a protective response to the increased production of the anions. Mechanisms underlying neuronal death in PD are poorly understood, although several in vitro studies have suggested the involvement of oxidative stress (Gotz et al., 1990). According to the hypothesis of Youdim et al. 1993, NO could be implicated in the pathogenesis of PD in at least three ways: NO-mediated involvement of corticostriatal glutamatergic neurons (Bret et al., 1989; Mccall et al., 1992) NO interaction with their on storage protein ferritin resulting in the release of iron, formation of iron-nitrosyl complexes and promotion of free radicals, triggering lipidperoxidation (Reif et al., 1990); and NO-induced impairment of mitochondrial function (Abou-sleiman et al., 2006; Nunes et al., 2005). A single report from India by Sanyal et al., 2010 showed an elevated plasma level of nitrates was found in PD patients, however, there was no significant difference in plasma nitrate level between the subgroup of PD patients with disease duration of two years or less vs. that of the control group. In the PD group as a whole, there was a positive correlation of nitrate levels with patient age, age at disease onset, disease duration, Jaya Sanyal, Biswanath Sarkar 539 UPDRS, and the Hoehn and Yahr stage. Analyzed in a different way, NO levels were higher in PD patients with disease onset > 50 years, and in those with a greater degree of parkinsonism (UPDRS score > 30 or Hoehn and Yahr > 2). However, this difference does not justify stating that plasma nitrate levels are therefore related to the risk of developing PD, particularly as patients with short PD duration did not have elevated levels of NO. Malondialdehyde (MDA) is considered to be an intermediate compound and a major indicator of lipid peroxidation process (Halliwell et al., 1987). With respect to the Eastern Indian PD patients (Sanyal et al., 2009), plasma MDA levels were inversely correlated with age of the patients and differed significantly from that of controls thus agreeing with those reported by Kilinc et al., 1988. Dexter et al., 1989 have shown that basal lipid peroxidation measured as MDA levels is increased in substantia nigra of PD patients’ brain. One report from India by Sudha et al., 2003 showed high erythrocyte lipid peroxidation at 0 hour of PD patients. High MDA, nitrate levels, excessive SOD activity in patients with less duration, early stages, decreased CAT, G-Px may indicate a systematic reaction related to chronic oxidative stress in brain. These can be viewed as peripheral markers for PD although such markers might not be of any diagnostic value. We find the difference between early and late PD patients convincing. We therefore, conclude that some defect in the free radical protecting enzymes does not develop over the years of Parkinson’s disease. This is supported by the observation that early patients, even those that are elderly, have high levels of these enzymes, while late patients, even young ones, seem to have lost the ability to increase their antioxidant levels and thus have less free radical protecting capacity. It is possible that this loss is due to increased oxygen stress induced by the levadopa therapy. On the whole, it can be concluded that erythrocytes of Eastern Indian PD patients are under oxidative stress as is evidenced by reduced SOD, CAT, G-Px with greater duration and later phase of PD. Role of genes in PD patients of Eastern India PD generally arises as a sporadic form but is occasionally inherited as a simple Mendelian trait. Screening of DJ-1 in Eastern Indian PD patients DJ-1 gene mutation has recently been linked to PARK7, an autosomal recessive earlyonset form of Parkinson’s disease. DJ-1 (OMIM 602533) is an eight exon gene spanning 24kb, the open reading frame is encoded within exons 2-7 and exon 1 (1A and 1B) is alternatively spliced and non-coding. So far, 22 DJ-1 mutations have been reported in Human Genome Mutation Database (http://www.hgmd.cf.ac.uk/ac/all.php). Analysis of codon usage data has an importance in understanding the basic molecular organization of a genome and that all organisms do not prefer all codons equally. Codon usage is known to be non-random and species specific. Codon usage patterns differ significantly from organism to organism and they differ among different genes within the same taxa. Compositional constraints and translational selection are thought to be the two major factors for codon usage variation among the genes. To understand the evolution at molecular level, DJ-1 protein among nine species, Danio rerio, Macaca mulatta, Pan troglodytes, Bos taurus, Mus musculus, Rattus norvegicus, Taeniopygia guttata, Canis familiaris, Homo sapiens was analyzed. To understand the nucleotide compositional characteristics among the DJ-1 from different species, gene 540 541 Jaya Sanyal, Biswanath Sarkar Scenario of Parkinsons Disease in India sequences from different species were obtained and analyzed. The GC content was found to be lower in Homo sapiens, Canis familiaris and Pan troglodytes ranging from 48.2%49.9%, as compared to the other species like Danio, Mus, Rat, Bos, Taeniopygia which shows a higher value ranging from 50%-55%. While accessing the codon usage preference for coding region of DJ-1 genes from different species, A-T rich codons were found to be more abundant in organisms whose G+C content (GC%) in DJ-1 gene was lesser and GC-rich codons were more abundant in organisms with higher G+C content. It is seen that species with greater GC% content also tend to have a lower A/T in their third codon position (A3, T3) values (Fig. 1). Interestingly, the effective number of codons (Nc), which is an indicative of codon usage bias in a particular gene sequence was found to be lower in Danio (47.91) and Bos (49.91), whereas Nc value was higher in Pan, Macaca, Homo sapiens and Mus musculus. While comparing, the amino acid composition of different homologous DJ-1 protein sequences, amino acids like Phe, Trp Cys were found to be in some low abundance than that of Leu, Ala, Pro, which are more abundant amino acids among all the species for which DJ-1 has been studied. The abundance of the other amino acids such as Asn, Thr, Ile, Val are more conserving across different species (Fig 2). The DJ-1 sequences from evolutionary different species have been analyzed. It is observed that there are some differences among their sequences in nucleotide compositional level. But, DJ-1 proteins from these species were much conserve, in terms of their amino acid composition. Thus it provides a hint towards the conserved evolutionary pattern of DJ-1. 0.5 0.45 0.4 0.35 0.3 0.25 0.2 0.15 0.1 0.05 0 In a cohort of 150 PD patients from Eastern India (Sanyal et al., 2011), a total of six intronic variants (IVS4+30T>G, IVS4+45G>A, IVS4+46G>A, IVS4-98G>A, IVS5+31G>A and IVS5+69G>C) were detected in the DJ-1 gene including one novel intronic change (IVS5+69G>C). Clinical features of the two patients exhibiting IVS5+69G>C (novel change) were compared and both were found to have early onset PD. However, the risk of this variant (IVS5+69G>C) in PD pathogenesis is not yet understood. IVS4+30T>G, IVS4+45G>A, and IVS4+46G>A were found to be present equally both in the patient and control cohorts (Table 1). Table 1. DJ-1 Gene polymorphisms and variants Nucleotide change Amino acid change Patient (%) N=150 (no. of chromosomes=300) Control (%) (no. of chromosomes=300) SNP Status N=150 IVS4+30T>G NA 26 (17.33) 27 (18) rs2641116 (Reported) IVS4+45G>A NA 26 (17.33) 27 (18) rs2641117 (Reported) IVS4+46G>A NA 65 (43.33) 40 (26.66) rs56327722 (Reported) IVS4–98G>A NA 5 (3.33) 0 (0) rs6703670 (Reported) IVS 5+31G>A NA 4 (2.66) 2 (1.33) rs389298 (Reported) IVS 5+69G>C NA 2 (1.33) 0 (0) Novel T3s C3s A3s is an C s en pi sa om o_ _f a_ gi yh op Ta e ni H am ilia gu eg rv no s_ tu at R r is ta tta ic lu cu _m us M us ta u s_ Bo us s s ru _ es od n_ Pa M ac ac tr o gl a_ D m ul yt at an ta io G3s Fig 1: A3,T3,C3,G3 composition for DJ1 protein among 9 organisms. Fig 2. Amino acid composition for DJ-1 protein among 10 organisms. Interestingly, two nucleotide variants, rs2641116 (IVS4+30T>G), rs2641117 (IVS4+45G>A) were found to be in complete linkage disequilibrium (LD). The minor allele frequencies of these variants were comparable between patients (0.17) and controls (0.18). The case-control association study showed that rs56327722 was found to be significantly over represented among the patients than the controls with A allele as a risk factor for PD among Eastern Indian PD patients (OR=1.798; 95%CI=1.170-2.762, P=0.010). Nucleotide variant, IVS4-98G>A (rs6706370) was found to be present in 5 patients (3.33%) whereas intronic variant, rs389298 (IVS5+31G>A) is present in 8 and 4 chromosomes among patients and controls respectively. No other such variants were either seen in the exons 2, 3, 6 and 7 or in their exon-intron boundaries. There is lack of association of DJ-1 with PD in Eastern India. No heterozygous or homozygous missense/nonsense mutations in the coding exons of DJ-1 was found suggesting DJ-1 mutation is very rare among the patients with familial and sporadic Parkinsonism from East India. Because the identified DJ-1 mutants were found in a genetically isolated community and in consanguineous families, DJ-1 mutants may be unusual in the general population. Although intronic regions contain regulatory elements, the variants detected in our study are unlikely to be pathogenic. The identified intronic variants which unlikely to affect splicing and seem to be represented as polymorphisms. Among the variants, rs2641116, rs1264117 and rs389298 have already been reported in Chinese population (Guo et al., 2005). Mutations had not also been identified in other Asian populations like Japan, China, Taiwan, and Korea. Therefore, our finding is in line with the different Asian populations as well as other populations (Israel, Turkey, Philippines, 542 Scenario of Parkinsons Disease in India Bulgaria, Greece, and Tunisia) (Tan et al., 2004; Tomiyama et al., 2009). Taken together, it appears that compared to the PARKIN gene, routine priority screening for DJ-1 mutations in all PD patients may not be necessary or cost effective. Interestingly, intronic variant, IVS4+46G>A (rs56327722) was significantly over represented among the patients and thus appeared as a risk factor for developing PD. Such an association of intronic variant with PD has already been described previously in other genes (Xu et al., 2002). However, role of this intronic variant in the disease mechanism is not clear. This could be in LD with some other causal mutation, which needs to be deciphered. In conclusion, although a number of intronic variants and a novel intronic change were detected, absence of any DJ-1 mutations amongst PD patients suggests that DJ-1 has little relevance in disease pathogenesis in our Indian cohort. Role of LRRK2 gene in Eastern India A breakthrough has been achieved by linkage of families with autosomal dominant PD to the PARK8 region located on chromosome 12p11.2-q13 (Funayama et al., 2002; Zimprich et al., 2004). LRRK2 mutations appear to be limited to certain populations in various geographical locations; different ancestry and founder effect (Zabetian et al., 2005) can be related to their variability thereby explaining its absence in the Indians. The LRRK2 G2019S mutation is the most common genetic determinant with studies reporting frequencies between 1% and 7% in patients with PD of European origin and between 2% and 40% in Ashkenazi Jews and North African Arabs (Lesage et al., 2006; Ozelius et al., 2006). Though G2019S mutation is absent in Eastern Indian population which is in accordance with the Chinese population (Tan et al., 2005), a single report demonstrated the presence of G2019S in only one Indian patient (0.12%) and low prevalence in Asia (Punia et al., 2006 ; Tan et al., 2005). The I2012T and 12020T mutations are absent in our study which is similar to the Taiwanese (Lu et al., 2005), Polish (Bialecka et al., 2005) and North Indian studies (Punia et al., 2006) earlier in contrast to the Japanese and Europeans (Berg et al., 2005; Zimprich et al., 2004). The R1441G mutation occurs in about 8% in PD patients from the Basque country and 2.5% in late-onset Spanish population (Paisan-Ruiz et al., 2004; Mata et al., 2005). This mutation is also not found in our cohort that is at par to the Italian (Goldwurm et al., 2005), Portuguese (Bras et al., 2005) and North Indian population (Punia et al., 2006). Similarly, R1441C and R1441H were present neither in Eastern India nor in Portuguese (Bras et al., 2005) and in a study from North India (Punia et al., 2006). Again, Y1669C is absent in our PD patient cohort like the Italian population (Goldwurm et al., 2005), whereas it exists as 0.26% in German cohort (Zimprich et al., 2004). Based on our results, routine testing for these mutations for diagnostic purpose and genetic counseling may not be cost effective at least in the studied population. Although LRRK2 mutations are reported at various frequencies in populations of Spain, Basques, African Arabs, Ashkenazi Jews, the present study indicate that these mutations do not contribute significantly to PD amongst the cases with familial PD and sporadic patients cutting across all the castes and groups taken in our study; thereby they are of little relevance for their pathogenic role in this disease inheritance and cannot be recommended for the diagnostic screening of those mutations in contrast to North American and European populations. Jaya Sanyal, Biswanath Sarkar 543 PARKIN MUTATION STUDIES IN INDIA Role of PARKIN polymorphisms as risk factors varies in different populations among various ethnic groups. Unlike many other populations of the world, India consists of ethnically, geographically and genetically diverse populations, comprising of more than a billion people of four major linguistic lineages, consisting of 4693 communities with several 1000 endogamous groups . Indian populations, known for their rich diversity, are not included in the genotyping of single nucleotide polymorphisms in the global survey for all the genes associated with PD. As part of a larger effort to study genomic variation in Indian population, a total of 1000 adult individuals from three linguistic groups belonging to 10 ethnic groups who inhabit geographically diverse regions of India were selected for the screening of five PARKIN gene polymorphisms (rs1801474, rs72480421, rs1801582, rs1801334 and rs35125035) in 10 Indian populations (Munda, Andh, Kamar, Kathodi, Toto, Gallong, Kathakur, Nihal, Birhor, Bondo) to study the Indian gene pool. The rs72480421 (His200Gln) was found to be monomorphic. MAF of rs1801334 is the highest in Indian populations (0.109) than those of the other populations who participated in Hapmap project yielding a very high heterozygosity. However, with respect to rs1801474, MAF was found to be similar between YRI (0.102) and Indian populations (0.103). MAF of the variant rs1801582 is low in Indian populations (0.135) as compared to Luhya (0.218) and Maasai (0.196) of Kenya, Mexicans (0.224), Gujarati Indians (0.292), but higher than the Japanese (0.058), Hans Chinese (0.08) populations. Out of sixteen possible haplotypes, five major haplotypes having frequencies greater than 5% accounted for almost all chromosomes (90–98%) in all populations studied. However haplotype frequencies showed striking variation among populations. In all populations, GGGGC is the major haplotype with the frequency ranging from 52.8% (Munda) to 76.2 (Gallong), GCGC was the second major haplotype in Birhor (15.6%), Munda (19.7%) and Andh (21.8%). The other haplotype with more than 5% frequency in at least one population are GGAC, GGGA and AGGC (Fig 3). Figure 3. Relative proportions of most frequent five-site haplotypes of PARKIN among ten Indian populations. 544 Jaya Sanyal, Biswanath Sarkar Scenario of Parkinsons Disease in India Although the present study includes only rs1801474 (Exon 4) and rs72480421 (Exon 5) are in the so-called deletion hot spot, remaining 3 SNPs are also separated by large introns. The distance between rs1801582 (exon 10) and rs1801334 (exon 11) is 26.6 kb, likewise between rs1801334 and rs35125035 (exon 12) is 10.1 kb. Contemporary ethnic populations of India are highly variable both culturally and biologically. The origins of the genetically and culturally diverse populations of India have been subject to numerous genetic studies based on blood group, serum protein and red-cell enzyme polymorphisms (Cavalli-Sforza et al. 1994; Papiha 1996). Further detailed study in this field will give a greater insight to analyze the haplotypic and LD and decipher the pathogenesis of PD patterns in this region. The haplotype diversity and the fragmented LD across PARKIN gene in all populations of the present study are suggesting the existence of frequent recombination within the large introns of the PARKIN gene. The rate varies in different ethnic populations. A total of 499 PD patients from India were analyzed to identify the causal mutations in the Parkin gene. Fifteen point mutations, 7 heterozygous exon rearrangements and 2 homozygous exon deletions were identified. Diverse frequency and a wide spectrum of mutations including point mutations, insertions and deletions within the Parkin gene, have been reported in different ethnic populations. The frequency of Parkin mutations varies in different populations; Europeans (50%), Germans (9%), French (16%), Italians (13%), North Americans (21%), Brazilians (8%) and Indians (8%). Djarmati et al.40 reported that Parkin gene mutations are rare in Serbian early-onset PD (EOPD) patient samples (1.3%), suggesting that the Parkin gene mutation rate depends on the ethnic origin of the patients and that other genetic factors contribute to the development of EOPD. In a study of 73 Caucasian families with EOPD (age <45 years), 49% had mutations in the Parkin gene. In comparison, in 100 patients with sporadic PD and age of onset <45 years, Parkin mutations were detected in 70% of patients presenting at age <20 years, but only in 30% of those presenting at age >30 years. Biswas et al. identified two coding SNPs (cSNPs), Serl67Asn (c.601G/A) and Val380Leu (c.1239G/C) and evaluated the association of these 2 cSNPs with PD by genotyping 138 eastern Indian PD patients and 141 ethnically matched controls.41 Both the cSNPs in the Parkin gene within the cohort showed a significant association with PD independent of the age of onset, sex and presence of other polymorphisms. 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Survey of India, 61 : 2 (549-557), 2012 igkM+h dksjck tutkfr ds lkekftd] lkLÑfrd ,oa vkfFkZd thou esa fujarjrk ,oa ifjorZu jkt fd'kksj ¨ÉɽþÉiÉÉ ä1 vkj- ,l- tkaHkqydj 2 ifjp; oSlh u`tkrh; lewg ftuesa izkphu ;k vkfne y{k.k] fof'k"V laLÑfr] HkkSxksfyd vyxko] c`gr~ lekt ls lEidZ esa ladqfpr LoHkko ,oa fiNM+kiu tSls fo'ks"krk gS vuqlwfpr tutkfr dgha tkrh gSA bu tutkfr;ksa esa oSlh tutkrh; lewg ftudh vFkZ O;oLFkk vkt Hkh Ñf"k iwoZ rduhfd ij vk/kkfjr gS] tks fuEu lk{kjrk nj ,oa tula[;k kl dh voLFkk esa gS] vkfne tutkrh; lewg dgykrh Fkh] vc ikfVZdqyjyh oYujsoy tutkfr lewg ¼ih- Vh- th-½ dgykrh gSA mij of.kZr fo'ks"krkvksa ds vk/kkj ij Hkkjr dh 75 tutkfr;ksa dks ikfVZdqyjyh oYujsoy tutkfr lewg ¼ih- Vh- th-½ esa j[kk x;k gSA ;s izÑfr ij fuHkZj jgus okyh tutkfr;kW gSA buesa ls vf/kdrj Hkwfeghu gSA ftuds ikl FkksM+h cgqr Hkwfe gS og Ñf"k yk;d ugh gSA QyLo:i ;s viuh thfodk esa Ñf"k dks 'kkfey dj ugha ik;h gaSA budh tula[;k de gSA buds lkekftd ,oa vkfFkZd thou esa cgqr de ifjorZu gq;s gSA iz'kklfud ,oa fodkldkjh lqfo/kkvksa ls nwj] vk/kkjHkwr lqfo/kkvksa ds vHkko esa nwjnjkt {ks=k esa lfn;ksa ls ;s jgrh vk jgh gSA budh laj{k.k ,oa fodkl dh furkar vko';drk gS] ftlls budh ?kVrh tula[;k dks jksdk tk ldrk gSA igkM+h dksjck NRrhlx<+ jkT; ds tliqj ftys esa fuokl djrh gSA dekj] cSxk] fcjgksj rFkk vcwt ekfj;k dh Hkkaafr ;g Hkh NRrhlx<+ dh vkfne tutkrh; lewg ls lEcfU/kr tutkfr gSA igkM+h dksjck tSlk fd uke ls gh izrhr gksrk gS ;s igkM+h {ks=kksa esa gh fuokl djrh gSaA budk thou 'kSyh ,oa n'kZu blh ds vuq:i <yk gqvk gSA igkM+h dksjck rhu izdkj dh gksrs gSA dkyk igkM+h] fMgfj;k igkM+h ,oa ,jaxk igkfM+;kA dkyk igkM+h igkMh dksjck ds uke ls tkuh tkrh gSA fMgfj;k igkM+h fMg vFkkZr xkWao esa fuokl djrh gSA ,jaxk igkM+h dksjck xkWao ,oa igkM+h nksuks LFkkuksa ij jgrh gSA ;asa e`r xk;&cSy dk ekal [kkrh gSA xk;&cSy dk ekal [kkus ds dkj.k bUgsa rhuksa izdkjkas esa lclsa uhpk le>k tkrk gSA fMgfj;k ,oa igkM+h esa Hkh vkil esa 'kknh&C;kg [kku&iku ugha pyrk gSA fMgfj;k eSnkuh {ks=k esa jgdj [ksrh&ckjh dja thfodk ikyu djrs gSA rhuksa dksjck esa fMgfj;k vius dks lclsa ÅpkWa le>rh gSA blds ckn igkM+h dksjck fQj ,jaxk dksjck dk LFkku vkrk gSA ,jaxk igkM+h dksjck dh vkfFkZd fLFkfr lclsa n;uh; gSA ;s iw.kZ :is.k taxy ij vkfJr gSA ouksit buds thou dk eq[; vk/kkj gSA 1 vuql/a kku lg;ksxh ¼lkLÑfrd½ Nk;k fp=kdkj 2 550 igkM+h dksjck tutkfr...........fujarjrk ,oa ifjorZu jkt fd'kksj egrk,, vkj- ,l- tkaHkqydj 551 vkfFkZd&thou eUgksjh igkM+h dksjck tutkfr dk eq[; is'kk taxy ls Qy&Qwy ,df=kr djuk] dan&ewy laxzg djuk gSA taxy ls tykou dh ydM+h ykdj cspuk] Ñf"k midj.k ¼gy] tqvk½ cukdj cspuk rFkk ?kj cukus esa mi;ksx gksus okys ydM+h Hkh ;s taxy ls ykdj xkWaoksa esa cspdj thfodk pykrs gSA taxyh ikS/ks ds fNyds ls ;s jLlh cukdj bls csprs gSA dan&ewy esa eq[; :i ls xM: dkank] tsB dkank vkfn taxy ls ykrs gSA bls lkQ djds mckyrs gS fQj [kkdj isV dk Hkw[k 'kkar djrs gSA taxyh Qyksa esa pkj] dVs] vke] rasnw] vkWaoyk vkfn laxzg djrs gSA cjlkr ds fnukas esa iqVq] [kq[kjh Hkh ;s taxy ls ykdj bUgs csprs gSA pksjh&fNis taxyh if{k;kas dk Hkh f'kdkj dj ysrs gSaA igkM+h dksjck [ksrh Hkh dj ysrs gSA [ksrh esa edbZ] dwVdh ¼xksanyh½] cjbZ ¼cktjk½] tVxh ¼xwatk½] jkgj ,oa ljlks mitkrs ga S A ;s lHkh [ks r h fVdjk Hkw f e es a dh tkrh gS a rFkk o"kkZ ij vk/kkfjr gks r h gS A rhu ikd ¼,d ikd¾15 fnu½ ds ckn firjksa ¼iwot Z ½ dh iwtk djds cPps dh ek¡ jlksbZ dk dke djuk izkjaHk djrh gSA eUgksjh ds ckn gh og ?kj ds lHkh dke&dkt esa iw.kZ:is.k gkFk cVkus yxrh gSA lkekftd thou igkM+h dksjck tutkfr esa Hkh vU; tutkfr;ksa ds leku xks=k O;oLFkk ik;h tkrh gSA ,nes] gkWalnk] eqj>k] fxywe] leVokj] gM+ek] >qe:] /kqfj;k] pkUMk rFkk 'ko: budk izeq[k xks=k gSA xks=k O;oLFkk dk eq[; dk;Z lkekftd thou dks fu;af=kr djuk gksrk gSaA igkM+h dksjck ,d fook?? ,oa ,dy ifjokj dks iz/kkurk nsrh gSaA igkM+h dksjck dk ifjokj fir`oa'kh;] fir`js[kh; rFkk fir`LFkkuh; gksrk gSA 'kknh ds ckn ;s ifjokj ls vyx jgus yxrs gSaA ek¡&cki lkekU;r% NksVs csVs ds lkFk jgrs gSA vxj ek¡&cki 'kkjhfjd :i ls Bhd gS rks NksVs iq=k ds 'kknh ds ckn ;s yksx Hkh vyx jgdj thfodk ikyu djrs gSaA tc 'kkjhfjd :i ls detksj ,oa o`) gks tkrs gSa rc fQj ek¡&cki vius csVks ds lkFk jgus yxrs gSaA thou pØ tUe L=kh ds xHkZorh gksus ds rhljs ;k ik¡pos eghus esa iwoZt LFky ij ewxkZ cfy nsdj iwtk dh tkrh gSA cPps dk tUe fcuk ck/kk ds gks ;g lkspdj ;s ,slk djrs gSA vktdy igkM+h dksjck dh xHkZorh efgyk;s fVVusl dh lqbZ yxokus yxh gSA ijUrq izlo ds le; vLirky tkuk ilan ugha djrs gSA fojgksj tutkfr ds leku izlo ihM+k izkjaHk gksus ds ckn xHkZorh efgyk dks ?kj ds ckgj vk¡xu esa fudky fn;k tkrk gSA vk¡xu ds fdlh dksus ij og cPps dks tUe nsrh gSA izlo LFky ij ?kj ,oa ml xks=k ls lEcf/kr dksbZ Hkh efgyk ;k iq:"k ugha gksrs gSA dqlkbZu tks fd ?kklh ;k yksgjk tkfr dh gksrh gS og izlo esa lgk;rk igq¡pkrh gSA cPps dh ukHkh >M+us rd ,dkUr LFky ij ek¡ ,oa cPpk nksuks jgrs gSA cPps ds tUe ds ckn cPps dh ek¡ dks lktk isM+ dk fNydk ikuh esa mckydj mldk jl fiyk;k tkrk gSA ukHkh >M+us ds ckn NBh fd;k tkrk gSA NBh dsoy 'kqf)dj.k dk fnu gksrk gSA NBh ds fnu ?kj dk lHkh diM+k lkQ fd;k tkrk gSA ?kj dks xkscj ls fyikbZ djds 'kq) fd;k tkrk gSA NBh ds ckn tPpk ,oa cPpk nksuksa ?kj esa izos'k djrs gSa rFkk cPps dks lHkh xksn ysus yxrs gSaA cjgh NBh ds ckn tUe ds ckjgos fnu cjgh dk vk;kstu fd;k tkrk gSA bl fnu lHkh fjLrsnkj ,oa xk¡o ds yksx vkeaf=kr fd;s tkrs gSA yM+dk ,oa yM+dh nksuks ds gh tUe esa leku [kq'kh euk;h tkrh gSA yM+dh gksus ij vf/kd [kq'kh feyrh gS D;ksafd og cM+h gksdj ?kj dk dke&dkt esa gkFk c¡Vk;sxhA yM+fd;k¡ ?kj dh ftEesnkjh fuHkkrh gSA lc feydj egqvk dh 'kjkc ihdj [kq'kh eukrs gSA uotkr f'k'kq ,oa mlds ek¡ dks u;k diM+k fn;k tkrk gSA iwoZt LFky ,oa [kqfj;k jkuh ds LFky ij iwtk dh tkrh gSA ekrk&firk ,oa ?kj ds L;ku yksx ¼cqtqxZ½ cPps dk ukekadj.k djrs gSA cPps ds iSj esa igys 'kjkc Li'kZ djk;k tkrk gS fQj ml 'kjkc dks fi;k tkrk gSA d.kZ&Nsnu d.kZ Nsnu dks igkM+h dksjck esa dqaoj fogk ¼'kknh½ Hkh dgk tkrk gSA lk¡r ls vk¡B o"kZ ds mez esa cPps dk dku Nsn fn;k tkrk gSA bl fnu ekek&QwQw ds ?kj ls fo'ks"k djds yksxksa dks vkeaf=kr fd;k tkrk gSA xk¡o ds x.kekU; yksx Hkh cqyk;s tkrs gSA cPps ds ekek {kerkuqlkj migkj esa cdjh] xk; ;k vU; lkeku ykrk gSA ;g migkj cPps ds iw¡th ds :i esa c<+rk tkrk gSA d.kZ&Nsnu ds fnu gh vf/kdrj igkM+h dksjck ds yksx buds 'kknh Hkh r; dj nsrs gSA vxj ekek QwQw ds ?kj dksbZ yM+dk@yM+dh gks rks mlh ls 'kknh r; dj nh tkrh gS vU;Fkk ekek ;k QwQw ds xks=k esa gh [kkstk tkrk gSA vFkkZr d.kZ Nsnu ds fnu gh 'kknh ds mEehn~okj dk p;u gks tkrk gSA fdlh&fdlh igkM+h dksjck esa ;g Hkh ns[kk x;k fd lkr&vkB o"kZ esa dku Nsn ugha fd;k tkrk gS ijUrq 'kknh ls igys dku Nsn vko';d ekuk tkrk gSA 'kknh ds fnu rd vxj dku Nsnh ugha gqvk jgrk gS rks mls lkekftd n.M fn;k tkrk gS A n.M es a cdjk fy;k tkrk gS A fookg igkM+h dksjck esa fookg eesjs&QwQsjs HkkbZ&cgu esa ekU; gSA ;s tkfr vUrfoZokgh rFkk xks=k cfgfoZokg gksrs gSA nsoj fookg] HkkHkh fookg rFkk fo/kok iqufoZokg dh izFkk buesa gSA dHkh&dHkh dksbZ yM+dk vUrZtkrh; fookg djrk gS rks lekt ,sls fookg dks ekU;rk ugha nsrh gSA vxj dksbZ leku xks=k esa fookg djrs gS rks mls oj&o/kw ds ?kj okyksa dks lekt cfg"Ñr dj nsrh gSA ,sls ifjfLFkfr esa lekt dks lkewfgd Hkkst nsuk gksrk gSA lkewfgd Hkkst esa [kLlh dkVk tkrk gSA xk¡o ds igkM+h dksjck lekt okys Hkkst esa lfEefyr gksrs fQj bUgs lekt esa ekU;rk feyrh gSA igkM+h dksjck tutkfr esa fookg iku&ck¡/kh] cjks[kh ,oa yfxu tSls Lrjksa ls xqtjdj lEiUu dh tkrh gSA iku ck¡/kh iku ck¡/kh dks ckr ck¡/kuh rFkk ykBh Mjkiuh Hkh dgk tkrk gSA iku ck¡/kh ds fnu fookg iDdk dj fy;k tkrk gS] blfy, bls ckr ck¡/kuh ;k ykBh Mjkouh Hkh dgk tkrk gSA bl fnu ds ckn oj ,oa dU;k okys fookg ls eqdj ugha ldrs gSA eqdjus ij ykBh Mjkouh vFkkZr M.Ms ls ekj [kkus dh Hkh ukScr vk ldrh gSA vktdy ykBh Mjkouh dsoy izrhdkRed 'kCn jg x;k gSA M.Ms ls ekjus dk dke ugha ds cjkcj gksrk gSA iku ck¡/kh dk dke dksVikj dh mifLFkfr esa lEiUu gksrk gSA xk¡o ds x.kekU; cqtqxZ ,oa utnhdh fj'rsnkj cqyk;s tkrs gSA oj i{k ds yksx u;k diM+k] xguk vkfn ysdj o/kq i{k ds ?kj vkrs gSA vk¡xu esa rqylh eap ds ikl o/kq dks fcBk dj u;k diM+k] xguk vkfn ns d j pq e kou fd;k tkrk gS A lc yks x dU;k dks vk'khZ o kn ns r s gS A cjks[kh iku ck¡/kh ds ckn cjks[kh gksrk gSA vkt ds fnu oj i{k ls pkj ls ik¡p Hkkj dksluk ¼,d Hkkj ¾ nks g.Mh½] u;k diM+k] xguk vkfn ysdj o/kq ds ?kj vkrs gSA oj i{k dh vksj ls utnhdh fj'rsnkj] xk¡o ds dqN fxus&pqus yksx jgrs gSA o/kq i{k ls Hkh utnhdh fj'rsnkj ,oa xk¡o ds fl;ku ¼cq<+s] cwtwxZ½ mifLFkr jgrs gSA u;k diM+k ,oa xguk igudj o/kq lHkh ds lkeus mifLFkr gksrh gS rFkk lHkh dks iz.kke dj vk'khZokn ysrh gSA 'kknh dk fnu r; fd;k tkrk gSA 'kknh dh frfFk ,d ;k nks o"kZ ckn Hkh fu/kkZfjr dh tk ldrh gSA 552 igkM+h dksjck tutkfr...........fujarjrk ,oa ifjorZu vk"kk<+ eghus ¼tqykbZ&vxLr½ esa igyh o"kkZ esa taxy esa iqVq [kq[kjh ¼e'k:e½ mxrs gS] bldh lCth cukdj o/kq ds ?kj mls f[kykus ds fy, igq¡pk;k tkrk gSA bls iqVq] [kq[kjh >ksj f[kykuk dgk tkrk gSA ;g ,d vko';d fu;e gSA bls iwjk fd;s fcuk fookg dh vkxs dh jhfr ugha dh tkrh gSA yfxu 'kknh ls rhu fnu iwoZ rsy gYnh] u;k diM+k] xguk vkfn ysdj oj i{k ds rhu&pkj vkneh dU;k ds ?kj ij tkrs gSA cSxk rqylh LFky ,oa iwoZt LFky ij iwtk djrk gS] fQj rhu fnu rd ogha rsy gYnh o/kq ds gkFk&iSj esa yxk;k tkrk gSA oj i{k okys ?kj okil vkdj oj dks blh fnu ls rsy gYnh yxkuk izkjaHk djrs gSA rhu fnu rd oj ,oa c/kq nksuksa ds ?kj ij vius&vius cgu ,oa HkkHkh 'kke ls rsy g???? yxkrs gSA xkuk xkrs gS ,oa u`R; Hkh djrs gSaA blesa xk¡o dh efgyk;sa ,oa yM+fd;ka lfEefyr gksrh gSA fookg( fogk) fookg ds fnu lqcg xk¡o ds yksx taxy tkrs gSA ogk¡ ls lky] dsanw ¼rsanw½] egqvk vkfn dh Mkyh ykrs gSA dsnw] egqvk ,o alky ds Mkyh ls cSxk e.Mi cukrk gSA xk¡o ds yksx iwjs vk¡xu esa lky dh Mkyh ls Nk;k gsrq ?keM+k ¼Nr½ cukrs gSA e.Mi ij cSxk iwtk djrk gSA xk¡o okys fookg okys ?kj ls gh rsy ysdj unh ;k rkykc esa ugkus tkrs gSA ugkdj lHkh 'kknh ?kj esa gh 'kkdkgkjh Hkkstu djrs gSA 'kke dks ckjkr fudyrh gSA igys ckjkr iSny gh tk;k djrs Fks ijUrq vktdy VSªDVj ls ckjkr fudyrh gSA ckjkr esa xk¡o ls izfr ?kj ,d O;fDr rFkk lxs lEcU/kh 'kkfey gksrs gSA ckjkr okyh fnu ls iwoZ fnu oj i{k ls nks ;k rhu O;fDr ckjkfr;ksa dh la[;k ,oa igq¡pus dh vuqekfur le; dh tkudkjh ysdj o/kq ds ?kj esa tkrs gSA ckjkr igq¡pus ij o/kq i{k dh vksj ls Lokxr fd;k tkrk gSA oj ds firk ,oa pkpk dks o/kq ds firk Qwy ekyk igukdj ,oa xys feydj Lokxr djrs gSA dU;k ds ?kj ij Hkh oSls gh e.Mi cuk gksrk gSA ogha ij dksVokj 'kknh lEiUu djkrk gSA oj dks xk;&cSy] ?kM+h] jsfM+;ks] lkbZfdy vkfn {kerkuqlkj migkj fn;k tkrk gSA o/kq i{k ds xk¡ookys ,oa fj'rsnkj o/kq dks iSlk ,oa ?kjsyw lkeku migkj esa nsrs gSA cky ck¡puk@rsy fi;ku cky ck¡puk igkM+h dksjck esa vko';d fu;e gSA blls oSokfgd thou dh lQyrk ,oa vlQyrk dk fu/kkZj.k fd;k tkrk gSA blesa dU;k ds ekax esa rsy Mkyk tkrk gS] vxj rsy dh /kkj lh/ks ukd dh vksj c<+rh gS rks ,slk ekuk tkrk gS fd budh oSokfgd thou lQy gksxh vkSj ;fn rsy dh /kkj ukd dh vksj u vkdj QSy tk; rks oSokfgd thou vlQy le>k tkrk gSA bl fLFkfr esa 'kknh jksd nh tkrh gS&D;ksafd budk oSokfgd thou d"Viw.kZ] rukoiw.kZ gksxkA fookg ls lEcfU/kr tks Hkh [kpZ vc rd oj i{k okys fd;s jgrs gS] lHkh dU;k i{k okyksa dks okil djuk iM+rk gSA ;s fØ;k;sa cSxk }kjk lEiUu fd;k tkrk gS rFkk dksVikj lk{; ds :i esa mifLFkr jgrk gSA dksbZ&dksbZ igkM+h dksjck ds yksx bl v'kqHk y{k.k dks iwtk ikB djds Bhd Hkh djrs gSA jkt fd'kksj egrk,, vkj- ,l- tkaHkqydj 553 ,M+h ds ikl ds /kqy dks mBkdj o/kq ds ek¡x esa Hkjrk gSA bl xks=k ds yksx oj & o/kq dks diM+s ls <+drs ugha gSA >e: xks=k okys yksx vkx ds jk[k ls ek¡x Hkjrs gSA bl xks=k okys esa Hkh oj o/kq dks <+dk ugha tkrk gSA mijksDr lHkh xks=kksa esa ek¡x Hkjrs le; oj ,oa o/kq dks ikfjokfjd thou dk opu ¼oknk½ fuHkkuk iM+rk gSA lq[k&nq[k esa lkFk jgus dk opu ysrs gSA oj&o/kq Hkaoj ¼Qsjs½ ysrs gSA cSxk iwoZt iwtk] xzke nsork] ljuk iwtk djrk gS] fQj o/kq dh fonkbZ gksrh gSA e`R;w igkM+h dksjck esa e`R;w ds ckn 'ko dks nQuk;k ,oa tyk;k nksuks ???fØ;k fd;k tkrk gSA e`R;w ds fnu xk¡ookys rFkk fj'rsnkjksa dks [kcj fd;k tkrk gSA [kcj nsus dk dke xks=k dk ;k fQj xk¡o dk gh dksbZ O;fDr djrk gSA vxj 'ko dks tykus dk fu.kZ; gksrk gS rks xk¡o ds lHkh lfEefyr yksx vius&vius ?kjksa ls ,d ,d ydM+h ysdj vkrs gSA 'ko dks tykus dh fØ;k _rq ds mij fuHkZj djrk gSA vxj cjlkr dk le; gks rks 'ko dks nQuk;k tkrk gSA e`R;w ds ckn 'ko dks u;k lQsn diM+k ls <d fn;k tkrk gSA utnhdh fj'rsnkj Hkh vius lkFk u;k lQsn diM+k ysdj vkrs gSA e`r O;fDr ds iw=k 'ko dks da/kk nsrs gSA vxj bl ifjokj esa pkj HkkbZ ugha gksa rks mlh xks=k ls fj'rs esa Hkrhtk yxusokys yksx da/kk nsrs gSA 'ko ds lkFk /kku] iSlk] Fkkyh] yksVk] diM+k vkfn lkeku j[kk tkrk gSA buesa ,slh ekU;rk gS fd e`r O;fDr dh vkRek bu phtksa dks ns[krh gS fd gesa vko';d lkexzh nh x;h gS ;k ughaA nkg laLdkj ds ckn lHkh yksx ej?kVh ls okil vkrs gSA e`rd ds ?kj ij rhu fnu rd pqYgk ugha tyrk gSA mlh xks=k ds xksfr;k ;k xk¡o ds vU; yksx rhu fnu rd mUgsa [kkuk f[kykrs gSA rhu ugku e`R;w ds rhu fnu ckn xk¡o rFkk fj'rsnkjksa dh efgyk;s unh ;k rkykc esa ugkus tkrs gSA 'kke dks rhu yM+dh ,oa nks yM+dks dqy ik¡p cPpksa dks dqaoj Hkkr f[kyk;k tkrk gSA dqaoj ogh ekus tkrs gS ftudh dku Nsn ugha fd;k x;k gksrk gSA ?kj dks gYnh ikuh fNM+ddj 'kq) fd;k tkrk gSA blds ckn ?kj esa [kkuk cukuk izkjaHk fd;k tkrk gSA nl ugku e`R;w ds nlos fnu Bkdwj ¼ukbZ½ }kjk eq.Mu fd;k tkrk gSA ifjokj ds lHkh iq:"k lnL; eq.Mu djrs gSA jkr dks xeh Hkkst fn;k tkrk gSA xeh Hkkst dHkh&dHkh lksykgosa] bDdhlosa ;k iPphlosa fnu Hkh vk;ksftr fd;k tkrk gSA ;g e`rd ?kj ds vkfFkZd fLFkfr ds mij fuHkZj djrk gSA blesa 'kkdkgkjh Hkkstu cuk;k tkrk gSA xeh Hkkst esa lfEefyr lHkh yksx vius&vius ?kjksa ls pkoy] iSlk ysdj lfEefyr gksrs gSA blls e`rd ?kj dks vkfFkZd cks> ugh iM+rk gSA cw¡nk Hkjuk ¼ek¡x Hkjuk½ /kkfeZd thou rsy fi;kuk lQy gksus ds ckn cw¡nk Hkjk tkrk gSA cw¡nk Hkjuk Hkh xks=k ds vuqlkj fHkUu&fHkUu gksrk gSA blesa rsfy;k ,oa flanwfj;k xks=k okys ek¡x esa rsy ,oa flanwj Mkyrs gSA bl xks=k okys oj ,oa o/kq dks diM+s ls <¡d dj cw¡nk Hkjus dk fu;e djrs gSA igkM+h dksjck tutkfr izÑfr iwtd gSA ljuk tks fd isM+ gksrk gS ftlesa budk Hkxoku fuokl djrk gSA ljuk budk eq[; nsork gksrk gSA ljuk ds vykok rqylh esp] xzke nsork] [kqfM+;k jkuh] lkjax e<+h] tqxM+h LFky vkfn buds /kkfeZd LFky gSA le;≤ ij ;gk¡ ;s yksx iwtk djrs gSA /kwj;k xks=k okys rsy ,oa flanwj dk mi;ksx ek¡x Hkjus esa ugha djrs gSA ;s yksx ek¡x Hkjus esa ,M+h ls jxM+dj cus /kwy dk mi;ksx djrs gSA oj nk;s iSj ds ,M+h ds cy ,d pDdj ?kqe tkrk gS fQj fgUnw nsoh nsork dk bu tutkfr;ksa esa izHkko ugha gSA f'koth vFkkZr 'kadj Hkxoku dh ;s iwtk djrs gSa ijUrq bUgs ;s cqM+k nso ds uke ls tkurs gSA 554 igkM+h dksjck tutkfr...........fujarjrk ,oa ifjorZu lkyHkj esa igkM+h dksjck tutkfr fuEufyf[kr iwtk djrs gS %& gfj;kyh vk"kk<+ ¼twu&tqykbZ½ eghus esa tc gjh&gjh lfCt;k¡ mxus yxrh gS rks ;s budks [kkus ls igys lkewfgd :i ls xk¡o dk iwtkjh ¼cSxk½ ds vxqokbZ esa ljuk LFky esa p<+krs gSA Hkxr iwtk ljuk LFky ij iwtk djrk gS ftlesa xk¡o ds gjsd ifjokj ls yksx lfEefyr gksrs gSA blds ckn gh bUgs [kkuk izkjaHk djrs gSA dks<+kiwtk lkou ¼tqykbZ&vxLr½ eghus esa eksVs vukt tSls dwVdh] dksnks id tkrk gS] ijUrq bUgs Hkh [kkus ls igys cSxk ds usr`Ro esa dqVdh dk dks<+k ¼vkVk½ cukdj ljuk LFky esa p<+krs gSA bls Hkh ;s yksx ,d R;kSgkj ds :i esa eukrs gSA u;k R;kSgkj Hkknks ¼vxLr&flrEcj½ eghus esa xksM+k /kku ¼mcM+&[kkcM+ ;k taxyh {ks=k esa mitus okyk /kku½ id tkrk gSA bls Hkh [kkus ls igys bldk [khj cukdj cSxk Hkknks ,dkn'kh ds fnu ljuk LFky ij p<+krk gS fQj lc [kkus yxrs gSA dBksjh jkt fd'kksj egrk,, vkj- ,l- tkaHkqydj tkfr ds yksx pank bdB~Bk djds xzke nsork LFky ij iwtk djrs gSA iwtk esa cdjs dh cfy nh tkfr gSA ek¡l dks izlkn ds :i esa ck¡Vk tkrk gSA ifjorZu igkM+h dksjck tutkfr ds lkekftd lkaLÑfrd ,oa 'kS{kf.kd thou esa ifjorZu ds dkjd dks ljdkjh lgk;rk] ljdkjh dk;ZØeksa esa etnwjh ,oa f'k{kk ds :i esa ns[kk tk ldrk gSA ljdkjh lgk;rk ds :i esa bUgs ljdkjh edku] cht ,oa cSy tksM+h fn;k x;k gSA igkM+h dksjck tutkfr esa fujUrjrk ,oa ifjorZu dks fuEufyf[kr fcUnqvksa ls n'kkZ;k tk ldrk gS% & fuokl igkM+h dksjck tutkfr dk dguk gS fd igkM+h dksjck tutkfr ds yksx LoHkko ls >xMkyw gksrs gSA ;s ckr&ckr esa yM+ tkrs gSA blfy, ???? ;s nqj&nqj esa nks&pkj ifjokj ds :i esa fuokl djrs FksA fdlh O;fDr dh e`R;w gks tkus ij ;s LFkku cny nsrs FksA ijUrq vc ;s FkksM+k le>nkj gks x;s gSA txg cnyus dh ijEijk [kRe gks jgh gSA bldk vkSj ,d dkj.k ljdkjh vkokl dh lqfo/kk Hkh gSA ljdkj dh vksj ls tks edku cuk;k tkrk gS og buds >qXxh >ksiM+h ls vPNk gksrk gSA blfy,] txg cnyus dh fØ;k esa deh vk jgh gSA igys yksx iw.kZ :is.k f'kdkj ,oa [kkn~; ladyu ij vk/kkfjr Fks] vc bUgs FkksM+h cgqr tks tehu nh x;h gS bls NksM+uk ugha pkgrs gSA blfy, igkM+h dksjck ds yksx vc LFkk;h :i ls ,d gh LFkku ij jgus yxs gSA pS=k&cS'kk[k ¼vizsy&ebZ½ eghus esa dBksjh iwtk ljuk LFky esa fd;k tkrk gSA bls cht cksuk Hkh dgk tkrk gSA bl fnu xqM+ /kqi] pkoy] ukfj;y dks Hkqat dj ¼ÝkbZ½ bldk yk<+k ¼<syk½ cuk;k tkrk gSA lc dksbZ vius&vius ?kj ls yk<+k ysdj ljuk LFky ij tkrs gSA lcds ?kjksa ls yk;k x;k yk<+k dks ljuk LFky ij ,d txg j[kdj blds mij lq[kh ifRr;k¡ ,oa NksVs&NksVs ydM+h ls vkx tyk fn;k tkrk gSA fQj blds mij ikuh fNM+dk tkrk gSA ikuh fNM+dus ds ckn yk<+k NksVs&NksVs lQsn d.k esa fn[kkbZ iM+rk gS ftls ;s izrhdkRed :i ls iwVw ¼taxyh Qly½ le>rs gS] bls bDdB+k dj [kkrs gSA bls pqurs&pqurs yksx ;g Hkh cksyrs gS fd bl o"kZ fdruk iwVw fudyk gS] gesa rks dkbZ fnDdr ugha gksxhA igukok buesa ,slh /kkj.kk gS fd ljuk Hkxoku bl dBksjh iwtk ls [kq'k gksrs gS rFkk ,sls gh vf/kd ls vf/kd ek=kk esa iwVw&[kq[kjh gesa cjlkr ds eghus esa iznku djsaxsA gekjk dksBkj [kkus&ihus ds lkeku ls Hkjk jgsxkA fookg nkyQksM+h iwl ¼fnlEcj&tuojh½ eghus esa nygu dh [ksrh gksrh gSA nygu esa eq[; :i ls mjn dh [ksrh dh tkrh gSA iwl iwf.kZek ds fnu mjn rksM+dj nky cukrs gS fQj ljuk esa iwtk djrs gSA blds ckn gh mjn dks [kkus yxrs gSA nky QksM+h ds ckn ls nky ds :i esa [kk;k tk ldrk gS blls igys vxj mjn [kkuk gksrk mls lkcwr ¼xksVk½ [kk;k tkrk gSA [k:t [kfygku ¼[ksr ls /kku ykdj j[kus dk LFkku½ esa /kku >kM+us dk dke ¼Threshing½ [kRe gksus ds ckn gjsd ?kj okys ikfjokfjd :i ls /kwi] ukfj;y] flanwj] nk: ¼ns'kh½ ls cSxk ls iwtk djkrs gSA xzke nsork xk¡o dh lqj{kk] jksx] egkekjh vkfn ls cpus ds fy, izR;sd lky cS'kk[k ¼ebZ½ eghus esa xzke nsork LFky ij xk¡o dk iwtkjh iwtk djrk gSA ;g iwtkjh fdlh Hkh tkfr dk gks ldrk gSA xk¡o ds lHkh 555 budk dguk gS fd igys xksVk diM+k igurs Fks flykbZ djds tksM+kbZ fd;k gqvk diM+k ugha igurs FksA iq:"k dej esa yaxksV igurs Fks] ckdh 'kjhj [kqyk jgrk FkkA efgyk;s Hkh fcuk flykbZ fd;k gqvk Fkku dk diM+k dej ds fupys Hkkx esa ?kqVus rd ds fy, igurh FkhA dgha ckgj tkus ij ,d nqljk diM+k 'kjhj ds mijh Hkkx esa j[k ysrs FksA ijUrq vc iq:"k ,oa efgyk;sa nksuks flys&flyk;sa diM+s igus yxs gSA iq:"k yw¡xh] xath] deht] 'kVZ] isUV vkfn rFkk efgyk;sa lyokj] iStkek] lkM+h] CykÅt iguus yxh gSA budk dguk gS fd igys fookg tUe ls gh fu/kkZj.k fd;k tkrk FkkA ;gk¡ rd xHkkZoLFkk esa gh yksx r; dj ysrs Fks fd vxj fcifjr fyax ds cPps gksaxs rks ge lEcU/kh cusaxsA buesa tSlk fd igys ppkZ fd;k x;k gS] d.kZ Nsnu dks ;s dqaoj¼vfookfgr½ fookg ds :i esa ekurs gSA bls vkB+ os o"kZ dh mez rd dj fy;k tkrk gSA blh le; eesjs&QqQsjs HkkbZ&cgu ds chp thou lkFkh dk fu/kkZj.k dj fy;k tkrk Fkk, ijUrq vkt dy d.kZ Nsnu vko';d ekuk tkrk gS ijUrq thou lkFkh dk p;u vko';d ugha ekuk tkrk gSA vc yksx cM+k gksus ij gh 'kknh djkus yxs gSA ifjokj igys igkM+h dksjck ds yksx ,dy ifjokj esa gh jgk djrs FksA fookg ds ckn yM+dk&cgw vyx jgrs Fks] ijUrq vktdy yksx fookg ds ckn Hkh HkkbZ&HkkbZ lkFk jgus yxs gSA cqtqxZ ek¡&firkth dks vc fookfgr cPps lkFk j[kus yxs gSA igys ,slk ugha FkkA cky ck¡puk tSlk fd igys o.kZu fd;k x;k gS cky&ck¡puk buesa 'kknh dh ,d vko';d izfØ;k Fkh] blesa 'kknh dh lQyrk dh Hkfo";ok.kh dh tkrh FkhA pkgs 'kknh cpiu esa gh D;ksa u fu/kkZfjr dh tk pqdh gks ;k fookfgr tksM+s D;ksa u eesjs&QqQsjs HkkbZ&cgu gks vxj cky&ck¡pus dh fØ;k lQy ugha gks rks 556 igkM+h dksjck tutkfr...........fujarjrk ,oa ifjorZu 'kknh rksM+ nh tkrh Fkh] ijUrq blesa Hkh vktdy ifjorZu vk jgs gSA yksx cSxk ;k xq.kh ls iqtk&ikB+ djkds Bhd djk ysrs gSA vktdy cky ck¡pus dh fØ;k dks Hkh yksx vc vko';d ugha le>rs gSA d.kZ Nsnu d.kZ Nsnu igkM+h dksjck esa dq¡oj fogk ¼vfookfgr&fookg½ ds :i esa dgk tkrk Fkk] ijUrq le; ds lkFk&lkFk blesa Hkh ifjorZu vk jgs gSA vkB+ o"kZ dh mez rd ;g djk yh tkrh Fkh rFkk ;g laLÑfr dk vko';d vax Fkk] ijUrq vkt&dy igkM+h dksjck ds yksx bls fookg ds igys rd djk ysrs gSA igys ;s vkB+ o"kZ rd vo'; djkrs Fks ijUrq vc 'kknh ls igys djkus yxs gSA 'kknh esa vxj fdlh iq:"k dk dku Nsn ugha gS rks mls lkekftd n.M nsuk iM+rk gSA u'kk[kksjh buds vuqlkj u'kk[kksjh vkt Hkh ,d cM+h leL;k gSA blds lq/kkj esa le; yxsxkA lkekftd jhfr&fjokt ;k vkfFkZd fØ;k dykiksa ls lEcfU/kr lHkh usx fu;e esa ns'kh 'kjkc vko';d lkexzh gSA lHkh iwtk esa 'kjkc Hkxoku dks p<+k;k tkrk gSA 'kknh] e`R;w vkfn lHkh lkekftd fØ;k&dykiksa esa 'kjkc vko';d ekuk tkrk gS] fQj Hkh blesa dqN lq/kkj vk jgk gSA igys yksx vf/kdrj ihdj u'ksa esa gh jgrs Fks] ijUrq vc yksx /khjs&/khjs bls de dj jgs gSA etnwjh igys yksxksa dk thou taxy rd gh esa lhfer jgrk Fkk] ijUrq vc ljdkjh fodkl dk;ZØeksa esa etnwjh feyus yxh gSA vktdy ;s bZVk HkB~Bk esa dke djus xk¡o ls ckgj Hkh tkus yxs gSA bl izdkj vkfFkZd fØ;k dykiksa dk {ks=k c<+rk tk jgk gSA usr`Ro igkM+h dksjck tutkfr esa igys xk¡o Lrj dk jktuhfrd laxBu gksrk Fkk tks xk¡o rd gh lhfer gksrk Fkk] ijUrq igkM+h dksjck fodkl izkf/kdj.k ds cuus ls vc bUgh ds tkfr dk dksbZ v/;{k gksrk gS tks buds fodkl ls lEcfU/kr dk;ksZ dk lapkyu djrk gSA ijUrq budk dguk gS fd v/;{k ds pquko dk dksbZ Li"V ekun.M ugh gS] v;ksX; O;fDr dk pquko bl in ij fd;k tkrk gS] mnkgj.k Lo:i orZeku v/;{k vf'kf{kr ,oa cgqr O;ogkfjd ugha gSA blls visf{kr fodkl ij izHkko iM+rk gSA bl izdkj usr`Ro ds {ks=k esa Hkh ifjorZu vk;k gSA f'k{kk f'k{kk ds {ks=k esa igkM+h dksjck tutkfr esa vc ifjorZu ns[kus dks fey jgs gSA tutkfr ifj;kstuk ds vUrxZr bUVhxzsVsM VªkbZcy MsOgysiesUV ds rgr~ vkoklh; Ldwy cxhpk ldZy dk;kZy; dh vksj ls pyk;k tk jgk gSA tks dsoy igkM+h dksjck tutkfr ds cPpksa ds fy, gSA blesa gjsd xk¡o ls cPps vk jgs gS]a tks Nk=kkokl esa jgdj i<+kbZ djrs gSA dqN&dqN i<s+ fy[ks ¼10oha] 12oha½ ikl ;qod] ;qofr;ksa dks ukSdjh Hkh fey pqdh gSA bl izdkj f'k{kk ds {ks=k esa :>ku buesa fn[kkbZ iM+ jgk gSA fu"d"kZ mijksDr o.kZu ds ckn fu"d"kZ ds :i esa ;g dgk tk ldrk gS fd igkM+h dksjck tutkfr ds yksx ?kqeDdM+ ,oa taxy ij vk/kkfjr tutkfr FkhA ijUrq ljdkjh lgk;rk ,oa f'k{kk ds izHkko esa buesa LFkkf;Ro dk fodkl gks jgk gSA yksxksa esa ljdkj }kjk izkIr edku ,oa FkksM+s&cgqr tehu tks feys gS&blh ds dkj.k ;s ?? LFkku ij LFkk;h :i ls jgus yxs gSaA jkstxkj dk {ks=k c<+us ls ;s dke djus ckgj Hkh tkus yxs gSA vkoklh; Ldwy esa djhc&djhc gjsd xk¡o ls nks&pkj cPps jgdj i<+kbZ djus yxs gSaA ijUrq buds lkekftd vkfFkZd fodkl dh vHkh Hkh dkQh vko';drk gSA jkt fd'kksj egrk,, vkj- ,l- tkaHkqydj 557 +ɦÉÉ®ú YÉÉ{ÉxÉ |ɺiÉÖiÉ +vªÉªÉxÉ EòÉä Eò®úxÉå ¨Éå ½þ¨É ¦ÉÉ®úiÉÒªÉ ¨ÉÉxÉ´ÉÊ´ÉYÉÉxÉ ºÉ´ÉæIÉhÉ Eäò ÊxÉnæù¶ÉEò Eäò +ɦÉÉ®úÒ ½èþ, ÊVÉx½þÉäxÉä ½þ¨Éå <ºÉ EòɪÉÇ EòÉä Eò®úxÉä EòÉ ¨ÉÉèEòÉ ÊnùªÉÉ* UôkÉÒºÉMÉb÷ |ɶÉɺÉxÉ uùÉ®úÉ ÊnùªÉä MɪÉä ºÉ½þªÉÉäMÉ Eäò |ÉÊiÉ ½þ¨É =xÉEòÉ +ɦÉÉ®ú |ÉEò]õ Eò®úiÉä ½èþ* ºÉÉlÉ ½þÒ ½þ¨É {ɽþÉc÷Ò EòÉä®ú¤ÉÉ B´ÉÆ +xªÉ, ºlÉÉxÉÒªÉ ÊxÉ´ÉÉʺɪÉÉå Eäò +ɦÉÉ®úÒ ½èþ, ÊVÉxÉEäò ºÉÉIÉÉiEòÉ®ú Eäò ={É®úÉxiÉ ªÉ½þ ¶ÉÉävÉ {ÉjÉ ºÉÆ¦É´É ½Öþ+É* +xiÉ ¨Éå ½þ¨É ¸ÉÒ |É¡Öò±±É ¨ÉÉäZÉ®úEò®ú EòÉ +ɦÉÉ®ú |ÉEò]õ Eò®úiÉä ½èþ, ÊVÉxÉEäò |ɪÉÉºÉ ºÉä ¶ÉÉävÉ {ÉjÉ <ºÉ °ü{É ¨Éå +ɪÉÉ* ºÉxnù¦ÉÇ ºÉÚSÉÒ nÖù¤Éä, BºÉ.ºÉÒ Bα´ÉxÉ, ´ÉäÊ®úªÉ®ú ½þºÉxÉèxÉ, xÉnùÒ¨É Ê´ÉtÉlÉÔ, ±É.{ÉÒ. 1951 1939 1992 1963 nù Eò¨ÉÉ®ú, ±ÉJÉxÉ=; nù ªÉÖxÉҴɺÉÇ±É {ÉΤ±É¶ÉºÉÇ nù ¤ÉèMÉÉ, ±ÉxnùxÉ; VÉÉìxÉ ¨Éä®úÒ VÉxÉVÉÉiÉÒªÉ ¦ÉÉ®úiÉ; VÉ´Éɽþ®ú {ÉΤ±É¶ÉºÉÇ Bhb÷ Êb÷º]ÅõÒ¤ªÉںɺÉÇ nù ¨ÉɱÉä®ú; B EäòºÉ º]õb÷Ò <xÉ xÉäSÉ®ú-¨ÉäxÉ-º|ÉÒ]õ Eò¨É{±ÉäCºÉ +Éä¡ò B ʽþ±É ]ÅõÉ<Ç¤É <xÉ Ê¤É½þÉ®ú, EòÉä±ÉEòÉiÉÉ, ¤ÉÖEò±Éåb 558 Jr. Anth. Survey of India, 61(2) & 62(1) : (559-567), 2012-2013 Semiological Application of Plants and Vegetation in folk life and culture of Jajpur District, Odisha : An Introspection R. B. Mohanty1, B. K. Tripathy2 & T. Panda3 ABSTRACT Survey on Semiological (Study of signs and symbols) application of certain plants or plant products was conducted in the rural as well as tribal belts of Jajpur district, Odisha during 2009-2011. A totalnumber of 32 varieties of species belongingto 31 genera and 21 family of plants symbolizing something and conveying a definite but silent message were recorded, used in socio-religio- cultural activity of people of this district. Broadly these are used for four different category of purposes like (A) during birth, death, marriage and thread ceremony, (B) worship and other religious rituals, (C) faith and belief and (D) miscellaneous use. Out of them maximum members, are from family poaceae (5), followed by Arecaceae (4), Moraceae (3), Rutaceae (2) and Fabaceae (2). Regarding the individual species, paddy has the highest types of application followed by Mango, Margosa, Palmyra palm, Palasa & Kusa respectively. Some of those species have negligible economic value. But, they are nurtured around the villages and protected for such specific utility. It ultimately adds to the conservation of those species in the localities concerned. INTRODUCTION Language is a divine gift to the human society and is essentially vital to human life. It is the vehicle of communication and the mirror of a culture. The verbal communication is also central to the functioning of the society. Man shares his knowledge, experiences and achievements with othersthrough communication carried by the medium of language (Senkuttuvan, 2005:45). There are numerous types of languages used by human communities throughout the world. In India alone, there are as many as 325 languages and 25 scripts 1 Reader in Botany, N.C. (Autonomous) College, Jajpur, Odisha - 755001 2 Lecturer in Botany, Dharmasala Mohavidyalayajaraka, Jajpur,0disha-755050 3 Lecturer in Botany, S.N. College, Rajakanika, Kendrapara, Odisha - 754220 560 R. B. Mohanty, B. K. Tripathy & T. Panda Semiological Application of Plants and Vegetation……Jajpur District, Odisha : An Introspection in use, being derived from various linguistic families. There are also in existence and use of thousands of dialects (Singh & Manoharan, 1993; Das, 2005:20). But, during the beginning of the civilization, the pre-historic man used different signs and gestures to express his mind, feeling and experiences, probably much before the evolution of such verbal mode of communication. Today, despite tremendous development in the field of language and literature, the process of using different signs and symbols to indicate, guide or caution about any particular matter still continues in different cultures and societies throughout the world, whether it is a pre-literate, ancient or a modern one. But, the study of different signs and sign using behaviour was not systematically carriedout up to the 17th century, till the English philosopher John Locke (1690) focused on it using the word 'Semiology' for the first time. The idea of 'Semiotics as an interdisciplinary mode of examining phenomena in different fields emerged only in the late 19thand early 20th century with the independent works of Swiss linguist Ferdinand de Saussure and the American philosopher Charles Sanders Peirce (Anonymous, 2010:626), who have broadly defined a sign as "Something which stands to somebody for something". Moreover, they have identified an icon, an index or a symbol as the three main categories of signs used universally. Modern semioticians opine that sign can take the form of words, images, sounds, odours, flavours, acts or even objects (Chandler, 2010:1-6). Today Peirce's as well as Saussure's principles are applied in different fields including Asthetics, Anthropology, Psychoanalysis, Communications and Semantics. Although much work have been done on this aspect (Strauss, 1968; Sebeok, 1975; Eco, 1976; Hawkes, 1977; Maria, 1978; Scholes, 1982; Carlson, 1990; Culler, 2002), the use of plants and herbs as sign or symbol is sporadic (Dubois, 1906, Jain, 1963; Sengupta, 1965; Gupta, 1971; Vartak and Gadgil, 1981; Singh and Pandey, 1982; Gupta, 1987; Sinha, 1991), whereas there are no such reports from Odisha.Hence, this project was undertaken to explore and study the semiological application of plants, their role, significance and present relevance in the rural as well as tribal belts of Jajpur District, Odisha. Land and People Jajpur district (85°40' - 86°44'E and 20°33' - 21°10/N) is bounded by the Keonjhar district in north, Cuttack in South, Bhadrak district in the east and Dhenkanal in the West. It has an area of 2899 sqkms and 16.25 lakhs of population as per 2001 census. The district accounts for 1.86% of the state's territory and shares 4.41% of state's population Jajpur has 1778 no. of villages covering 10 blocks, 10 Tahasils and 01 subdivision (Anonymous, 2010). The scheduled caste and scheduled tribal population of the district are 373513 (22.99%) and 125989 (7.76%) respectively. The scheduled tribes are chiefly Munda, Santal, Juang and Sabar communities who inhabit the adjoining Sukinda, Danagadi, Barchana, Dharmasala and Korei blocks of the district from ancient period. These are hilly and forested localities with rich mineral resources for which a number of iron and chromite based industries have been developed there. Thereby it became instrumental for large scale influx of outsiders, directly affecting the traditional rural and tribal way of life of the people in those localities. Moreover, the tribal's of the area, who have mainly been living from time immemorial in forest lands and depending on forest resources for 561 their livelihood, now face the threat of large scale displacement due to rapid expansion in mining and industrial activities. The history of Jajpur can be traced back to the 'Mahabharat' period as a Shakti Khetra with Goddess "Viraja" as its presiding deity. It has also a large number of Buddhist remains of the ‘Bhaumakara’ period (8th - 9th century A.D.). Jajpur had a separate identity from the ancient days, being the capital of 'Uttara Tosali’, Utkal. It was the cultural cockpit and political epicentre of the ancient Kalitigan empire who witnessed many ups and downs due to political turmoil right from the Guptas (4th - 5th centuries A.D.) upto the Britishers(19th - 20th Centuries A.D.). It happened to be the place of synthesis of many religions and cults like Buddhism, Jainism, Saktism, Saivism and Vaishnavism, all of which cameto this land, set their foot and finally formed a fusion of all and thereby made it a place of religious toleration (Routray, 2007:2). However, its history can be constructed scientifically from the ‘Gupta’ dynasty (4th - 5th century AD) on the basis of the ancient manuscripts and epigraphical as well as copper plate inscriptions discovered from different parts of the district from time to time. Obviously, this district is a place of human settlements from the ancient period. The inhabitants of Jajpur, both tribals and non-tribals have faith and belief on some supernatural power. They practice many socio-religious functions as well as rituals throughout the year. Obviously animism, naturalism, reverence and respect for nature and natural objects like plants, animals, rivers, mountains and forests etc. are become the integral part of the socio-cultural life and tradition of the people of this region (Mohanty & Tripathy, 2011:279). Semiological application of plants and vegetation is one such intricate relation between man and plants, practiced from ancient period in Jajpur district of Odisha. Methodology Data concerning semiological application of plants were collected through extensive survey during the year 2009-2011. A minimum of three villages from each block (total 10 blocks) were visited for this purpose. The respondents were selected basing on theirage and experience. Data were collected through casual conversation but following a standard prescribed procedure (Kothari, 1990:9). Occasionally the help of the local guide and language interpreter was sought for this purpose. On two occasions, direct observation in a marriage as well as thread ceremony became possible during the field tour and data were collected through personal contact and participant observation method. Most of the plants used are very common species but some specimens with doubtful identity were ascertained referring to the flora of this region (Saxena & Brahmam, 1994). The most relevant data were recorded and finally presented in a tabular form after cross checking the authenticity of information. Observation During the field study it was observed that, people use 32 different plant species on specific occasions to signify a definite matter or happening. It can broadly be divided in 562 R. B. Mohanty, B. K. Tripathy & T. Panda Semiological Application of Plants and Vegetation……Jajpur District, Odisha : An Introspection to four categories i.e. semiological use during (A) Birth, death, marriage and thread ceremony, (B) worship and other religious rituals, (C) faith and belief and (D) Miscellaneous uses (Table - 1). (A) During birth, death, marriage & thread ceremony : An 'Euphorbia' stem with leaves is hanged at the entrance door as a sign of child birth.On the sixth day, a small ritualis performed called 'Sathi Puja' for the long life of the child in which a 'Screw Pine' stem is worshipped wishing the child to be resistant and adaptive likeit. In case of death, if the body of thedeceased is lost in extreme situation like flood, or if a person is lost and believed dead due to unknown reasons, a human structure representing that person is made with the holy grass 'Kusa' and burned after which death ritual is performed. The family members and relatives eat simple food without oil and spices adding little ‘Margosa’ leaf to it, symbolically expressing sorrow and respect to the departed soul. Some 'Sesame' seeds are offered with little water in the river or pond in remembrance of the person, wishing him to attend heaven called /Tilatarpan/. Similarly during marriage, a definite number of betel nuts are sent in invitation to the relatives symbolizing closeness, love and respect. Few Mango leaves, 'Jujube' leaves and Dubagrass are tied surrounding the arms of the bride and groom signifying as well as wishing them good luck, fertility and long lasting sweet relation among the couple. They are worshipped like 'God' and few grass, unboiled rice and Jujube leaves are sprinkled on them as a sign of respect, love and welcome to the newlyweds. During the thread ceremony of 'Brahmins' and some 'Khetriyas', the young Brahmachari boy before adolescence, wears a loin cloth, a rope made up of holy grass, 'Kusa' functioning as a belt, holds two long stems of 'Bamboo' as well as 'Flame of the forest' plants and a 'palm' leaf umbrella, all symbolizing the dress code and hard life of an ascetic, who wanders in forests and different places in search of knowledge and salvation. 563 harvest of crops. The imaginary foot prints of the Lakshmi and Lotus flowers are drawn with the powdered rice paste, inviting the Goddess on that occasion. The roots of Khas Khas plant, a symbol of coolness become essential during ‘Rudravisekha’ , a specific ritual of Lord 'Siva' while water lily flower representing 'moon' God is used to appease him in Kumar Purnima festival on the full moon day of October every year. (C) Faith and Belief :The shopkeepers and business houses hang a chain made with Lemon and red chili, believed to evade the evil eye while a new vehicle after purchase is first worshipped and made to run over a lemon, believed essential to counteract the evil forces responsible to crate accidents in future. In another case, a damaged basket made from palm leaf frond and a broom from sugar palm leaf are hanged high atop a pole in-front of a half constructed building with the same intension. The caretaker of the cowherd takes penance forexpiation of sin due to accidental death of a cow in rope by begging for some days. He wears a rope surrounding his neck which is prepared from paddy straw and also a piece of straw holding in the teeth, which indicates his plight. In contrast, a little turmeric paste is applied to the marriage invitation letter or on a new cloth before use, symbolizing good fortune and happiness. Moreover, planting two banana saplings on two sides of the entrance door of a house and hanging garland made with the leaves of either mango or mast tree symbolizes some auspicious occasion or function, celebrated there. (D) Miscellaneous use:Rope, made from paddy straw is tied to thetwigs surrounding the outer boundary of an orchard indicating no entry zone in the flowering and fruiting season. Also, a figure made by the same paddy straw to resemble a person, is dressed in old cloths and made to stand in an orchard or crop field to frighten the birds and other invaders away, i.e. a scare crow structure. Discussion (B) Worship and religious rituals:- In any religious ritual and worship, a sacred pitcher containing holy water, a 'mango' twig having definite number of leaves and a green coconut above it is placed and worshipped, symbolizing lord 'Ganesh', the God of wisdom, bliss and welfare. During 'Durga' puja festival, the 'Bail' tree is first worshipped representing divine mother and invited. An 'Ash Gourd' fruit is offered and cut into two pieces symbolizing animal sacrifice. A 'Butterfly pea’ creeper, locally named as ‘Aparajita’ or undefeatable one is tied around the arm signifying invincibility. Moreover, plantslikeSacred Basil, Bael tree, Banyan, Peepal, Garlic pear tree, Sami, Margose, Flame of the forest, Ashok and Siamese rough bush locally called 'Sahada' plant are considered holy and worshipped representing a definite God of the Hindu pantheon or believed to be the abode of a God or spirit and having some super-natural (totemic ones) power. The person sponsoring a ritual and the priest normally sits on a mat made from the 'Kusa' and a ring prepared from this holy grass (Kusabatu) is put on the ring finger, a sign of taking some short of Oath before performing the ritual. Similarly the white coloured paddy symbolizing 'Lakshmi', the Goddess of wealth and prosperity is worshipped along with betelnut, during the Lakshmi puja festival on every Thursday in month of 'Margasira' (Nov. - Dec.) after The term 'Semiology' was independently proposed by the Swiss linguist Saussure in his Course in General Linguistics (1915), as thestudy of "the life of signs within society". Since then 'Semiotics' and 'Semiology' have become alternative names for the systematic study of signs, as the function in all areas of human experience, not limited to explicit systems ofcommunication i.e. language,Morse Code, traffic signs and signals and a great diversity of other human activities and productions like our body postures and gestures, the social rituals we perform, the kind of cloths we wear, the meals we serve, the building we inhabit, the objects we deal with also convey definite messages to members in a particular culture, and so can be analysed as signs which serve in diverse modes of signifying systems. Claude Levi Strauss in 1968 and later, initiated the application of semiotics to cultural Anthropology and also established the foundations of the French structuralism in general by using Saussure's linguistics as a model for analyzing, in primitive societies, a great variety of phenomena and practices, which he treated as quasilanguages that manifest the structures of an underlying signifying system. These include kinship systems, totemic systems, ways of preparing food, myths and pre-logical modes of interpreting their world etc. (Abrahm & Harpham, 2011:276). 564 R. B. Mohanty, B. K. Tripathy & T. Panda Semiological Application of Plants and Vegetation……Jajpur District, Odisha : An Introspection Similarly, the present investigation concerning the semiological application of certain plants and vegetation focuses on the role and utility of some flora in conveying a definite but silent message, which becomes an integral part of tradition and culture of this society. For such ancient abstract relationship of manwith plants,they are protected and nurtured in his surrounding which ultimately adds to the conservation of certain plant species in a locality (Sinha, 1991:21). Moreover, it indicates the phyto-geographical character of the region concerned. But, the religious overtones and moral bindings with regard to faith, belief and observance of different rituals and customs are fast vanishing due to the change in life style of the people as a result of rapid industrialization as well as invasion of western culture in this region. Hence some serious thought and concrete action are required so that the cultural practices would be revived which would also be in consonance with modernity. It can add to the conservation of flora of this locality. Das,N.K. (2005) "People of India and Indian Authoropology: A tribute to K.S. Singh." Jour. Anthro. Surv. Ind. 54(i), 20. Dubois, J.A. (1906) Hindu Manners, Customs and Ceremonies. Clarendon Press, Oxford. Eco, U. (1976) A Theory of Semiotics. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, USA. Gupta, S.M. (1971) Plant Myths and Traditions in India. E.J. Brill., Leiden. Gupta, S.M. (1987) Women and tree motifs. In S.K. Jain (Ed.) A Manual of Ethnobotany. Scientific Publishers, Jodhpur, India, 103-109. Hawkes, T. (1977) Structuralism and Semiotics. University of California Press, California. "Magico-religious beliefs about plants among the Adivasis of Bastar." Qr. Jour. Mythic Soc. 4, 73-94. Jain,S.K. (1963) Acknowledgements The authors express their gratitude to the villagers who shared their knowledge during the field study and to the respective college authorities as well as administrative and revenue officials for their permission, help and assistance to carryout the work successfully. Thanks are also due to Dr. S.D. Adhikary, Reader in English, N.C. (Auto.) College, Jajpur, for his constant guidance, suggestion and help in various ways. Kothari, C.R. (1990) Research Methodology. Wishwa Prakashan, Daryaganj, New Delhi, 9. Locke, J. (1690) Essay Concerning Human Understanding. Eliz Holt, London. Maria, C. (1978) An Introduction to Literary Semiotiss. Indiana Univ. Press, Bloomington, USA. "A note on the assessment of some Totemic in the light of Ethnobotanical thinking/' Jr. Anth. Surv. of Ind. 60(2), 279 - 284. Mohanty, R.B. & Plants Tripathy, B.K. (2011) Routray, H. (2007) Ancient Monuments of Jajpur. Jajpur Chitrakala Academy, Jajpur, 2. Senkuttuvan, R. (2005) "Speech of Lingngam." Jour. Anthro, Surv. Indi. 54 (1), 45-58. Saussure, F.D. (1915) Course in General Linguistics, (ed.) by Charier Bally & Albert Sechehaye : Me Graw Hill Book Company, New York. References Abrams, M.H. & A Handbook of Literary Terms Cengage learning, Patparganj, New Delhi, 276-278. Anonymous, (2010) The New Encyclopaedia Britannica 565 (Micropaedia), 626-627. Anonymous, (2010)0rissa District at a glance (2010) Directorate of Economics & Statistics, Bhubaneswar. Saxena, H.O. & Brahmam, M. (1994) The Flora of Orissa (Vol. I - IV). Orissa Forest Development Corporation Ltd. BBSR, Orissa. Carlson, M. (1990) Theatre Semiotics : Signs of Life. pp Bloomington, Indiana University press. Vartak, V.D. & Gadgil, M. (1981) Semiotics and Interpretation. Yale University Press, USA. Chandler, D. (2010) Introducing Semiotics. pp, New York, Cobeley & Jansz, 1-6. Strauss, C.L. (1968) The Tell-tale Sign: A Survey of Semiotics. Peter de Ridder Press, Netherlands. Culler,J. (2002) The Pursuit of Signs. Cornell University Press, New York. Sinha, R.K. (1991) Tree symbol worship in India. Indian publications, Calcutta. 566 R. B. Mohanty, B. K. Tripathy & T. Panda Semiological Application of Plants and Vegetation……Jajpur District, Odisha : An Introspection 567 Singh, V. & R.P. Pandey. (1982) Languages and Scripts, People of India. National series, Vol. IX, Oxford University Press, Delhi. Sl.No. Singh, K.S. & S. Manoharan. (1993) " Plants used in religion and magico - religious beliefs in Rajsthan." Jour. Econ. Tax. Bot. 3, 273- 278. 18 Aswastha 19 Amba Mango Mangifera indica L. (Anacardiaceae) Sengupta, S. (1965) "Ecosystem preservation through faith and tradition in India." Jour. Human Ecol. 2(1), 21-24. 20 Kadali Banana Musa sapientum L. (Musaceae) C 21 Kain Water Lily Nymphaea pubescens Willd. (Nymphaeaceae) B 22 Tulasi Sacred Basil Ocimum sanctum L. (Lamiaceae) B 23 Dhana Paddy Oryza sativa L. (Poaceae) 24 Kia Screw Pine Pandanus fascicularis Lam. (Pandanaceae) A 25 Khajuri Sugar Palm Phoenix sylvestris (L.) Roxb. (Arecaceae) C 26 Debadaru Mast tree Polyalthia longifolia (Sonn.) Thw. (Anonaceae) C 27 Sami Sami Plant Prosopis cineraria (L.) Druce. (Mimosaceae) B 28 Ashoka Ashok Saraca asoca (Roxb.) de Wilde. (Caesalpiniaceae) B 29 Tila Sesame Sesamum indicum L.(Pedaliaceae) A 30 Sahada Siamese rough bush Streblus asper Lour. (Moraceae) B 31 Bena Khas Khas Vetiveria zizanioides (L.) Nash. (Poaceae) B 32 Barakoli Jujube Ziziphns mauritiana Lam. (Rhamnaceae) A Sebeok, T.A. (1975) Structural Anthropology. Allen Lane : The Penguin Press, London. Scholes, R. (1982) Studies on Sacred groves along the western Ghats from Maharashtra and Goa: Role of beliefs and folklore, In Jain, S.K. (Ed.) Glimpses of Indian Ethnobotany. Oxford & IBH, New Delhi, 272-278. Table - 1Semiological use of plants for different purposes Sl.No. Vernacular Name English Name Botanical Name & Family Mode of Use 1 Bela Baeltree Aegle marmelos (L.) Corr. (Rutaceae) B 2 Gua Betel nut Areca catechu L. (Arecaceae) A,B A,B 3 Nima Margosa Azadirachta indica A. Juss. (Meliaceae) 4 Baunsa Bamboo Bambusa vulgaris sch. Ex Wendl. (Poaceae) A 5 Panikakharu Ash Gourd Benincasa hispida (Thunb.) cogn. (Cucurbitaceae) B 6 Tala Palmyra Palm Borassus flabellifer L. (Arecaceae) A,C 7 Palasa Flame of theforest Butea parviflora Roxb. (Fabaceae) A,B 8 Lanka Chilli Capsicum annum L. (Solanaceae) C 9 Lembu Lemon Citrus aurantifolia{Chhs\in & Panz) Sw. (Rutaceae) C 10 Aparajita Buter fly Pea Clitoria ternatia L. (Fabaceae) B 11 Nadia Coconut Cocos nucifera L. (Arecaceae) B 12 Baruna Garlic Pear tree Createva magna (Lour.) DC. (Capparidaceae) B 13 Haladi Turmeric Curcuma Longa L. (Zingiberaceae) C 14 Duba Cynodon dactylon (L.) Pers. (Poaceae) A Bermuda Grass 15 Kusa Holy Grass Desmostachya bipinnata (L.) Stapf. (Poaceae) 16 Sijhu Euphorbia Euphorbia ligularia Roxb. (Euphorbiaceae) A,B A 17 Bara Banyan Ficus benghalensis L. (Moraceae) B Vernacular Name English Name Peepal Botanical Name & Family Ficus religiosa L. (Moraceae) Mode of Use B A,B/C A,B/C,D (A - Plants used during birth, death, marriage & thread ceremony, B - During worship and religious rituals, C - faith & belief, D - Miscellaneous use) 568 Jr. Anth. Survey of India, 61(2) & 62(1) : (569-581), 2012-2013 Anomalies, Morbidity, Disease among Mukha Dora Tribe and Indigenous Healing Practices followed by the tribes in the Agency of Andhra Pradesh S Yaseen Saheb1 and T S Naidu 2 ABSTRACT Mukha Dora, the least known tribe in Andhra Pradesh is concentrated in Vizianagaram district. Etymologically Mukha Dora means collective group of lords. They speak TeluguDravidian language. They have two exogamous clans (Vamsams): Naga Vamsam and Surya Vamsam. They are traditionally Podu / shifting cultivators. Data was collected from 200 households during 1982-83, distributed in 12 hamlets chosen from interior areas and seven villages that have accessibility to modern civic amenities. Infant mortality rate is high in Mukha Dora (266.67). Total infant mortality in acculturated group (285.71) is higher than in isolated group (250). The isolated group shows higher female infant mortality (119.05) than in acculturated group. Mukha Dora record lower infant mortality rate than neighboring tribes. Scabies is rampant due to deficient personal cleanliness. Vitamin deficiency and malnutrition are common among children and nourishing mothers. Majority of stomach ailments are due to worm infections. Malaria is wide spread and endemic to the region. Female child mortality is more than males in acculturated group, resulting in 66.67 males per 100 females. Diarrhea and fever are common in infants; while malaria, diarrhea and accidents are frequent among children. Incidence of malformations in males was higher than in females. Single case of cerebral palsy (spastic) and congenital mental retardation, harelip and gastro-intestinal malformation among males was observed in acculturated group. Anomalies, disabilities and illness are in higher proportion in isolated group (55 %) than in exposed group (11%). Mukha Dora residing in acculturated villages have benefited by modern amenities to maintain their health, while their brethren in isolated villages still adhere to traditional practice of healing. 1 Superintending Anthropologist, Anthropological Survey of India, Southern Regional Centre, Bogadi, Mysore- 570026. 2 Director, Centre for Study of Social Exclusion & Inclusive Policy, Pondicherry University, Puducherry. 570 Anomalies, Morbidity, Disease among Mukha Dora Tribe ……of Andhra Pradesh INTRODUCTION Mukha Dora, a forest dwelling tribe inhabits the Agency area of Vizianagaram, Visakhapatnam and Srikakulam districts of Andhra Pradesh. They are known by different names in Andhra Pradesh and in States of Odisha and Chhattisgarh. Etymologically Mukha Dora in Telugu means collective group of Lords and the name is derived as they were holding Mukhasi Pattam bestowed by Jeypore kings. The local people call them by several synonyms, Muga Dora, Mukha Dora, Mukhasi Dora, Nooka Dora, Nukha Dora, Mukhasi Raja, Muttadar and Mukhasidar. Mukha Dora living in Visakhapatnam and in States of Chhattisgarh and Odisha states is called Nukha Dora. Francis (1907: 24) referred to the people as a sub caste under Khond but classified them as Doralu and Mukha Doralu. Thurston (1909) wrote Mukha Dora is a sub-division and synonym of Konda Dora. They claim to be the descendants of Jerra, a divine being living in the forests leading a nomadic life and subsisting on animal food. They trace the legendary origin to Sabara, who shot the arrow that killed Lord Sri Krishna of Mahabharata and hence they are called Jerra Sobarulu. Mukha Dora speaks a dialect of Telugu that belongs to Dravidian language. The total population of Mukha Dora was 40000 as per 2001 Census. Thirty thousand of them are conversant in Telugu language. They also speak Kuvi dialect with Kondh, Jatapu, Manne Dora and Konda Dora. Mukha Doras are divided into two exogamous clans (Vamsams) namely Naga Vamsam and Surya Vamsam. Naga Vamsam has several surnames: Gammela, Vanthula, Mamidi, Ganthuri, Murla, Chedda, Bachala, Veelam, Chikkudi, Jatti, Urumula and Kandula. Surya Vamsam comprises of surnames like Korra, Vemula, Sukuru, Chintala, Thammala, Dippala, Pudhuri, Emila, Guruvala, Koneti, Pusala and Kakara. Mukha Dora prefers consanguineous marriages. They follow patrilineal system of inheritance and patrilocal residence after marriage. Mukha Dora claim superior status and rank over other tribes in the local social hierarchy. They maintain commensal relations with Konda Dora. Mukha Dora inhabiting in interior Forests practice podu (shifting) cultivation, while those residing in Hill slopes and near to semi-urban villages practice terrace cultivation. The present paper delineates on the incidence of Morbidity, Disease, Illness among Mukha Dora and the native Traditional Healing Practices that are followed have been reported. Methodology Mukha Dora, the least known tribe of Andhra Pradesh was studied from Parvathipuram Agency of Vizianagaram district during the year 1982-83 from two groups i.e. one considerably exposed to external contact marked as acculturated group, and the other living in comparative isolation known as isolated group. Data was collected from 100 households spread in 12 isolated hamlets namely Chinna Barigam, Pedda Barigam, Pothanna Valasa, Rampadu, Dorla Thadi Valasa, Pula Valasa, Neredla Valasa, Jakarla Valasa, Nimmalapadu, Komati Valasa, Sollaru and Nerella Valasa; while information for acculturated group was collected from 100 households distributed in seven villages namely Kurukutti, Gadaba Valasa, Vankachinta Valasa, Mamidipalli, Batti Valasa, Thota Valasa and Chandrumanu Valasa. The two groups were identified basing on the ecological setup such as comparatively isolated and considerably exposed to external contact, proximity and accessibility to modern civic amenities. Various types of morbid conditions, diseases and ailments prevalent in 200 households of Mukha Dora was recorded through scheduled questionnaire, interviews and personal observations and indigenous knowledge about healing measures for different types of diseases / ailments practiced by native S Yaseen Saheb and T S Naidu 571 healthcare specialists, Guruvu (Priest), Disari and Jenny (Medicine men) have been elucidated. Data on health and hygienic practices, environmental sanitation, personal hygiene and incidence of illness, cause of disease and treatment was collected from 176 subjects, belonging to 200 households. Information on medicinal plants, local names, parts used in the preparation and treatment were collected from traditional medicine men and recorded literature on ethno medical practices followed by the local tribes, Nukha Dora, Konda Dora, Manne Dora, Khond, Jatapu, Gadaba, Kotiya, Savara and Konda Kammari. In this paper we elucidate traditional knowledge of the tribes inhabiting in Agency areas - Parvathipuram and Salur Agency; their knowledge of medicinal plants and usage in healthcare through traditional healing practices. Food & Beverages The staple food of Mukha Dora consists of coarse grains like Korralu (Setaria italica), Samalu (Panicum miliare), Gantelu / Sajjalu (Pennisetum typhoideum), Chodi (Eleusine corcana), Jonnalu (Sorghum vudgare), Odalu (Baster millets) and variety of Dhanyam (rice) that are generally cultivated in their Podu lands or Mettu / Gattu terrace fields. They consume wild food like Jelugu pindi (Caryota palm pith), Thati pindi (Palmyrah pith), Mamidi tenkalu (Mango kernel) and Chinta pikkalu (Tamarind seeds) as subsidiary food. The process of removing itch and food preparation has been detailed elsewhere (Saheb and Naidu, 1985). Some of them residing in acculturated villages procure Rice, Ragi, Bajra, Jowar and other daily necessities through the Public Distribution Depots. They dig out variety of edible roots and tubers like Arigi dumpa, Chilagada dumpa (Ipomoes batatas), Kanda dumpa (Amorphophallus campanulatus), Chedu dumpa (Dioscorea versicolor), Pindi dumpa, Vymu dumpa, Yeetha dumpa, Arati dumpa (Musa paradisium), Chama dumpa (Colocasia antiquorum), Pendulamu (Dioscorea alata), Karra Pendalamu (Manihot esculenta) from forest for food and medicine. The itch inherent in some of the roots is removed through boiling and filtration before consumption. They gather edible green leaves like Nulateega, Narateega, Puliteega, Kasateega, Muragadateega, Palleruteega (Tribulus terrestris), Mullukura, Gongura (Hibiscus cannabinus), Bachchalikura (Baselia rubra), Guruvikura, Sothikura, Ponnagantikura (Alternathera sessilis), Gummadiaku (Cucurbita maxima), Palakoora (Spincia oleracea), Chukkakura (Rumex vesicarius), Chinta chiguru (Tamarindus indica), Karivepaku (Murraya koenigii), Munagaaku (Moringa oleifera), Thotakura (Amarantus gangeticus), Aviseaku (Sesbania grandiflora), Mullangi (Raphanus sativus), Menthikura (Trigonella foenum graecum) and Podina (Mentha spicata) from forest for domestic consumption and medicinal use. They eat variety of vegetables like Kakarakaya (Momordice charantia), Chikkudu (Dolichos lablab), Sorrakaya (Lagenaria vulgaris), Goruchikkudu (Cyamopsis teregonoloba), Aratikaya (Musa sapientum), Beerakaya (Luffa acutangula), Potlakaya (Trichosanthes anguina), Panasa (Artocarpus heteroplyllus), Bendakaya (Abelmoschus esculentus), Boppaye (Carcia papaya), Dondakaya (Coccinia cordifolia), Dosakaya (Cucumis sativus) and Vankaya (Solanum melongenr) grown in their doddlu (kitchen garden). They cultivate pulses like Pesalu (Phaseolus aureus Roxb.), Ulavalu (Dolchos biflorus), Anumulu (Phaseolus aconitifolius Jacq.), Konda Kandulu (Cajanus cajan), Alasandalu (Vigna catjang), Kommu senagalu (Cicer arietinum), Katingulu, Minapa/Minumulu (Phaseolus mungo Roxb.), Dhaniyalu (Coriandrum sativum), and oil seeds like Nuvulu (Sesamum indicum), Verusenaga (Arachis hypogaea), Avise gingelu (Lenum usitatissimum), Aavalu (Brassica nigra), Valeselu (Guizotia abyssinica), Menthulu (Trigonella foenum), Amudamu 572 Anomalies, Morbidity, Disease among Mukha Dora Tribe ……of Andhra Pradesh (Castor) in their Podu / metta / gattu fields for domestic consumption. They use Castor oil / Sesame oil as cooking medium. They collect Nimmakaya (Citrus medica var acida), Jagikaya (Myristica fragrans), Allum (Zingiber officinale), Miriyalu (Piper nigrum), Pippallu (Piper lorgum), Pasupu (Cucuma domestica), Usirikaya (Emblica officinalis), Regupandu (Zizyphus jujuba), Maredupandu (Aegle marmelos), Marripandu (Ficus bengalensis), Ramphalam (Annona reticulate), Jeedipandu (Anacardium occidentale), Jamapandu (Psidium guajava), Panasa (Artocarpus heterophyllus), Neeredu pandu (Syzygium cumini), Badam (Prunus amygdalus), Velaga pandu (Limonia acidissima), Chinta pandu (Tamarindus indica), Kamala pandu (Citrus aurantium), Thatipandu (Borassus flabellifer) and Seethaphalam (Annona squamosa) from forest for domestic consumption and medicinal use. They collect wild fruits like Vepapandu (Malia azadirachta), Ravipandu (Ficus religiosa), Usthikaya (Solanum torvum), Cuncudukaya (soap nuts), Kanugakaya (Carissa carandas Linn.) and Mahuva (Bassia logifolia) for medicinal use. They collect honey, wax and minor forest medicinal products for consumption and sale. They are non vegetarians. They hunt small game like Adavi Pandi (wild boar), Adavi Meka (wild goat), Adavi Gorre (wild sheep), Kanaju (Antelope), Duppi (Deer/spotted Deer), Yedupandi (Porcupine), Sambar and trap Manupilli (wild Cat), Adavi Kodi / Nippu kodi (wild fowl), Kundelu (Rabbit), Raseluka (wild Rat), Mongoose, monitor lizard and birds like Dove, Pigeon, Partridge etc. in Eastern Ghats of their habitation. They abstain from eating beef. They collect eggs of wild Fowl, Peacock, Dove, Pigeon and Partridge from forest for hatching and consumption. Some of them are adept in fishing in streams, rivers and tanks using nets and hooks. Some of the fish varieties available are Karum paregalu, Vanjara paregalu, Mitta paregalu, Akumarpulu, Gulivendalu, Eencha paregalu, Mittalu, Bochichepalu, Nettalu, Kakikavadlu and Burra paregalu. They prepare intoxicant drink, Maddi using Samalu (Panicum miliare) millets flour. They also consume locally available alcohol. Some of them distil Ippa (Madhuca indica Gmel.) sara (arrack) using Ippa / Mahuva (Bassia longifolia) bark and flowers, medicinal herbs and mandu (intoxicants). They extract toddy (sap) from Jelugu chettu (Caryota urens), Thati manu (Borassus flabellifer) and Yeetha manu (Phoenix sylvestris). Men, women and children drink toddy on festive and ceremonial occasions. Fresh toddy is administered to children as medicine to ease stomach ailments. The process of distillation of Ippa sara has been described elsewhere (Saheb and Naidu, 1985). They do not feed Cow / Goat milk to children. Results and Discussion Personal Hygiene: Mukha Dora takes bath occasionally due to chilly weather in the mountains. Women generally take bath in streams. Children are given regular bath. Mukha Dora living in acculturated villages washes habitually. They apply castor oil / gingili oil/ coconut oil for hairdressing. Mukha Dora brush their teeth with Veduru (bamboo tender shoots) or Vepachettu (Azadirachta indica Juss.) or Karenga (Carissa carandas Linn.) twigs or Chitramulam or Uttareni root. They occasionally apply ash / charcoal / sand to clean teeth. Some people use synthetic toothpaste to clean teeth. Most of the children eat food without cleaning their teeth. They generally use soap nuts, Cuncudu kayalu or Shikakayalu (Acacia caesia Willd.) for bath, which they collect from Forest. In acculturated areas they use Janatha soaps for bathing and washing clothes. Most of the children suffer from stuffy nose and occasionally parents help in blowing noses. Children use leaves instead of water for cleaning after nature call. Children move around half naked, wearing gochi (loin cloth) tied to their waist. Unhygienic practices are the main cause for the prevalence of scabies, S Yaseen Saheb and T S Naidu 573 (Gajji) in children. They carry out manual work on bare foot, due to which heal cracks and anelu (foot corn) have been observed. Most of them wear gochi (loin cloth) and expose the body to severe climatic condition, which directly affect their health. Environmental Hygiene: Mukha Dora keep houses clean by smearing cow dung and sweep the floor often. Walls are painted with red clay / lime stone. They observe personal hygiene during religious festivities. The cleanliness of the surroundings is spoiled by fowls. They spit / blow noses wherever they sit / congregate. Cattle sheds are attached to the houses and they rarely remove cattle dung. Ash from the fire pits get scattered spoiling the environment. Most of their hamlets are located on hill top / sloppy foot hills. Waste and night soil are thrown near the settlements. Women and children use backyards to answer nature calls and allow accumulation of garbage and filth near the houses. Rains wash away the filth and garbage into the streams, polluting drinking water source. In both isolated and acculturated villages, they do not have toilets and sanitation. They go into the forest (isolated villagers) or open fields (acculturated villagers) for attending nature calls. They generally wash in the same streams from where their women fetch water for drinking and cooking. Acute drinking water problem exists in some of the acculturated villages (Saheb and Naidu, 1985). Sanitation: Sanitary facilities are completely lacking in all the 25 hamlets surveyed, except semi-urban villages like Pachipenta and Salur. Rain water gets drained to the lowlying areas gets accumulated in pools, forming breeding grounds for mosquitoes, causing epidemics. The situation is pathetic in semi-urban areas than in interior villages. Public health and paramedical health services are unable to provide much-needed health care to the people. Diseases / ailments: Mukha Dora suffer from diseases like scabies, intestinal worms (round worm, hook worm, whip worm), jaundice, diarrhea, cholera, gastroenteritis, measles and smallpox as per Medical records (1981-82) available at Primary Health Center, Pachipenta; Mobile Health Center, Mamidipalli; Government Dispensary, Thonam and Government Hospital, Salur. Leprosy is rare among the tribes living in Agency, though prevalent in Vizianagaram District. Scabies is rampant due to deficient personal cleanliness. Vitamin deficiency and malnutrition are common among children and nourishing mothers. Majority of stomach ailments are due to worm infections attributed to unprotected water supply. Malaria is wide spread in the region as it falls in the endemic zone. National Malaria Education Program hass make all efforts to eradicate malaria by anti malaria operations. However the prevalence of malaria is at higher proportion in the interior and isolated villages (Saheb et al, 1987). Health services are making best efforts to eradicate epidemic diseases that are prevalent in the area. They have awareness about medical and paramedical services, but they rarely make use of these services. As these facilities are far away from their habitation, they invariably consult local medicine men, Guruvu / Jenny / Disari for remedial measures. They seek the help of Guruvu / Jenny to protect them from wrath of malevolent deities / spirits. Chicken pox and measles are considered due to wrath of local deities, Nishani demudu / Pydithalli. They worship and appease deities/ evil spirits and ancestors through animal sacrifice. They believe black magic / sorcery, known as Banamathi, Chetabadi and Chillangi inflict illness / death to a person. Infant Mortality: Infant mortality is defined as the number of infant deaths per 1000 live births in the year and death of children aged above 1 year to 14 years as child mortality. The poor economic condition, lack of sanitation and malnutrition has affected mother 574 Anomalies, Morbidity, Disease among Mukha Dora Tribe ……of Andhra Pradesh and child health. Mothers are under nutritional stress during pregnancy and lactation. Malnourishment of mothers leads to premature births and low birth weight babies. Boddudokri (mid wife) assists mother at child birth in Agency areas, at times lead to delivery complications, contributing to both maternal and infant mortality. Infant mortality rate is significantly high in Mukha Dora (266.67) in both isolated and acculturated groups. Total infant mortality in acculturated group (285.71) is higher than in isolated group (250). The isolated group shows higher female infant mortality (119.05) than in acculturated group, while the trend was reversed in male infant mortality. Mukha Dora recorded lower infant mortality rate than the neighboring tribes (Saheb and Naidu, 1985). The main factor contributing to high infant mortality was poor nutritional status of pregnant women. 50% of women are anemic during pregnancy. Higher infant mortality recorded in both isolated and acculturated villages is due to cholera and cyclonic storm that devastated their habitation and economy. Child Mortality: Nine children (4 males and 5 females) died before attaining the age of 15 years among Mukha Dora. Female child mortality is slightly higher than males in acculturated group, resulting in a sex ratio of 66.67 males per 100 females. Child mortality in the isolated group is in equal proportion. Major causes for child mortality are diarrhea, dysentery, cholera, stomachache, malaria, measles etc. Diarrhea and fever are common among children below 1 year of age; while malaria and accidents are frequent among children below 15 years of age. Relatively more children died either due to diarrhea / dysentery (Saheb and Naidu, 1985).This might be due to high mineral content in drinking water and cholera. Anomalies, Disabilities and Illness Various types of morbidity among Mukha Dora have been discussed in three broad categories: a) Anomalies: Anomalies and Congenital malformations affect child health and lead to an early death of infant or suffer serious illness throughout lifetime. Out of every four infant deaths, one death is due to congenital malformation and approximately one per cent of all infants born alive suffer serious disorders, ranging from hare-lip to extreme conditions of not having brain or bony brain case, known as anencephaly. In India, majority of child births take place at home. Moreover infants born with malformations may not survive for long. Hence the incidence of congenital malformations among newborn in Indian population has not been properly recorded. Data on congenital malformation in Mukha Dora has been classified as of Central nervous system, Gastrointestinal system, Muscular-skeletal system, Genital-urinary system, Cardio-vascular system and multiple defects involving several systems. Malformations of Central nervous systems were common in all populations. Incidence of malformations in males is slightly higher than females in both the groups (Table 1). Results of present study are in conformity with several studies from different parts of the world, which indicate that males are prone to malformations than females. A single case of cerebral palsy (spastic) was observed in acculturated group, wherein the patient is suffering from multiple deformities like stammering, spondulytis, epilepsy, staring expression with unblinking eyes and incapacitated to work. Pedigree study of this patient revealed that his father suffered with the same deformity and died some years ago. Congenital mental retardation cases were reported among males belonging to the acculturated group. Harelip and Gastro-intestinal malformation is observed in one family of the acculturated group, where both mother and son are S Yaseen Saheb and T S Naidu 575 affected, while daughters are free from this defect. Anomalies recorded in isolated group are absence of 3rd toe and hand, abnormality of the 1st toe, congenital blindness and squint eye. Two cases of congenital deaf and dumb are observed in females of acculturated group. Incidence of brachedactyly is higher in isolated group than in acculturated group. On the whole anomalies are slightly more in isolated group than in acculturated group, where more males are suffering than females. The prevalence rate of total anomalies in males are 33.98 and 33.15 in isolated and acculturated groups respectively and show slightly higher value than in females (23.39 in isolated group and 23.35 in acculturated group). The prevalence rate in pooled sample is 33.59 in males and 22.86 in females (Table 2). Prevalence rates of anomalies in isolated group shows slightly greater (29.18) value than in acculturated group (27.78). b) Disabilities: Several forms of disabilities have been reported among Mukha Dora. Two females were afflicted with epilepsy; one from isolated villages and another from acculturated villages. The frequency of blindness due to cataract is more in males than in females. One person each either with spondulytis or stammering or paralysis was observed in isolated group. Persons disabled due to hands amputation are slightly more in isolated group than in acculturated group. The frequency of disabled females is more in isolated group (Table 1). The prevalence rate is higher in acculturated males (33.15) and in isolated females (33.09), while the corresponding rates in isolated males and acculturated females are 14.56 and 11.17 respectively. The prevalence rate in the pooled sample is almost equal in both the sexes (Table 2). c) Illness: Prominent forms of illness recorded are skin diseases, fever and ailments related to bronchial-respiratory problems. Chronic asthma is found to be more in both sexes of the acculturated group. Incidence of illness associated with Gastro-intestinal system is in equal proportions. More people are suffering with different forms of ailments and skin diseases in acculturated group than in isolated group (Tables 1). Conjunctivitis is common in females. People suffering from fever are significantly more in number in the isolated section. Malaria fever or black water fever, popularly known as agency fever in Vizianagaram district is endemic in the area. The illness related to Genital-urinary system is mainly due to the vasectomy and tubectomy. The total prevalence rate of illness is comparatively high in both sexes of acculturated group than in isolated group. The total prevalence rate of morbidity is high in the acculturated section, wherein results show that males are more prone to diseases than females (Table 2). Indigenous healing methods Mukha Dora performs ritual remedies for diseases caused by malevolent deities / evil spirits and administers counter magic for those caused by sorcery practices. When a person suffers from chronic illness like tuberculosis, goiter, paralysis, etc, the patient approaches Guruvu to appease the deity, Jakara demudu / Nishani demudu / Pydithalli through religious rites, ritual offerings and magical procedure. When a person suffers from Chicken pox, Small pox, Measles, Cholera etc, the patient approaches Jenny, who is both physician and magician to seek remedy for the ailment. Jenny performs some rituals chanting magic hymns/ mantras, waiving peacock feathers, offering bhoga to appease the Goddess and suggests healing methods and ties amulets to the patient (Saheb and Naidu, 1985). If the disease is caused due to food, environment and behaviour, Disari administers herbal remedies after physical observation of the patient and disease symptoms. Mukha Dora believes that illness originate due to breach of customary taboos, wrath of 576 Anomalies, Morbidity, Disease among Mukha Dora Tribe ……of Andhra Pradesh deities and attribute to supernatural spirits and magico - religious causes. Elders prefer traditional healthcare offered by Disari / medicine man of the same tribe to safe guard the Tribal social hierarchical status, while youngsters do not discriminate to visit the Disari/ Jenny of other tribes, Khond, Jatapu, Manne Dora and Konda Dora. Guruvu /Jenny/ Disari identifies the cause of illness and then selects the nature of treatment. Various herbal medicines are administered for the treatment of different types of ailments / diseases prevalent in Salur / Parvathipuram Agency in Vizianagaram district. Health and treatment are interrelated with the environment/ forest ecology, since forest is the main resource of getting medicine plants. Lactating mothers are advised to abstain from consuming cold food like gruel, banana and curd during nights to avoid ailments like cough, cold, fever, headache etc, and hot food like drumstick, papaya, chicken to avoid inflammation of hands and legs, rheumatic pain and stomachache. Lactating mothers are forbidden to eat fish and pulses - black gram and green gram to avoid infant getting boils and scabies. As a result of these food taboos, children suffer nutritional deficiency diseases like anemia, scurvy and beriberi. Goiter is endemic among the tribes due to iodine deficiency in their diet Epilepsy: Two Mukha Dora women suffered from epilepsy (Table 1). Khonds of Visakhapatnam district makes a paste of Ubbuchettu Katti (Desmodium gangeticum) plant and administers the paste once a day for three days (Rao et al, 2006). While Kotia Hills tribes, Manne Dora, Konda Dora, Jatapu and Savara apply the paste of Vavilli (Vitex negundo Linn.) leaves over the head of the patient for relief. They pound the leaves of KrishnaThulasi (Ocimum tenuiflorum Linn.) with Vavilli (Vitex negundo) leaves and the extract is administered along with honey for 10 days to cure fits (Chandra Babu et al, 2010). Cataract: Four males and two females became blind due to cataract, while 4 persons have lost partial eye sight (Table 1). Gadabas of Visakhapatnam district takes the root powder of Kasiratnam pulu (Ipomoea hederifolia Linn.) orally to treat cataract (Rao et al, 2011). Spondulytis / Paralysis: One male person was diagnosed with multiple ailments like spondulytis, stammering and paralysis in isolated group (Table 1). Khonds of Visakhapatnam district apply the paste made of Netturu ossoh (Vernonia cinerea Less.) plant regularly on the affected region of the body, while Gadabas apply paste made from leaves and tubers of Chedukura (Anodendron paniculatam Roxb.) for paralysis treatment (Rao et al, 2011). Skin diseases: The incidence of skin diseases in isolated group of Mukha Dora was lower compared to the acculturated group and the frequency in females was greater than males. Interestingly the incidence of skin diseases was more in acculturated group compared to isolated group (Table 1). The tribes living in Kotia Hills apply leaf juice of Kasintha (Cassia occidentalis Linn.) mixed in butter milk on the affected parts to cure scabies (Chandra Babu et al, 2010). Savaras of Srikakulam district apply the mixture of Neem (Azadirachta indica) and Karanja (Carissa carandas) oils to cure scabies (Rao et al, 2010). Gadabas of Visakhapatnam district drink the extract of rhizome of Nelatadi (Curculigo orchioides Gaertn.) or the stem bark of Naramamidi (Litsea deccanensis Gamble) to cure skin diseases (Rao et al, 2011). Bronchial-respiratory problems: During our study 16 persons comprising 9 males and 7 females were suffering from Bronchial-respiratory problems, wherein 11 of them hail from acculturated villages and 5 persons hail from isolated villages (Table 1). ). Savara and Jatapu of Srikakulam district take Nallajeedi (Semicarpus anacardium) or Karakkai S Yaseen Saheb and T S Naidu 577 (Terminalia chebula) or Thulasi (Oscimum sanctum) extract for relief from cough. The tribes living in Kotia Hills administer decoction made from stem bark of Pangiachina (Litsea glutinosa Robinson) tree to ease chest pain. Seed powder of Adavi benda (Thespesia lampas Dalz.) plant mixed with bark juice of Schleichera oleosa is administered orally with hot water in small doses twice a day for 21 days to overcome bronchial-respiratory problems (Chandra Babu et al, 2010). Chronic Asthma: The tribes living in Kotia Hills - Khond, Manne Dora, Konda Dora, Jatapu and Savara administer a mixture of Byttneria herbacea roots with black Pepper (Piper logum) and Trachyspermum ammi taken in equal proportions, twice a day. Warm leaf paste of Adavi Nabhi (Gloriosa superb Linn.) herb is applied on forehead and neck for 7 days for relief. Bark powder of Palakodisa (Holarrhena pubescens Wall.) is given orally till asthma is cured. Ippa (Madhuca indica Gmel.) flowers are boiled in water and the decoction is administered orally to cure asthma (Chandra Babu et al, 2010). Gastro-intestinal system (Diarrhea / Dysentery): In the 25 hamlets surveyed, 8 persons (5 males and 3 females) reported having gastro- intestinal problems. Paste of Bandibissah osso ottawakuccha (Boerhaavia diffusa Linn.) plant is administered for three days to control blood motions. Khond, Manne Dora, Konda Dora, Jatapu and Savara tribes inhabiting Kotia Hills administer stem bark powder of Chinnamurli (Buchnanaia lanzan Spreng.) mixed with stem bark powder of Syzygium cuminin for 3 days to cure diarrhea. They administer the extract made from the crushed stem bark of Medichettu (Ficus racemosa Linn.) mixed with Curcuma longa orally to cure diarrhea. Juice made from tender leaves of Thummika (Diospyros melanoxylon Roxb.) herb or Addasaram (Justicia adhatoda Linn.) shrub is given internally for 5 days to cure diarrhea. Leaf paste of Gallarapaku (Kalanchoe pinnata Pers.) mixed with Pepper powder is administered for 3 days to cure diarrhea. They administer the extract of stem bark of Mushidi (Strychnos nuxvomica Linn.) tree with honey daily twice to control dysentery (Chandra Babu et al, 2010). Gadabas take the decoction made from the roots of Yerri Kusuma (Argemone Mexicana Linn.) or Bedda Kandhiri (Equisetum debile Roxb.) or Adavi Ulava (Atylosia scarabaeoides Benth.) or the tubers of Kasturi dumpa (Curcuma aromatic Sal.) to control dysentery. They apply the paste made from leaves, stem bark and flowers of Arepuvvu (Woodfordia fruticosa Kurz.) to control dysentery (Rao et al, 2011). Savaras of Srikakulam district consume leaf paste of Pathalagaridi (Rauwolfia serpentina) to cure dysentery. They administer seed decoction of Gurivindaginja (Abrus precatorius) mixed with honey to kill intestine worms and reduce stomachache (Rao et al, 2010). Conjunctivitis: Three females from isolated group and one female from acculturated group had conjunctivitis (Table 1). Savara and Jatapu of Srikakulam district apply Rakasi plant juice for eye diseases. Gadabas of Visakhapatnam district apply leaf juice of Thigapappu (Hoya pendula R.Br.) to cure eye infection (Rao et al, 2011). Genital-urinary system: 4 men and one woman reported having urinary problems (Table 1). Savara and Jatapu of Srikakulam district consume Rambalam (Annona squamosa) for menstrual disorders. The juice extract of Dasariaku, Jammiaku, Tangeduaku, Kanugaaku and Velluli (Garlic) is used for abortion Kotia Hill tribes administer the extract of Palleru (Tribulus terrestris Linn.) herb in small doses for 3 days to cure urinary problems (Chandra Babu et al, 2010). Savaras of Srikakulam district take the decoction of Pindikura (Aerva lanata) for removing kidney stones and also to arrest white discharge in women (Rao et al, 2010). 578 S Yaseen Saheb and T S Naidu Anomalies, Morbidity, Disease among Mukha Dora Tribe ……of Andhra Pradesh Body pain: Three females and one male were suffering from body pains (Table1). Savara and Jatapu of Srikakulam district take Osiri (Emblica officinalis) or Pukejam (Leucas cephalstus) for pains. Gadabas of Visakhapatnam district administer decoction made from roots and stem bark of Girugudu (Casearia elliptica Willd.) or the rhizome of Nelatadi (Curculigo orchioides Gaertn.) for pain relief. They drink the decoction made from stem bark of Naramamidi (Litsea deccanensis Gamle) to ease body pain (Rao et al, 2011). Joint pain / Arthritis: 7 persons in acculturated group (3 males and 4 females) suffer from joint pains (Table 1). The tribes living in Kotia Hills administer root paste of Adavi Allamu (Zingiber roseum Roscoe) or apply root paste of Bodditeega (Rivea hypocrateriformis Choisy) over the affected area to get pain relief. Paste made from the seed coat of Gillateega (Entada pursaetha) is applied on affected parts externally to cure rheumatism. Leaves of Pachabottu mokka (Euphorbia hirta Linn.) are warmed and bandaged over the affected part by applying castor oil. Decoction made of Pushpajalam (Biophytum nervifolium Thw.) leaves is administered for joint pain relief (Chandra Babu et al, 2010). Savaras of Srikakulam district apply the root paste of Nagasaram (Aristolochia indica) on the affected parts for joint pain relief. They apply mixture of Neem (Azadirachta indica) and Karanja (Carissa carandas) oils to treat rheumatism (Rao et al, 2010). Head ache: In acculturated group, one person was suffering from partial headache (Table1). Gadabas of Visakhapatnam district take Darigummadi (Pueraria tuberose Roxb.) leaves and its tuber for pain relief. They take the decoction made from the rhizome of Nelatadi (Curculigo orchioides Gaertn.) for pain relief (Rao et al, 2011). Leucoderma / Dermatitis: In acculturated group, one female was affected with leucoderma, while one male and one female are affected with dermatitis (Table1). Gadabas of Visakhapatnam smear the paste made from the stem and roots of Palathiga (Cryptolepis buchananii Roem.) to treat leucoderma (Rao et al, 2011). Boils /wounds: Three males were inflicted with wounds in interior villages (Table1). Savaras of Srikakulam district apply leaf paste of Gajumokka (Eupotorium odoratum) plant on the injured part for healing. Savara and Jatapu of Srikakulam district apply Ganneru (Thevitia peruvina) and Ankudu (Ficus specis) for cuts and wounds (Rao et al, 2010). Gadabas of Visakhapatnam district apply paste made from the leaves, stem bark and flowers of Arepuvvu (Woodfordia fruticosa Kurz.) on the wounds for healing (Rao et al, 2011). Skin rashes & Gout: Two male persons suffering from skin rashes were given the root powder of Vattiveru (Vetiveria zizanioides Linn.) along with Achyranthes aspera once a day for 3 days. Cardiovascular illness: Two persons had cardiovascular problems (Table1). Gadabas of Visakhapatnam district take leaf juice of Thigapappu (Hoya pendula R. Br.) or consume Darigummadi (Pueraria tuberose Roxb.) tuber or the decoction of rhizome of Adavi Allamu (Zingiber roseum Roxb.) or the paste made from the leaves, stem bark and roots of Maredutivva ( Dalbergia volubilis Roxb.) to get relief from heart pain. (Rao et al, 2011). Reproductive organs: 5 women were suffering from ailments related to genital organs. The tribes living in Kotia Hills apply flower powder of Ashoka (Saraca asoca Wild.) over the affected area for treatment of Syphilis (Chandra Babu et al, 2010). 579 Ailments on legs: One person had leg injuries. Savaras of Srikakulam district apply the fruit decoction of Karakkaya (Terminalia chebula) on the injury parts to cure (Rao et al, 2010). Acknowledgements Authors gratefully acknowledge the cooperation extended by the Department of Tribal Welfare, Government of Andhra Pradesh, Hyderabad and the District Tribal Welfare Officer, Vizianagaram District. We are indebted to Sri Subba Raju for the hospitality and thankful to Mukha Dora for providing information during the study. We are grateful to the Director, Anthropological Survey of India, Kolkata and the Regional Officer, Southern Regional Centre, Mysore for providing infra structural facilities. References Chandra Babu N., M. T. Naidu and M. Venkaiah, 2010. Ethno medicinal plants of Kotiya Hills of Vizianagaram district, Andhra Pradesh, Journal of Phytology, 2 (6): 76-82. Francis W., 1907. Madras District Gazetteers: Vizagapatam District: Madras: Government of Madras Presidency. pp. 94-95. Naidu T. S. and S. Y. Saheb , 1998. Economic activities among the Mukha Dora tribe of Andhra Pradesh. Human Science, 37 (4): 382-399. Rao V. L. N., B. R. Busi, B. D. Rao, S. Rao Ch, Bharathi K and Venkaiah M, 2006. Ethno medicinal practices among Khonds of Visakhapatnam district, Andhra Pradesh, Indian Journal of Traditional Knowledge, 5 (2): 217-219. Rao V. L. N., B. R. Busi, B. D. Rao, S. Rao Ch, Bharathi K and Venkaiah M, 2010. Ethno medical study among Savaras of Srikakulam district, Andhra Pradesh, Indian Journal of Traditional Knowledge, 9 (1): 166-168. Rao J. K., J. Suneetha, T. V. V. S. Reddi and O. A. Kumar, 2011. Ethno medicine of the Gadabas, a Primitive tribe of Visakhapatnam district, Andhra Pradesh, International Multidisciplinary Research Journal, 1/2: 10-14. Saheb S.Y. and T. S. Naidu, 1985. Tribes in Contemporary India: The Mukha Dora of AndhraPradesh. Calcutta: Unpublished Report; Anthropological Survey of India. Saheb S. Y., T. S. Naidu and Venkateswarulu G, 1987. Brief note on the incidence of Malaria and the NMEP: A case study in Andhra Pradesh. Human Science, 36 (1): 52-60. Saheb S. Y. and T. S. Naidu, 1994. Inbreeding in the tribal populations of Andhra Pradesh. Journal of the Anthropological Survey of India, 43:187-198. Saheb S. Y., T. S. Naidu and M. R. Prasad, 2007. Health status of Mukha Dora tribe of Andhra Pradesh, In TS Naidu (Ed.), Tribal Health in India- Problems and Future perspectives, Puducherry: Pondicherry University, (pp. 93- 107). Thurston E., 1909. Castes and Tribes of Southern India, Government Press, Madras: Government of Madras Presidency, Volume 5, (pp.103-106). ANOMALY Brachydactyly Abnormality of 1st toe Third toe missing Congenital blindness Deformity of Joint Squint eye Harelip Cerebral Palasyspatic Mental Retardation Absence of hand Deaf & Dumb Leucoderma DISABILITY Epilepsy Blindness Spondulitis Paralysis Amputed hand Stammering ILLNESS Broncho respiratory Gastro-Intestinal Prominent hairs Body pains Joint pains Back pains Conjunctivitis Fever (agency) Partial Headache Skin diseases Skin rashes & Gout Dermatitis Boils & Wounds Partial loss of eye sight Pandu rogam Urinary Anemic Cardio-vascular Reproductive organs Ailments on Legs Total Anomalies Total Disability Total Illness Grand Total Morabid Condition ANOMALY Brachydactyly Abnormality of 1st toe Third toe missing Congenital blindness Deformity of Joint Squint eye Harelip Cerebral Palasyspatic Mental retardation Absence of hand Deaf & Dumb Leucoderma DISABILITY Epilepsy Blindness Spondulitis Paralysis Amputed hand Stammering ILLNESS Broncho respiratory trouble Gastro-Intestinal Prominent hairs Body pains Joint pains Back pains Conjunctivitis Fever (agency) Partial Headache Skin diseases Skin rashes & Gout Dermatitis Boils & Wounds Partial loss of eye sight Pandu rogam Urinary Anemic Cardio-vascular Reproductive organs Ailments on Legs Total Anomalies Total Disability Total Illness Grand Total Morabid Condition 2.08 2.08 2.08 6.25 6.25 2.08 6.25 18.75 16.68 2.08 2.08 6.25 2.08 2.08 4.17 4.17 14.58 6.25 79.17 100 1 1 1 3 3 1 3 9 8 1 1 3 1 1 2 2 7 3 38 48 5.71 2.86 2.86 2.86 8.57 8.57 20.00 5.71 5.71 8.57 11.43 17.14 71.43 100 2.86 2.86 2.86 8.57 - 5.71 2.86 2.86 - 5 4 1 1 4 3 12 15 1 1 3 3 1 2 4 3 11 9 63 83 1 1 1 1 4 1 3 2 1 2 1 1 1 - N Total 6.02 4.82 1.20 1.20 4.82 3.61 14.5 18.1 1.20 1.20 3.61 3.61 1.20 2.41 4.82 3.61 13.5 10.9 75.9 100 1.20 1.20 1.20 1.20 4.82 1.20 3.61 2.41 1.20 2.41 1.20 1.20 1.20 - % 6 2 1 3 2 1 1 11 1 1 2 1 2 1 6 6 63 83 4 2 - 1 1 1 1 1 1 - N Male 12.24 4.08 2.04 6.12 4.08 2.04 2.04 22.45 2.04 2.04 4.08 2.04 4.08 2.04 12.24 12.24 75.51 100 8.16 4.08 - 2.04 2.04 2.04 2.04 2.04 2.04 - 5 2 2 4 1 1 3 14 1 1 2 2 4 2 38 44 1 1 - 1 2 1 11.03 4.55 4.55 9.09 2.27 2.27 6.82 31.82 2.27 2.27 4.55 4.55 9.09 4.55 86.36 100 2.27 2.27 - 2.27 4.55 2.27 11.70 5.85 5.85 5.85 5.85 5.85 17.54 11.70 5-85 5.85 5.85 17.54 17.54 11.70 40.94 11.70 17.54 23.39 35.09 146.20 204.68 4.85 4.85 4.85 14.56 14.56 4.85 14.56 43.69 38.33 4.85 4.85 14.56 4.85 4.85 9.71 8.71 33.96 14.56 184.47 233.01 13.26 10.61 2.65 2.65 10.61 7.96 31.83 2.65 39.79 2.65 2.65 7.96 7.96 2.65 5.31 10.61 7.96 29.18 23.87 167.11 220.16 2.65 2.65 2.65 2.65 10.61 2.65 7.96 5.31 2.65 5.31 2.65 2.65 2.65 - ISOLATED GROUP Females Total 33.15 11.05 16.57 16.57 11.05 5.52 5.52 60.77 5.52 5.52 11.05 5.52 11.05 5.52 33.15 33.15 204.42 270.72 22.10 11.05 - 5.52 5.52 5.52 5.52 5.52 5.52 - Males 27.93 11.17 11.17 22.35 5.59 5.59 16.76 78.21 5.59 5.59 11.17 11.17 22.35 11.17 212.29 245.81 5.59 5.59 - 5.59 11.17 5.59 30.56 11.11 13.89 19.44 8.33 2.78 11.11 2.78 69.44 2.78 2.78 2.78 8.33 8.33 5.56 5.56 2.78 27.78 22.22 208.33 258.33 2.78 13.89 5.56 - 2.78 2.78 2.78 5.56 2.78 2.78 5.56 2.78 Prevalence rate of Morbidity condition ACCULTURATED GROUP Females Total 611 4 3 7 3 1 4 1 25 1 1 1 3 3 2 2 1 10 8 75 93 1 5 2 - 1 1 1 2 1 1 2 1 11.83 4.30 5.38 7.53 3.23 1.08 4.30 1.08 26.88 1.08 1.08 1.08 3.23 3.23 2.15 2.15 1.08 10.75 8.60 80.65 100 1.08 5.38 2.15 - 1.08 1.08 1.08 2.15 1.08 1.08 2.15 1.08 ACCULTURATED GROUP Female Total % N % N % Table 2 Prevalence rate of Morbidity in Mukha Dora 2 1 1 1 3 3 7 2 2 3 4 6 25 35 1 1 1 3 - 2 1 1 - ISOLATED GROUP Female N % 4.85 9.71 4.85 4.85 4.85 4.85 - Males 2.08 4.17 2.08 2.08 2.08 2.08 - % 1 2 1 1 1 1 - N Male 23.26 12.92 2.58 7.75 7.75 12.92 25.84 2.58 49.10 5.17 2.58 7.75 5.17 2.58 10.34 7.75 5.17 2.58 33.59 23.26 193.80 250.65 10.34 2.58 7.75 2.58 5.17 7.75 5.17 2.58 2.58 2.58 2.58 2.58 2.58 - Males 9 5 1 1 3 5 10 1 19 2 1 3 2 1 4 3 2 1 13 9 75 97 4 1 3 1 2 3 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 - N Male 9.28 5.15 1.03 3.09 3.09 5.15 10.31 1.03 19.59 2.06 1.03 3.09 2.06 1.03 4.12 3.09 2.06 1.03 13.40 9.28 77.32 100 4.12 1.03 3.09 1.03 2.06 3.09 2.06 1.03 1.03 1.03 1.03 1.03 1.03 - % 8.86 3.80 3.80 5.06 2.53 5.06 7.59 26.58 1.27 2.53 1.27 5.06 6.33 10.13 10.13 79.75 100 2.53 2.53 1.27 3.80 - 2.53 1.27 1.27 1.27 2.53 1.27 20.00 8.57 8.57 11.43 5.71 11.43 17.14 60.00 2.86 5.71 2.86 11.43 14.29 22.86 22.86 180.00 225.71 5.71 5.71 2.86 8.57 - 5.71 2.86 2.86 2.86 5.71 2.86 POOLED GROUP Females 7 3 3 4 2 4 6 21 1 2 1 4 5 8 8 63 79 2 2 1 3 - 2 1 1 1 2 1 POOLED GROUP Female N % 2.71 8.14 1.36 1.36 8.14 1.36 5.43 4.07 2.71 2.71 1.36 1.36 2.71 1.36 1.36 1.36 2.71 1.36 Total Total 21.71 10.85 1.36 8.14 9.50 9.50 5.43 21.71 1.36 54.27 2.71 2.71 4.07 5.43 1.36 6.78 9.50 2.71 6.78 1.36 28.49 23.07 187.25 238.81 16 8 1 4 7 7 4 16 1 40 2 2 3 4 1 5 7 2 5 1 21 17 138 176 2 6 1 1 6 1 4 3 2 2 1 1 2 1 1 1 2 1 N % 9.09 4.55 0.57 3.41 3.98 3.98 2.27 9.09 0.57 22.73 1.14 1.14 1.70 2.27 0.57 2.84 3.98 1.14 2.84 0.57 11.93 9.66 78.41 100 1.14 3.41 0.57 0.57 3.41 0.57 2.27 1.70 1.41 1.14 0.57 0.57 1.14 0.57 0.57 0.57 1.14 0.57 Anomalies, Morbidity, Disease among Mukha Dora Tribe ……of Andhra Pradesh I. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. II. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. III. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. I. II. III. Sl.No I. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. II. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. III. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. I. II. III. Sl.No Table 1 The incidence of Morbidity among the Mukha Dora 580 S Yaseen Saheb and T S Naidu 581 582 Jr. Anth. Survey of India, 61(2) & 62(1) : (583-593), 2012-2013 Gulf of Mannar Biosphere Reserve: Glimpses of Indigenous Knowledge on Coastal Fishing in Tamil Nadu Anupam Datta1 ABSTRACT The programme of Biosphere Reserve was initiated under the ‘Man and Biosphere’ (MAB) programme by UNESCO in 1971. The programme recognises the local communities as an integral part of the ecosystem and promotes ecologically compatible socio-economic development of the local communities. The human dimension of the Biosphere Reserves makes them special from other protected areas, such as Tiger Reserves, National Parks and Sanctuaries. The study area, Gulf of Mannar Biosphere Reserve, is the only Marine Biosphere Reserve in India. The present paper deals with the traditional fishing knowledges of the coastal people of Ramanathapuram district of Tamil Nadu. The area of fieldwork was in the national headline for quite sometime due to some proposed sea route construction ‘Ramsetu’. On the backdrop of this situation, author tries to record some of the local knowledges regarding their traditional livelihood i.e. coastal fishing which has direct bearing to the protection of their pristine environment vis a vis the norms of Biosphere reserve. INTRODUCTION The programme of Biosphere Reserve was initiated under the ‘Man and Biosphere’ (MAB) programme by UNESCO in 1971. The programme recognises the local communities as an integral part of the ecosystem and promotes ecologically compatible socio-economic development of the local communities. The human dimension of the Biosphere Reserves makes them special from other protected areas, such as Tiger Reserves, National Parks and Sanctuaries. The study area, Gulf of Mannar Biosphere Reserve, is the only Marine Biosphere Reserve in India. The Gulf of Manner (GOM) Marine Biosphere Reserve is located at the southeastern tip of India on the east coast of Tamil Nadu, extends from Rameswaram to Kanyakumari covering an area of 10,500 sq. kilometers in the Indian part of territorial water of the Gulf 1Anthropological Survey of India Eastern Regional Centre, Kolkata 584 Anupam Datta Gulf of Mannar Biosphere Reserve: Glimpses of …… Coastal Fishing in Tamil Nadu of Mannar between India and Sri Lanka. The Gulf of Mannar Biosphere Reserve (GOMBR) coast is adjoining 4 districts such as Ramanathapuram, Tuticorin, Tirunelveli, and Kanyakumari. Starting from the southern tip of Dhanuskodi it extends up to Kanyakumari covering a shore line of 514 kilometers. The 560 sq. kms. of Core Area is comprised of 21 tiny uninhabited islands (tivu) ranging in size from 0.25 ha. to 130 ha. located offshore between a distances from one to four kilometers along the 140 kilometers stretch of coast line from Rameswaram to Tuticorin. Established in the 1980s, this 560 sq. km of Core area is the Gulf of Manner Marine National Park (GOMNP), the first marine national park not only in India and as well as in South East Asia. The Reserve has got the distinction of being a globally recognized Biosphere Reserve. The Buffer Zone is comprised of gulf water to the south of the core area of the Marine National Park and an inhabited coast line to the north up to a distance of 10 km. inland along the 140 km. stretch of coast from Rameswaram to Tuticorin along the GOM National Park. 585 about 263 coastal settlements along the coastline of National park area on the basis of ‘threat Perception’ in relation to the exploitation of marine resources. GOMBRT categorized these villages as High Threat (HT) i.e. the villages on the shoreline up to the high tide mark, Medium Threat (MT) i.e. villages are those located within 5 Km from the shore line and Low Threat (LT) i.e. villages are those located within a distance from 5 to 10 kilometer from the shoreline. The peopling of the studied village are mostly from Valaiyer and Nadar castes (both Hindu and Christian), though some castes like Thevar, Yadava and Pandaram are also there. Major work of fishing and related works is done by Valaiyer and Nadar. Regarding fishing activities there are no such discriminations in their professional matter. Mostly Nadar and Valaiyer are the boat and net owners and venture in the sea, other castes are mainly involved in fishing trade. Gulf of Mannar Biosphere Reserve Trust (GOMBRT), a statutory body, was constituted by the Government of Tamil Nadu in the year 2000 for the implementation of project, with the assistance of Global Environmental Facility (GEF) and United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), for conservation and sustainable use of coastal biodiversity in the Gulf of Mannar by reducing the pressure on sea resources due to over exploitation, shifting people to land based activities by employment generation and developing alternative means of livelihood. For the purpose of project implementation GOMBRT has identified Glimpses of Some Indigenous Knowledge Regarding Fishing Practices: 1. Seasons Map of study area in Ramanathapuram district (1 & 2): Human life is dependent on the changing seasons. Sunshine, rainfall, and other climatic factors contribute to the co-existence and interdependence of human beings and other living organisms. The coastal climate in the Ramanathapuram area is mainly attributable to equatorial currents, westerly winds, and the relatively large amount of sunshine. There is a considerable difference between diurnal and nocturnal temperatures. The rainfall is 586 Anupam Datta Gulf of Mannar Biosphere Reserve: Glimpses of …… Coastal Fishing in Tamil Nadu 587 subject to local precipitations, although rain is mostly contributed by the south-west monsoon as well as North east monsoon. All these have a direct bearing on the life of the fishermen. Dependent on fish, they classify the climatic seasons mostly with reference to the catches they get. Ramanathapuram district is marked by four seasons: dry period; summer; south-west monsoon; and post-monsoon period. December to February is a dry period. Ramanathapuram District gets very little rain during the north-east monsoon comparing to South west monsoon. Due to low humidity, these months are generally dry. Nights are cold from November to February, but dry winds blow during the day. The temperature is unsteady, which contributes to sickness. The ratio of sea breeze to land breeze is not very constant, with dry, cold winds making the people lethargic. From March to May is summer, when rain becomes scarce and humidity is high, there is often an epidemic of chicken pox, due to the sweltering heat, during these months. The atmosphere is generally surcharged and rarefied. Where currents meet or diverge, where cold or salty water sinks beneath water that is less dense, or where coastal winds blow the surface water seawards, a circulation is set up which may reach to the ocean’s bottom. Surface water is then replaced by upwelling water rich in nutrient salts, which stimulates new growths of marine plants. The herbivorous plankton thrives and the sea becomes fertile for fish. It is understandable that many of the world’s great fisheries are found along the paths of ocean currents. The fishermen are by no means students of oceanography or marine biology in the formal sense, but their profound understanding of these physical phenomena and their sensitivity to them has made them what they are. They describe and divide the currents in their own way, which is not far from the scientific approach. The currents of the ocean are determined by the seasons. The fishing folk of Ramnad and adjoining areas refer to eight types of current: The south-west monsoon sets in June, and there is a heavy downpour until September. Sometimes this season begins at the end of May. 2. The water flows from south-west to north-east and availability of fish is very low. The post-monsoon period commences in October, when there is no rain at all. By the end of October the north-east wind sets in, which brings some heavy rain up to December also. The fishing folk of Ramnad classify the seasons into three, according to their catches of fish: Ipasi-katighai, Puratasi, and Vaikasi. The distinctions are based on the availability of fish and the condition of the wind. During Ipasi-katighai (April to August), the wind blows from the west and there is a heavy catch of fish. In Puratasi (August to November) the wind blows from the east. High tides form in August, a furlong into the sea, reaching the shore as small waves. The fishing folk do not venture beyond this tide and the catch is therefore very small and usually lasts for 15 days, and after it the sea becomes very calm. Vaikasi lasts from December to April, January to March is considered the peak of this season, when getting a catch is impossible. The people suffer a lot, as they are unable to get their daily bread. The wind blows from both north and south. 2. Ocean and Sea Currents Coursing through the layers of the sea are fast currents, some of them hundreds of miles long and up to a hundred miles wide. These currents are the veins and arteries of the living Earth, intriguing, and unsolved mysteries. Part of the planet’s system of heat exchange, they bring vast amounts of warmth from the tropics into the colder latitudes, which would be almost uninhabitable without them. Along with the winds, by which they are largely driven, the currents maintain the balanced temperatures we experience. Without them the tropics would grow gradually hotter, and the higher latitudes more and more frozen. The movement of currents, by which the oceans ‘plough’ themselves, is caused by three main forces: prevailing winds, the Earth’s rotation, and differences in the sea’s density. Winds drive immense bodies of water before them, forming surface currents. The Earth’s rotation, which deflects moving things to the right in the northern hemisphere and to the left in the southern hemisphere, causes these surface currents to move clockwise or anticlockwise. 1. When the water flows from west to east and plenty of fish is available. 3. The flow is from north-west to south-east. It is also called "unna etuttavalu". The availability of fish is average. 4. When the flow is from east to west the catch is average. 5. The flow is from south-east to north-west and the catch is very little. 6. The flow from north-east to south-west and the catch is average. 7. The flow is from south to north. Almost all kinds of nets are used without any restriction, but the catch is very little. 8. The flow is from north to south. All kinds of nets are used, again for a very small catch. The use of certain nets is not determined by the current alone. The availability of different kinds of fish plays a major role in the chain of nets. When there is a cris-cross current fishing becomes impossible, and the fishing folk must return home empty-handed. Such a current is called valu takarjru. 3. Winds Six to eight types of winds exist, but generally people understand 4 types, according to the fishing folk of coastal Ramanathapuram district. These are different from purely geographical divisions. The trade winds (this type of winds blows from south-east towards the equator and beyond) and westerly winds are the two major types. The usual coastal pattern of sea breeze and land breeze is also present. Winds are also associated with the deflection of surface currents. These winds and currents do not always strictly correspond to the months mentioned. Winds from two different directions may come into collision, 588 Anupam Datta Gulf of Mannar Biosphere Reserve: Glimpses of …… Coastal Fishing in Tamil Nadu 589 when caught in this situation; fishermen usually bring down their sails and just go with the wind when such things happen. sky, helps in reaching correct fishing ground, operate different fishing nets, reach the shore after fishing operations. Generally in the months May to August, storms hit the coast, if the lightning reaches the earth from the zenith (vertically), it foretells a storm. When the lightning appears and the wind stops, the sky wears a pale look, and a dark arrow-like cloud appears on the horizon. It is believed that the storm will come from the direction of this cloud. On seeing this signs the fisher folk on the sea return to the shore immediately. Those on the shore light a fire and wave it towards the sea to indicate the danger as well as to show the way towards shore. The fishermen also predict rains by the following observations: Table -1 Wind type (local) Month Catches availability Katchankatru Aug. –Sept Abundance of shrimps Mel Katru Sept. –Oct Abundance of small sardines KondalKatru Oct. –Nov Abundance of squids Vadaikatru Dec. –Feb Sardine, flying fish, tuna, silver bellies, seer fishes abundance 4. Cycles of the Sea 5. The speed of the waves, the currents, the wind, the rising and ebbing of the water, all vary from time to time. The fisher folk of coastal Ramanathapuram classify three seasons of sea cycles. In the months of April to July, the waves direct their course from the south-west to the north-east. The wind also blows to this direction in this period. The water level maintains its balance in this season. The current of sea is powerful and drives fish towards the shore. This season is considered good for fishing. l In the months July to September, the water level rises and the tide leaves only a bit of land as shore. The season gets the monsoon wind and the powerful current. Owing to the unrest of the sea, the village is severely affected as the fisher folk do not go for fishing. In the months from September to April, the sea remains generally calm. The wind blows and the currents keep a normal course. The water level recedes and the catch of fish is small. This season is, however, good for the training of youngsters in the skills of fishing. Navigation of fishing vessel based on stars: During night hours fishermen navigate their fishing vessel based on; Number of stars, Size of stars, and location of polestar in the l Mass and sudden appearance of dragon flies l Movement of tortoise of ponds towards land area l Holding marriage (mating) for two Asses. l Sudden movement of ants with eggs from one place to other l Singing of “Amithavarshini” raga by musicians. (Induced) l Dancing of male Peacock using its beautiful feathers. l Low yield from tamarind trees in a year will bring copious rains l Mating of cobra is known to bring rains l Croaking of frogs will bring rain l Lightning at northeast will bring rains l If lighting appears in east and west alternately, rain may come Knowledge of Earthquake Appearance of earthquakes would be invariably associated with continuous howling of dogs. 6. Knowledge of Tides Mass movement of inter tidal crabs towards land area is invariably associated with rising of water column i.e. tides when fishermen plan for suitable fishing operations. 7. Knowledge about other issues l Conducting marriage between Neem tree and Peepal tree, believes that obstacles would be removed and marriage will be settled for the affected person. l The fisher women believe that growing of tamarind tree and drumstick tree in front of the house would ensure safety for their husbands on the high sea. l When the sea water recedes unusually rapidly to a distance of half kilometer or so exposing the fishes and other aquatic animals grasping for breadth – a sure sign for impending Tsunami. 590 Chart 1 591 Anupam Datta Gulf of Mannar Biosphere Reserve: Glimpses of …… Coastal Fishing in Tamil Nadu Observation Very early existence of man was induced to venture afloat in search of food in the form of fish, an inexhaustible resource. Among the earliest traces of human existence in India, are implements made of coral, which is an indication that he ventured at least as far as the low waterline. This indicated that fish has formed part of man’s food from the early days, and that he has caught it in the sea and in rivers, using tools and implements to suit his skills and competencies, this section analyses the systemic use of traditional knowledge of fishing by the people of Ramanathapuram, mainly the fisherman communities. Traditional knowledge about the availability of fish/catch varieties in different depth of the sea Chart 2 During fieldwork it was observed that the villagers are well aware of their environment and rules and regulations for the protection of Biosphere reserve. The Gulf of Mannar Biosphere Reserve Trust (GOMBRT) is the nodal agency to manage the biosphere and with the help of village protection committee they formed in each village, has the direct involvement to manage the local environment by their own effort. For such reason the people of high threat villages (on coast) use only caterman (vattai), and paddled boat (vallam) for their daily fishing activities and venture into the sea up to the islands (tivu) i.e. 4-8 kms in to the sea and never use bottom trawling net. But the nearby districts’ fishermen like Kanyakumari area mostly use large 6-12 cylinder trawler boat for deep sea fishing beyond islands up to 15 – 25 kms. towards Sri Lanka coast. It is also observed that the villagers of middle threat villages mostly earn their livelihood from horticultural activities and as fishing labour. In most cases they does not own any boat or net but they have major role in fishing with the people of high threat villages to manage and navigate their vessels and selection of fishing grounds etc. Sometimes they catch crabs on shoreline and sell them to the local exporters or businessmen. People of coastal area never protest for imposing ban on fishing from mid May to July end, as they are well aware that this time fishes breed. This ban on fishing was imposed by the GOMBRT officials after the declaration of Biosphere reserve to protect the endangered species as well as to assure high catch during fishing season. During this lean season people mostly engaged themselves in collection, drying of sea weeds (pasi) and chank (sankh) fishing, which is also a type of subsidiary to their major livelihood. It is also noted that the coastal fishermen has a very harmonious and cordial relationship with the local biosphere administration and govt. officials in managing the biosphere reserve. Table- 2 Case study on the market value of the catches for 7 days in the High threat villages at landing sites of the village: Sl. No. Villlage 1 Sethupati Nagar Catch in Weight (7 days) Market price Remarks 354kg X 7 Rs. 4,33,650/- The value is except the cost = 2478 Kg. 2 3 Ramakrishna- 702Kg X 7 Puram = 4914 Kg. Indira Nagar 168Kg X 7 of Crabs, prawns and squids. Rs. 8,59,950/- –Do– Rs. 2,05,800/- –Do– Rs. 5,01,025/- –Do– = 1176 Kg. 4 Availability of Fish and other catches in different areas of the sea from the seashore to islands (tivu) Gandhi Nagar 409 Kg X 7 = 2863 Kg 592 Anupam Datta Gulf of Mannar Biosphere Reserve: Glimpses of …… Coastal Fishing in Tamil Nadu The value is here only for the fish catches, apart from that crabs, prawns and squids are also earns a lot of revenue, crabs and prawns which were directly marketed through the middlemen of the export oriented companies from the Pamban and Mandapam jetties and also from Tuticorin port to the middle east and markets of Europe and U.S. l Melkani, V.K. 2007. Conservation and Sustainable Utilisation of Biodiversity of the Gulf of Mannar Region. GOMBRT Publication No. 5. Ramanathapuram. Gulf of Mannar Biosphere Reserve Trust. l Naganathan, V. 2007. Marine Resource Management through Peoples’ Participation. GOMBRT Publication No. 5. Ramanathapuram. Gulf of Mannar Biosphere Reserve Trust l Patterson, J.A. 20002. Vellapathi Fishing Village of Gulf of Mannar. SDMRI Research Publication No. 2. Tuticorin. Suganthi Devadason Marine Research Institute. l Raychoudhuri, Bikash. 1980. The Moon and Net. Kolkata: Calcutta: Anthropological Survey of India. A case study narrated by fisherman of Indiranagar (HT) village At dusk of every Tuesday (the weekly holiday from fishing), local fishermen will undertake a ritual called Neeratuthal where they clean their boats and apply Kungumam (saffron colour) and sandalwood paste and light camphor. The fisher folk believe that a rare bird called Antrada Paravai leaves it’s dropping on the coral reef, these are washed away by tides and finally reach the island shores. The droppings are called Ponnamber and it is believed that finding these brings luck to the fishing catch. If the Dugong eats the Ponnamber, the Dugong’s droppings are known as Winnamber. Fishermen believe that finding Winnamber brings even more luck to the fishing catch, as well as unexpected wealth and all-round well being to the family. Locals believe that Appa Island (near Kilakadai) is the home of an island God (Santhanamariamman) and by pleasing this God they will be protected from evil spirits when they stay near the island. It is also believed that another god (Muniyasamy) resides in a coral mound just nearby the island and close to an area known for dangerous currents and an underwater cave. In order to avoid the dangerous currents and whirlpools these places are identified as the abode of local deities and fisher folk are warned not to approach these particular places in order to escape from the wrath of deities. It is believed that worship to God Sudalaimadan will protect people from the danger associated with this place. People worship here throughout the year each time they arrive near the island. There is also a major festival (Pongal) once a year, in the month of mid January, when locals from many nearby villages come to the island to offer prayers and animal sacrifice, and celebrate. The Tonga fish or Boxfish is available only in the reef area. In early days women used to wear a wedlock pendant designed in the shape of the Tonga fish to bring good luck to their families. Acknowledgement The author is highly indebted to the Director, Anthropological Survey of India, Kolkata, for giving him the opportunity to conduct fieldwork in the coastal Tamilnadu under the national project Man & Biosphere. I am also thankful to my all team members of An.S.I. CRC, Nagpur, GOMBRT officials and the villagers of Ramanathapuram district. References l District Statistical Handbook. 2006-07. Ramanathapuram District. Directorate of Statistics. Tamil Nadu. l Mathur, PRG. 2008. Ecology, Technology and Economy- Continuity and Change among the fisher folk of Kerala. Jaiput : Rawat Publication. 593 594 Jr. Anth. Survey of India, 61(2) & 62(1) : (595-615), 2012-2013 Traditional Life, Livelihood and Plantations : A study among the Mullu Kurumba C. R. Sathyanarayanan,1 Nirmal Chandra2 ABSTRACT This paper is the outcome of a study conducted during 2000-01 under a IX Plan Project of Anthropological Survey of India entitled “Management of Environment and Natural Resources: Study on Traditional Wisdom in Tribal Societies”. It focuses on the traditional life, livelihood and the dynamic process of occupational transition of the Mullu Kurumba tribal community in the backdrop of development of plantations in Nilgiris (Tamil Nadu) and Wayanad (Kerala). Maintaining a unique identity, the Mullu Kurumba, otherwise popularly known as Kuruman, even today reckon their distribution over Wayanad and Nilgiri districts in terms of certain traditional territories which cut across vast areas of plains, forests and hills of this region. While the non-tribal cultivators in their milieu have greatly commercialized their cultivation pattern towards cash crops, such as, ginger, areca nut, turmeric, pepper, tea, etc, the Mullu Kurumba continue to give priority to cultivation of food crops, such as, paddy, tapioca and plantain, not only for their own (family) food security but also as a matter of prestige and adherence to the tradition. INTRODUCTION This paper is the outcome of a study conducted during 2000-01 under a IX Plan Project of Anthropological Survey of India entitled “Management of Environment and Natural Resources: Study on Traditional Wisdom in Tribal Societies”. The study focuses on the traditional life, livelihood and the dynamic process of occupational transition of the Mullu Kurumba tribal community in the backdrop of development of plantations in Nilgiris and Wayanad. Before we present the field data, it is worthwhile to look at some of the facts and figures on loss of forest cover in the Western Ghats of South India. According to a recent study jointly conducted by the Ashoka Trust for Research in Ecology and Environment (Bangalore), National Remote Sensing Agency (NRSA - Hyderabad) and University of 1Deputy Director, Anthropological Survey of India, Southern Regional Centre,Mysore-570 026 2Cartographer, Anthropological Survey of India, Southern Regional Centre,Mysore-570 026 596 Traditional Life, Livelihood .............among the Mullu Kurumba C. R. Sathyanarayanan, Nirmal Chandra 597 Massachusetts (USA) on the hilly regions of South-West Karnataka, Western Kerala and North-West Tamil Nadu i.e. Nilgiris, there has been a loss of one-fourth of the forest cover in Western Ghats in the last 22 years. The study which estimated changes in forest cover between 1973 and 1995 in the southern parts of the Western Ghats using satellite data reveals a loss of 25.6 per cent forest cover in that period. Dense forest was reduced by 19.5 per cent and open forest by 32.2 per cent. The southern stretch of the Western Ghats covering an area of approximately 40,000 square kilometers has experienced the most significant forest loss during 1973-95. There has been a loss of 2729 square kilometers of forest with an annual deforestation rate of 1.16 per cent. The highest loss of open forest occurred in Kanyakumari and Kozhikode at an annual rate of 4.4 per cent. The study says that Malappuram (Kerala), Idukki (Kerala), Kanyakumari (Tamil Nadu) and Nilgiri are the other mainly threatened areas in the Western Ghats. The study attributes decrease in forest area primarily due to increase in plantations and agricultural areas as a result of population growth (Deccan Herald, September 9, 2000). forest dwelling groups of Nilgiris also use ‘Kurumba’ or Kurumban or Kurumbar suffixes with their independent names but they are no way connected to the caste based Kurumba/Kuruba shepherd communities of the plains of Tamil Nadu. The Government maintains area restrictions in this case as ‘Kurumbas (in the Nilgiri district)’ at Serial No. 17 in the Tamil Nadu Scheduled Tribes list, mainly to distinguish the Nilgiris based small forest dwelling groups, and extend the Scheduled Tribe status only to them. As far as the chosen study area of Nilgiris and Wayanad is concerned, the immigrant settlers to this mountainous region have turned large tracts of natural forests into coffee, tea, pepper, pine and eucalyptus plantations since the British period. In this process, a number of hunter-gatherer Adivasi groups (i.e. tribal communities) inhabiting the forests of the region, namely, Mullu Kurumba, Betta Kurumba, Kattunaickan (otherwise called Naickan or Jenu Kuruba), Irula, and Alu Kurumba have been turned into plantation labourers and small growers of tea, coffee and pepper. The expansion of plantations coupled with stringent forest rules and regulations have been the main causes for the occupational transition and resettlement of several Adivasi families living in this region. The Alu Kurumba or Pal Kurumba live mainly on the Mettupalayam-Coonoor-KotagiriKundah mountain stretches of Niligirs district and in the adjoining Silent Valley/Attappady areas of Kerala State. A section of this community also lives in Erode and Sathyamangalam forest areas in Tamil Nadu. It must noted here that the ethnographic references made in earlier documents of Nilgiris under the name Kurumba as practioners of witchcraft, sorcery, priests for Badagas etc were all only about the Alu Kurumba subgroup of the Kurumba cluster in Nilgiris. For the present study, to understand the impact of plantations on the traditional livelihood and knowledge systems of a tribal community, the Mullu Kurumba, a hunting community by tradition, now drawn into the plantation economy of the Nilgiris has been considered apt and chosen. Though Nilgiris and its communities have been studied extensively, a study at this point of time in Nilgiris and the adjoining Wayanad has been felt necessary from the point of view of updating the earlier accounts and to record the process of occupational transformation that has taken place at the community level. The Mullu Kurumba comprise one of the prominent endogamous groups of the larger Kurumba tribal conglomeration distributed in the Western Ghats of south India. The different Kurumba groups of Nilgiris district are, 1. Alu Kurumba, also known as Pal Kurumba 2. Betta Kuru(m)ba also known as Urali Kurumba and Urali Kuruman 3. Mullu Kurumba also known as Mullu Kuruman and 4. Jenu Kuru(m)ba or Kattunayakan. Even today, the Government departments and the local administration in Nilgiris district, consider the Kurumbas as a single tribe for all practical purposes. No separate figures have been made or do exist for the distinct groups of the Kurumba cluster in Nilgiris. Geographical Distribution of Kurumbas in Nilgiris district The living areas of the Betta Kuru(m)ba (or Urali Kurumba) in Tamil Nadu fall only in the Gudalur and Pandalur taluks of Nilgiri district. The Urali Kurumba/Urali Kuruman in Kerala and Betta Kurumba in Tamil Nadu and Karnataka States comprise one and the same group. The Betta Kurumba are also found to be living adjacent to the Jenu Kurubas in the Wayanad plateau, near the Bandipur National Park (Karnataka) and the Mudumalai Wildlife Sanctuary (Tamil Nadu). The Kurumba Tribes The Jenu Kuru(m)ba occupy mainly the tri-junction area of Karnataka-Tamil Nadu-Kerala States i.e. the erstwhile Mysore- Nilgiris- Wayanad forested mountain stretches. In Tamil Nadu, the Jenu Kuru(m)ba, otherwise known as Ththen Kuruman or Kattunayakan, live only in Gudalur and Pandalur taluks. Description on the Jenu Kuru(m)ba, is provided under the entry Kattunayakan, another PTG of Tamil Nadu, who are listed separately at Serial No. 9 in the Scheduled Tribes list of Tamil Nadu. From the beginning, the Government listing had considered the Kurumbas (in the Nilgiri district) as a single community, without recognizing the different endogamous groups living very much within Nilgiris district and having ‘Kurumba’ or Kurumban or Kurumbar suffixes with their independent names. In Tamil Nadu, 36 communities have been listed as Scheduled Tribes. An entry ‘Kurumbas (in the Nilgiri district)’ is listed at Serial No. 17 in Tamil Nadu Scheduled Tribes list and it has been also notified as one of the six PTGs in Tamil Nadu. It must be mentioned here that the name Kurumba/Kuruba denotes a big community of Kannada speaking shepherds who live in various parts of Tamil Nadu, especially in the plains bordering Karnataka State, and they are part and parcel of the village society and caste system of Karnataka Tamil Nadu. The Kurumba/Kuruba shepherd communities of the plains of Tamil Nadu enjoy the OBC status. Incidentally, the small The Mullu Kurumba settlements are found only in the Cherangode village Panchayat of Pandalur taluk in Nilgiri district, in and around Erumad and Kappala villages. But a large number of the Mullu Kurumba live in the adjoining Wayanad district of Kerala, constituting a single and integrated group irrespective of their distribution in two States. Except the Mullu Kurumba, the other three Kurumba subgroups speak a dialect of Kannada. The Mullu Kurumba speak a dialect of Malayalam and largely imitate the customs and practices of the Kerala communities. In Kerala, about 25,000 Mullu Kurumba are reported to live in approximately 250 settlements in the whole of Wayanad district. As per the recent count made by the Wayanad District Administration, about 4000 families of Mullu Kurumba are distributed all over the three taluks of Wayanad district, namely, Sulthan Batheri, Mananthavady and Vythiri. A few other tribes, such as, Paniyan, Urali Kuruman 598 (also known as Vetta Kuruman or Betta Kurumba), Adiyan and Kurichian also live in sizeable number in the same Wayanad region. Among the non-tribal communities, who are actually recent settlers in this habitat, Waynadan Chetty constitutes a relatively old immigrant population when compared to the Mappilla Muslims, Christians and other Hindu communities. The Population of Kurumbas, including all the Kurumba subgroups, and other PTGs living in Nilgiris, as per the ‘Socio-Economic Survey of Scheduled Tribes in Nilgiris District’ conducted during 2010-11 by the Tribal Research Centre, Ooty is furnished below. Population of PTGs with a break up of Kurumba subgroups in the Nilgiris Name of the PTG Male Female Total No. 673 697 1370 Toda % 49.12 50.88 100.00 No. 125 113 238 % 52.52 47.48 100.00 No. 991 1033 2024 % 48.96 51.04 100.00 No. 869 896 1765 % 49.24 50.76 100.00 No. 1584 1778 3362 % 47.11 52.89 100.00 No. 726 699 1425 Toda Christian Kota Population of Kurumbas and other PTGs in Nilgiris district Name of the PTG 599 C. R. Sathyanarayanan, Nirmal Chandra Traditional Life, Livelihood .............among the Mullu Kurumba Male Female Total No. 798 810 1608 % 49.63 50.37 100.00 No. 991 1033 2024 % 48.96 51.04 100.00 No. 1261 1219 2480 Alu Kurumba Toda Kota Kattunayakan % 50.85 49.15 100.00 No. 2974 3046 6020 Betta Kurumba Mullu Kurumba % 50.94 49.05 100.00 No. 2974 3046 6020 % 49.40 50.60 100.00 No. 1261 1219 2480 % 50.85 49.15 100.00 No. 3881 4001 7882 % 49.24 50.76 100.00 No. 13084 13482 26566 % 49.25 50.75 100.00 Irular Kattunayakan Irular % 49.40 50.60 100.00 No. 3179 3373 6552 % 48.52 51.48 100.00 No. 3881 4001 7882 % 49.24 50.76 100.00 No. 13084 13482 26566 % 49.25 50.75 100.00 Kurumbas Paniyan Total Household wise distribution Name of the PTG No. of Households % Toda Kota Kattunayakan Irular Kurumbas Paniyan 388 509 621 1635 1743 1784 5.81 7.62 9.30 24.48 26.09 26.71 Total 6680 100.00 Paniyan Total Household distribution with a break up of Kurumba subgroups Name of the PTG No. of Households % Toda Toda Christian Kota Alu Kurumba Betta Kurumba Mullu Kurumba Irular Kattunayakan Paniyan 323 65 509 529 866 348 1635 621 1784 4.84 0.97 7.62 7.92 12.96 5.21 24.48 9.30 26.71 Total 6680 100.00 600 C. R. Sathyanarayanan, Nirmal Chandra Traditional Life, Livelihood .............among the Mullu Kurumba The Mullu Kurumba The Mullu Kurumba with a population of 1425 people live only in 12 settlements (348 households), namely, Kaappu Kunnu, Oni Moola, Neduncode, Kappala, Nari Valappu, Thayya Kunni, Palliyara, Padicherry, Maada Kundu, Konnaadu, Kallichaal and Tharakolly in the Pandalur taluk of Nilgiris in Tamil Nadu. About acquiring the name Mullu Kurumbar, Mullu Kuruman and Mulla Kuruman, they say that their name stand for “existing or remaining (i.e. Ulla) Kuruman”. According to a legend, when they lived in the jungles as hunters under their own chief Veda Raja, the local king, for certain personal reasons attacked and killed many of their people. A few survived the massacre and they had come to be called as Ulla Kuruman. In course of time, Ulla Kuruman came to be pronounced as Mullu Kuruman, Mulla Kuruman and Mullu Kurumbar. They say that the name Kuruman is used by the women of Mullu Kurumba community to denote their husbands. If a man or woman of this community wants to know from another woman of their own community about ‘where her husband is’, the question asked is ‘where is your Kuruman?’ Among the non-tribal communities, who are actually recent settlers in this habitat, Waynadan Chetty constitutes a relatively old immigrant population when compared to the Mappilla Muslims, Christians and other Hindu communities. Ethno-geography of Mullu Kurumba Settlements Maintaining a strong identity and homogeneity, the Mullu Kurumba even today reckon their distribution over Wayanad and Nilgiri districts in terms of certain traditional territories which cut across vast areas of plains, forests and hills of this region. Colloquially they say ‘Naalu Naadu (four countries), Moonu Kunnu (three hills) and Thekkum Koor Aruvadhu (sixty villages in the south)’ comprise their traditional territories which presently fall over a large portion of Wayanad and a small portion of lower Nilgiris. The term Naalu means four; Naadu denotes country; Moonu means three; Kunnu means hills; Thekku means south and Aruvadhu means sixty. Their traditionally recognized four countries are 1. Paakka Naadu (covering Pulpally and Tirumam areas), 2. Kaara Naadu (Meenangaadi and Nediancheri areas), 3. Kellu Naadu (Kenichira, Koleri, Bettacheri and Bellapetta areas) and 4. Neria Naadu (Poothadi and its surroundings). The three hills inhabited by the Mullu Kurumba from time immemorial are 1. Kottur Kunnu (near Meenangaadi), 2. Yedur Kunnu (Meenangaadi and Nediancheri areas), 3. Kellu Naadu (Kenichira, Koleri, Bettacheri and Bellapetta areas) and 4. Neria Naadu (Poothadi and its surroundings). The three hills inhabited by the Mullu Kurumba from time immemorial are 1. Kottur Kunnu (near Meenangaadi), 2. Yedur Kunnu (from Cici to Pazhuppattur) and Madur Kunnu (from Koleri to Cici). The other region covering the sixty Kuruman i.e. Mullu Kurumba villages fall mainly close to Tamil Nadu and some of the villages include, Kappala, Erumaadu, Thayyakunni, Kaappu Kunnu, Palliyara, Aalatthur, etc. It is reported that, each Naadu i.e. country had a Kaaranamar as its chief and each Kunnu had a Mooppan or Talachil as its chief. For every Mullu Kurumban village, a head man exists with the title Porunnavan. Tribal communities in Wayanad live in uni-ethnic as well as multi-ethnic settlements now, owing to the prevailing production, ownership and dependence patterns in the predominant plantation economy of this region. Distinct names exist for the uni-ethnic settlements of these tribes. For example, Mullu Kurumba settlements are termed Kudi 601 while the Paniyan, Naicken (i.e. Kattunayakan) and Urali Kuruman settlements are called Paadi. Villages of the Wayanadan Chetty’s are termed Veedu. The dwelling hut of the Mullu Kurumba is called Pera while the Paniya hut is called Ppirey. Huts of the Naicken (i.e. Kattunayakan) and Urali Kurumban are known as Maney and Sitthaal, respectively. Colonization of Wayanad About the ancient history of Wayanad, large scale influx of immigrants, development of plantations and alienation of lands from the indigenous tribes in Wayanad, Aiyappan (1992) makes a vivid description in his famous work on the Paniyan tribe. The Wayanad area, densely covered by malaria-ridden tropical forests, was perhaps one of the least hospitable areas for human habitation in prehistoric times. The Paniyans, Adiyans and other backward tribes probably represent the earliest food-gathering settlers of Wayanad. They are referred to as Vedar (hunters) in the legends of Wayanad. The Kurichiyans and the Mullu Kurumbans were perhaps the first farming communities from the Malayalam speaking region to the west of Wayanad to migrate and settle down in Wayanad, while the Urali Kurumbar, Kattu Naicken and a few other tribes speaking Kannada language came down from the areas to the east of Wayanad (Aiyappan 1992:5). Writing on the history of the Paniyans and their enslavement, Aiyappan further notes that the establishment of the feudal administration of the Raja of Kottayam in Wayanad was the culmination of the process of colonization of Wayanad plateau by the people of the plains. There was also a smallscale movement of the people of Mysore into Wayanad from the east. Both these immigration movements were slow and very gradual and spread over several centuries beginning at least from the 5th century A.D. With the establishment of the feudal order under the Rajahs, the Nayar chieftains and their retainers parceled the available land among themselves, enslaving the Paniyas and other indigenous tribal communities. The Wayanad was divided into several nadus, each under a Nayar Christian. The Kottayam Raja had palaces at various places in Wayanad with several temples attached to these palaces. Of these palaces almost nothing has survived, but the temples attached to them are still to be seen (Aiyappan, 1992:6-7). On the subject of colonization of Wayanad and the subsequent marginalization of indigenous tribes there, Aiyappan (1992:23) further mentions that in the year 1931, out of the total population of 971,769, the tribal people alone constituted over 60 per cent of the population. But in 1971, the total population of Wayanad shot up to 4,13,850, of which only 73,439 were tribal people. In other words, the tribals have become a minority of less than 18 per cent over a period of four decades. Approximately from the year 1945, the Travancore Christians sold whatever they had in their villages and towns to purchase land in Wayanad where it was very cheap. They came to Wayanad in batches after batches, converted the jungle country into a vast farm land of coffee, tea, rubber, tapioca, pepper and other cash crops. In fact, the traditional crops grown in this region from the ancient times were rice, ragi and a few pulses. Soon coffee and tea plantations occupied an important place in the economy of Wayanad. Due to increased demand, pepper became the most important cash crop for all the farmers of Wayanad and trained on most of the fruit trees such as, mango and jack fruit and on special thorny trees such as the coral tree (Aiyappan 1992:18). Similarly, a large number of Muslims from Calicut and neighbouring places moved into Wayanad for trade and business. Gradually, a number of tribal people lost their lands at throw away prices to the Muslim traders also. 602 C. R. Sathyanarayanan, Nirmal Chandra Traditional Life, Livelihood .............among the Mullu Kurumba As the Waynadan Chetty were already living in Wayanad as a land owning community, with whom the Mullu Kurumba and other tribes were often employed as labourers, not much of tribal lands went into the hands of the Wayanadan Chettys. Now, the situation in Wayanad is that, most of the Mullu Kurumba are primarily dependent on hill crops cultivation such as, tea, coffee, pepper and ginger, either as small growers or as wage labourers in plantations. Those Mullu Kurumbas who have been able to retain a little of their ancestral agricultural lands i.e. Vayals, do cultivation of banana and paddy on their own. There are also a number of Mullu Kurumba families in both Wayanad and the adjoining areas of district involved in share-cropping (called Pangu) with the Wayanadan Chetty, Christian and Muslim families who have settled in and around the Mullu Kurumba settlements. The study settlements: Thayya Kunni & Chomadi This is the main settlement taken up for study. Thayya Kunni is basically a Mullu Kurumba settlement. In the past the Mullu Kurumbas exclusively inhabited it. Now there are a number of non-tribal Christian, Muslim, Nayar and Tiyya families living closer to the Mullu Kurumba within this settlement as cultivators and traders. It is located at the Tamil Nadu-Kerala state borders and falls within the revenue village of Erumad in the Pandalur taluk of Nilgiri district. Within Thayya Kunni, there are 36 Mullu Kurumba families spread over in five small clusters of 16 households, 7 households, 6 households, 4 households and 3 households within a radius of half a kilometer. About 50 families of Christians, 25 families of Muslims, 15 families of Tiyya, 2 families of Nayars, 2 families of Chetty and 2 families of Kattunayakan also live in Thayya Kunni as cultivators, traders and agricultural labourers, in the lands most of which once belonged to the Mullu Kurumbas. That way now Thayya Kunni has become a multi-ethnic village comprising different tribe, caste and religious groups. Similar situation prevails in the next village of Pananchira also; there are 150 families of Christians, 60 families of Muslims, 30 families of Tamils, 10 families of Chetty and 5 families of Nayars living as cultivators and traders in Pananchira. These non-tribal families employ 30 families of Paniyars and 20 families of Urali Kuruman who live in the same Pananchira as their plantation and agricultural labourers. For the Mullu Kurumba living in Thayya Kunni, the small township of Erumad, which falls two kilometers away from Thayya Kunni towards east, serves as the main marketing centre. The Paniyan, Kattunayakan and Urali Kuruman who live around Erumad make most of their purchases only in Erumad. Besides several grocery shops, in Erumad, there is a Post and Telegraph office, Police Station, a nationalized bank, a Govt.Higher Secondary School, Land Survey and Revenue Inspector’s office and a few privately owned telephone booths. A Primary Health Centre (PHC) and a Government Tribal Residential (GTR) school exist at Kappala, which is situated two kilometers away from Erumad towards east on the way to Pandalur. All these basic facilities are availed by the tribal communities living around Erumad. A large number of tribal people living in interior settlements come out to work as plantation labourers as this region is full of plantations and predominantly dependent on plantation economy. To facilitate movement of plantation labour and plantation crops, almost all the tribal and non-tribal villages in Pandalur taluk are well connected by road. 603 The settlement of Thayya Kunni is basically a hillock and most of the Mullu Kurumba households in this hamlet are situated on the top of the hillock. On the slopes of this hillock, surrounding the households, coffee, tea, pepper, areca nut and jackfruit are grown. On the plains i.e. in the wetlands, paddy, a variety of banana called nendira vaazhai, tapioca and ginger are cultivated. This is the common pattern of cultivation of cash crops and food-crops in the entire Wayanad and lower slopes of the Nilgiris. In Thayya Kunni, the Mullu Kurumba comprise a population of 150 (72 males and 78 females) whereas, the non-tribal inhabitants number around 450 people in this settlement. This situation itself serves as a proof and sample of the over-all scenario of large-scale non-tribal migration into the tribal belts of Wayanad and lower Nilgiris. Composition of population in the settlement of Thayya Kunni is furnished with age-group break-ups, and male, female percentages, in Table 2. In the same Table, a comparative picture of Mullu Kurumba population (with similar break-ups and percentages) living in an another settlement called Chomadi, situated in the Sultan Batheri taluk of Wayanad district in Kerala, is also furnished. Distribution of various tribes in Wayanad district in different village panchayats is furnished in Table 1. As the Tables provided are very informative and easy to infer, no elaboration is attempted further. Houses Traditionally the Mullu Kurumba build their houses with mud walls and thatch the roof with grass or paddy straw. Floor and the verandah are smeared with cow dung. Due to the financial assistance they receive from Government to make tiled houses, most of the Mullu Kurumba have transformed their thatched huts to tiled houses. In Kerala, it has been observed that the Government is providing funds directly to the tribals and to the Self Help Groups of that area, to construct the houses for STs. If individual ST families want go for a better construction, they can add some more money to the government funds and construct their houses. Money is disbursed to the beneficiaries in three phases. The point made here is, there is not much interference in providing assistance to the people in Kerala. Comparatively a better quality of housing and satisfaction is assured to the beneficiaries. In Tamil Nadu, the house construction work is given to local contractors. They construct poor quality houses and greatly dissatisfy the beneficiaries. The amount sanctioned for construction of houses to the individual ST families at present is Rs. 34,000/- in Tamil Nadu while in Kerala, it is Rs.75, 000/. In Thayya Kunni, out of the 36 households, 33 (91.67%) are tiled houses, two are traditional thatched houses and one is a concrete roofed house. Whereas in Chomadi, out of the 31 households, 27 are tiled houses, only one is a thatched house and there are two concrete roofed houses. Details of various types of houses constructed at Thayya Kunni and Chomadi are provided in Table 4. Education As it is obvious in the Table 3, literacy is comparatively low among females than males in both Thayya Kunni and Chomadi settlements. In Thayya Kunni, 17.33% are nonliterates while it is only 16.22% in Chomadi. Literacy attained by both males and females through Non formal Education is also furnished in Table 3 for both the settlements. 604 C. R. Sathyanarayanan, Nirmal Chandra Traditional Life, Livelihood .............among the Mullu Kurumba Until the reorganization of States in 1956, the Erumad village comprising Thayya Kunni and other neighbouring Mullu-Kurumba settlements was included in the Wayanad taluk of the erstwhile Malabar district. Most of the people of this area, including some Mullu Kurumba went to Malayalam medium schools those days. After it was included in the Gudalur taluk of Nilgiri district, the village of Erumad was provided with a school having both Tamil and Malayalam as medium of instruction. As this area is closer to Kerala and most of the population settled here is from the present Kerala, there is preponderance of the Malayalam language and Keralite way of life here, as mentioned by Rajalakshmi Misra, way back in 1965 itself. Mullu Kurumban children from Thayya Kunni attend schools at Erumad as well as at Pananchira, the neighbouring village. Those preferring Tamil Medium School, attend the GTR School at Kappala or the Govt.Higher Secondary School at Erumad. The Govt.Middle school located at Panachira is exclusively a Malayalam medium school established in 1960 and run by the Gudalur Panchayat Union. Compared to the Tamil Medium schools, attendance is more in the Malayalam Medium schools in Gudalur and Pandalur taluks of Nilgiri district. A number of Mullu Kurumba children who complete their education in Malayalam medium schools here, go out to Kerala for higher studies and employment. It has been reported by some of the teachers serving in the GTR schools of Garikkiyur and Kappala, in Nilgiri district that there are not sufficient teachers in the GTR schools to teach the children. A few teachers who are there in these schools, have to attend to maintenance of kitchen and hostels most of the time than teaching; often they also take leave to visit their native places as many of them are posted from the plains to the hill areas unwillingly, sometimes on punishment transfer, to the GTR Schools. It has been strongly felt that it is sufficient if the Government runs only hostels for the ST children. The ST children staying in these hostels should be helped to attend the schools meant for the non-ST children. When curriculum and medium of instruction/language of teaching is the same as in other schools, it appears to be a waste of resources to provide poor quality of teaching in the GTR Schools. Social Organization As mentioned earlier, every Mullu Kurumba settlement has a head referred to as Porunnavan. The Porunnavan lives with his wife referred to as Porunnathi in the Velia Pirai i.e. the temple hut. The Velia pirai is also termed as Theiva Pirai because the ancestors are believed to live inside this hut as ‘spirits’. The Porunnuvan, besides exercising social control as a settlement head also performs the role of a religious specialist while performing certain rituals inside this ancestral hut. All the members of a settlement, especially those families having strong consanguine ties and bondage are organized under this elderly man (Porunnavan). Next to him in authority within a settlement is termed 605 Poraththavan who usually happens to be the younger brother of Porunnavan. After the demise of Porunnavan, automatically the Poraththavan becomes the head of the settlement and he shifts to the Velia Pirai to live. In the past, when the Mullu Kurumbas lived according to their own traditional territorial and geographical categories, they were organized under the Mooppans who were heads of territories called Kunnu which comprised several Kudis i.e. individual settlements. Now such higher traditional political offices like, Erumadu Mooppan, Appaadu Thalaichil, Edur Mooppan, etc have lost significance among the Mullu Kurumbas. Only the settlement head i.e. Porunnavan has some authority over the members of his settlement. The Mullu Kurumba society divides into four Kulams i.e. exogamous clans. Wherever the Mullu Kurumbas live, the members should be belonging to any one of the four Kulams, namely, Vadakka Kulam, Villippa Kulam, Kaadiya Kulam and Venkata Kulam. Marrying within their own Kulam is prohibited. The woman who marries a man belonging to the same clan (or Kulam) is termed Kola Ponnu (Ponnu-girl) and is excommunicated. Similarly, when a man commits this ‘breach’ of communal norm, he is termed Kola Kuruman and excommunicated. It is said that such couples went and formed a separate settlement of their own, called Vaaladu which falls near Ayyan Kolli. Religion Though the traditional beliefs and ritual practices of the Mullu Kurumba largely surround their ancestor-cult based at their Velia Pirai (or Theiva Pirai), they are at the same time have been greatly Hinduized. The Mullu Kurumbas say that in Wayanad district, a number of local deity sites of the tribal people have been gradually taken over by the Devasam Board and these were turned into Hindu temples. Priests belonging to the Embrandiri community periodically visit these temples and conduct the fairs and festivities as per the Hindu calendar. The Mullu Kurumba perform their unique religious practices, centred around ancestor worship (Kaaranamaaru Vazhipaadu; Kaaranamaaru-ancestors and Vazhipaad- worship), only within their own Velia Pirai. Similar situation persists with the other tribal communities living in Wayanad. For instance, a Sivan temple called Veliamban Kotta exists near a Mullu Kurumba settlement called Munda Kuttri. In the Manuscript of Mckency (1810 A.D), this was mentioned as a fort. Now it is a Sivan temple, worshipped by all the tribals and non-tribals of this area. On the Sivarathri day, a grand festivity is conducted in this temple and it is now managed by the higher castes, Wayanadan Chettys and Nayars. An another grand religious event which takes place now-a-days in Sulthan Bathery with the large-scale participation of Mullu Kurumba, Paniyan and other tribal people is Mariamman Koil Thiruvizhaa i.e Mariamman temple festivity. It is conducted usually in the last week of February every year. In the past, the tribals were not allowed to take part in the Vilakku (Lamp) procession of this festivity. But now-a-days, along with the women from Nayar, Tiyya, Wayanadan Chetty and other caste Hindus, women from the Mullu Kurumba, Paniyan and Betta Kurumba tribal groups also join the Vilakku procession and carry the coconut-lamp (i.e.by pouring coconut oil in the cavity of the broken or half coconut, a lamp is made) in their hands. People living in Wayanad district, irrespective of their religious and caste affiliations, largely come to Sulthan Bathery to witness this festivity conducted by the Devasam Board (Hindu Temple Endowment Board). 606 Traditional Life, Livelihood .............among the Mullu Kurumba The Hindu Religious Missions who actively involve tribals in the Hindu temple festivities say that they are doing so to counter the Christian missionaries who have a strong presence in these two districts. An instance pertaining to a place name in Wayanad Wildlife Sanctuary tells us the religious activities that are subtly taking place here. There is a place called Gnaam palli close to Muthanga. The Mullu Kurumba say that they have only named this place as Gnaam palli in the past due to abundance of a particular plant called Gnaam (a creeper used by them as a rope) in this area. The word Valli denotes a creeper or wine in the Mullu Kurumba language. The place was therefore known as Gnaam Valli. Some time ago, a Hindu temple has been constructed at Gnaam Valli. The spot is now known as Ram Palli and it has been transformed into a small religious spot in the middle of the jungle route between Mysore and Sultan Bathery. Identity and Tradition: Hunting Old men of the Mullu Kurumban community both in Wayanad and Nilgiris, say that they are actually Vetans(Vedans or Vedars) i.e. hunters, from the Tamil speaking regions who took refuge in the jungles of Wayanad, a few hundred years ago. As they fled to these jungles from the ancient Kurumba(ra) Nadu ( the term Kurumba (ra) denotes the name of the country and Nadu literally means ‘ country’), they were known here as Kurumban. About acquiring the prefix ‘Mullu’ with their name ‘Kurumban’, they say that their name was actually Ulla Kurumban meaning ‘existing’ or ‘remaining’ Kurumban. According to a legend, when they lived in the jungles as hunters under their own chief Veda Raja, the local king, for personal reasons attacked and killed many of their people. A few survived the massacre and were called as Ulla Kurumban or Ulla Kuruman (Ulla means ‘remaining’ or ‘existing’). In course of time, Ulla Kurumban pronounced as Mulla Kurumban and Mullu Kurumban. Due to the ban imposed on hunting and also due to their full-time engagement is plantations and agriculture, the Mullu Kurumbas almost gave up the practice of hunting wild animals some decades ago. However, as a ‘ritual’, hunting is performed on certain festive and ceremonial occasions. About the significance of hunting in the ritual life of the Mullu Kurumba community, Rajalakshmi Misra states, “The importance of hunting in the Mullu Kurumba life commences from his first Uchala festival and continues even after he enters his grave because a how and three arrows are kept beside the dead body of a male Mullu Kurumba while burying it. The underlying belief is that these implements would be essential for the deceased after his death also. Thus a Mullu Kurumban is born, lives and dies as a hunter” (1971: 56-57). Further she adds, on this hunting festivity day i.e. on the Uchchaaru (this is how the Mullu Kurumban actually term their festivity; not Uchchala), all the males of the settlement take part in hunting with their own bows and arrows. Even the newly born male babies are also taken by elderly men for a distance of one or two furlongs along with the hunting procession, keeping a tiny bow and arrow in the hands of the babies. Then these babies and small children are sent back to the settlement through old women who accompany the procession for this purpose. Even now, the same practice continues and it signifies how the act of hunting is so imbibed with the life and world view of the Mullu Kurumbas. In fact, in the vastly changed Wayanad scenario, the emotional attachment of the Mullu Kurumbas to ‘hunting’ and its expression through ceremonial hunting expeditions very much reveal us the phase of identity crisis that the Adivasi communities in general have been passing through or undergoing. It can be even C. R. Sathyanarayanan, Nirmal Chandra 607 argued that their traditional identity as ‘hunters’ is preserved and reinforced through the continuance of this practice. Their hunting implements, once used to hunt ‘big’ games are still preserved in their Velia pera i.e. ancestral hut in every settlement but they are not used now-a-days. During the ceremonial hunting expeditions, they use small bows and arrows, to hunt only ‘rabbits’ in the neighbouring tea gardens and bushes. A custom followed even today at the time of birth of a child reveals their obsession with their traditional occupation of ‘hunting’ and their identity as ‘hunters’. Birth of a child always takes place in their ancestral hut called Veliya Pera (or Velia Pira) in which the head of the hamlet also ordinarily lives with his wife. All the hunting implements, most of which no longer used are kept inside their Veliya Pira. When a baby is born, if it is a male baby, a bamboo container (called thalla made by themselves) having a few arrows (ambu) in it, is brought near the baby and by shaking it, sound is made for the baby to hear that sound. The underlying belief is that this sound drives away the fear from the male babies and they will grow ‘fearless’. Similarly, to the crying female baby, women make sound by beating the muram i.e. winnowing pan made of bamboo. The ambunthalla (bamboo containers having bows), muram and several such implements having significance to their tradition and customary practices are always kept inside the ancestral hut i.e. Velia Pera of the settlement. Keeping an arrow near the male babies and an erivaalu (sickle) near the female babies is also in practice. The kind of implements used in the above said rituals also symbolize the respective roles and duties these babies will be assuming when they are grown up or reach the adulthood. At the time of burial of the dead also, the custom of keeping an erivaalu along with the female corpse and a bow and arrow along with the male corpse is necessarily performed. Hunting also forms an important theme is most of their folk stories and songs. Some of the songs of Vattakali (a dance performed by men who circle around a lamp lit on the stem of a plantain tree) have hunting as the main theme. Whereas the songs pertaining to their other dance form Kol kali (dance performed with sticks in the same fashion by men) comprises songs mostly from Ramayana and Mahabharata. As stated earlier, hunting of wild animals has been totally given up by the Mullu Kurumbas now. In the past, they used to hunt deer (maan), wild pig (panni), wild goat (kela or kelayadu) along with the rabbits (muyal). Now it is only ceremonial hunting restricted to the hunt of rabbits, for the purpose of continuing the tradition and training the children. Hunting is known as Naayaattu among the Mullu Kurumbas. Naay or Naai denotes ‘dog’ and aattu means ‘play’. As dogs play major role in their hunting expeditions, i.e. in searching, agitating and catching the animals, they have termed ‘hunting’ as Naayaattu meaning ‘play of dogs’. When hunting is taken up in hills and jungles to hunt bigger animals it is known as Malai Naayattu (Malai denotes hill); when it is taken up in tea or coffee gardens i.e. in chaay kandi or kaappi kandi (chaay means tea; kaapi-coffee and kandi denotes garden), to hunt mainly the rabbits it is termed Maala Naayaattu. In olden days, they used to hunt wild goat (kaattaadu) and porcupine (cooraain) in the bushes and tea gardens. Now- a- days, they do not hunt these animals, as it is an offence. Bow, arrow and spear-head (kundham) were the essentials tools of hunting in olden days. Now, for the rabbit hunting, which is termed Muyalu kedaa, a wooden stick of three feet length and one and half-inch thickness (called kundu) is used as the main tool. When dogs run into the bushes and agitate the rabbits taking shelter inside the bushes, they run away; men and boys who stand surrounding 608 Traditional Life, Livelihood .............among the Mullu Kurumba the tea gardens and bushes chase the rabbits and with force throw the sticks on the rabbits to immobilize them. Often, the dogs only catch the rabbits on their neck. Men, after releasing the injured rabbits from the dogs, gift the ears of the rabbits to the dogs, for two reasons. First, it is a gift to the dog for its help in hunting and secondly it is said to induce the spirit of hunting in the dog. Sometimes, while going for rabbit hunting, they also carry mottambu (flat edged arrows) and veri (catapult) to hit the birds and jungle fowls. Usually after finishing the noon meal, they take up rabbit hunting. Just before the sunset, they close the hunting and assemble at a particular spot to divide the catch. An elderly man divides it equally to all the participants of the expedition. Irrespective of age, every one gets equal share. Jungle fowls and birds, which are hunted on individual effort, are not shared and they belong to the individuals only. On normal days, the divided meat is taken to their individual households, cooked and eaten. On the hunting festivity day of Uchachaaru, the divided meat are taken to their respective Velia pera i.e. ancestral hut and there, it is collectively cooked by women. After offering it to their ancestors i.e. to their kaaranamaars, all the members attached to that Velia pera eat the food and the meat. The Mullu Kurumbas still maintain their own boundaries or territories for rabbit hunting. Only in their respective neighbourhood they do hunting and generally do not go far away to encroach others’ territories. Sometimes, men and boys from the Paniyan, Betta Kurumba and Kattu Nayakan tribal communities, who live closer to the Mullu Kurumba settlements, also join the Mullu Kurumba hunting expeditions. Though the Mullu Kurumba consider them low in social status, they equally share the catch with these people. Utilization of Forest Produce As far as the identification and utilization of naturally available edible food items in forests, the Mullu Kurumba make use of varieties of fruits, edible roots, tubers and medicinal herbs from forests. They have their own indigenous way of classifying forest flora and fauna. For instance, thick forests are broadly termed as Vanam. Bushes are called Kandi. Tea and coffee plantations are also considered by them as belonging to the Kandi category, e.g. Chaai Kandi (Chaai-Tea) and Kaapi Kandi (Kaappi-Coffee). Trees are generally termed maram while shrubs are called Mudichaan. Wines and creepers are broadly termed Valli. All the grass varieties are classified as Pillu. Several species and sub species of Maram, Mudichaan, Valli and Pillu are identified by the Mullu Kurumbas. Uses of all these species in terms of their use as food items, medicine, materials to produce household and agricultural implements are still found preserved as traditional knowledge. The elders transmit this knowledge to their children through oral traditions, by taking them to jungles while going for gathering of wild tubers, roots and medicinal herbs. The fruits (Polam) available in the wild are brought and shared in the settlement. Some of the wild fruits they often collect include, Irainji Polam (from Irainji Maram), Gnaaval Polam (from Gnaaval Maram), Kotta Polam (from Kotta Mudichaan), Soori Polam (from Soori Mudichaan), Ottangaali Polam (from Ottangaali Mudichaan), Panchikka Polam (from Panchikka Mudichaan), Chalarum Polam (from Chalaru Maram), Polangey Polam (from Polangey Valli), and Mookiri Polam (from Mookiri Valli). Jackfruit is termed Polutthan Chakka, guava is called Mangi Polam and Mango is called Maanga. Cashew C. R. Sathyanarayanan, Nirmal Chandra 609 fruit is classified along with the mango and identified as Aandi Maanga. As far as using the forest resources for household use and consumption is concerned, by rule it is permitted for the tribals to use the fallen, dried and dead trees for construction and fire wood purposes. Pride and Prestige: Cultivation Though by tradition the Mullu Kurumba are hunters, they are also, by and large a community of small cultivators. They have their own land classifications and land-use practices. Along with the Wayanadan Chettys, the Mullu Kurumba also reported to have cultivated vast areas of the fertile Wayanad plains. Now they are either small farmers or agricultural labourers. Before going into the land use practices of the Mullu Kurumbas, let us look at the Government land classification. Wetlands are classified as Nanchai and dry lands as Punchai (some times referred to as karai). The land allotted exclusively for construction of houses is termed as Nattham. The land meant for and used as road, channels, pathways, cremation ground and water tanks are classified as Purambokku. The Assessed Waste lands are classified in the Government records as Anaadhi inam. Actually, other than the individually owned patta lands, the remaining lands are generally classified as Purambokku i.e. Revenue lands. Within the Revenue lands, further sub classifications such as Village Grazing grounds, Assessed Waste lands, Unassessed Waste lands and Nattaham exist. Many Mullu Kurumba families who do not possess any cultivable lands, cultivate the Assessed Waste lands (which actually belong to the Government and not allotted to the cultivating families) by paying an annual penalty of Rs. 20/- per acre plus Rs.25/-. They enjoy an indirect ownership to these lands by passing on the rights of cultivation to their wards. Issuing of ‘Assignment’ i.e. patta for Revenue lands has been stopped in this part of Nilgiri district for the last thirty years or so. Hence, the alternative for Mullu Kurumbas and other tribal families living in Pandalur taluk is to enjoy the benefit of cultivating the Revenue lands by paying the annual penalty and land revenue tax. The District Collector has the authority to convert the Revenue lands as Patta lands. Actually, the tribals and non-tribals who cultivate the revenue lands are booked under ‘B’ Memo for Encroachment. By levying the penalty and tax, they are allowed to cultivate the revenue lands. In the past, the Mullu Kurumba identified two categories of dry land based on the distinct methods of cultivation they followed namely, Vettu Parambu and Uzhavu Parambu. The term Vettu Parambu denotes the lands used for slash and burn cultivation; Vettu denotes’digging’ or slashing or cutting; Parambu means ‘land’ generally. Food crops, such as ragi (paandi) and saamai were mainly cultivated along with chilies and tobacco in the past on the Vettu Parambu i.e. on the swidden lands on the slopes of the hills, by slash and burn method. About thirty years ago, swidden cultivation almost came to be discontinued among the Mullu Kurumbas as they found new use of these hill slopes for planting pepper, areca-nut, coffee and tea. The other category Uzhavu Parambu is also a dry land on the hills but located on the top of the hills; it is a leveled land where cultivation was carried out by ploughing. Rajalakshmi Misra (1971: 67) observes that during the late 1960’s nine households out of the total 20 610 Traditional Life, Livelihood .............among the Mullu Kurumba households existing in Kappala involved in Uzhavu Parambu cultivation. The Uzhavu Parambu lands were cultivated by rotation of crops. In a cycle of three years, first they grew ragi, then karthan, a variety of paddy and finally saamai. After which they planted tobacco, chilies and a few other local roots for about a year on these lands. Then the lands were left fallow for five years before repeating the same cycle. The Uzhavu Parambu cultivation also got discontinued due to allotment of these lands to new settlers by the State Government. Dwindling of livestock population and reduced availability of natural manure i.e. cattle dung also contributed to the discontinuance of cultivation in Uzhavu Parambu lands. The Mullu Kurumbas contrast these two categories of dry lands, namely Vettu Parambu and Uzhavu Parambu against the Vayals i.e. wet lands in the valleys and plains where water sources are abundant. The term Parambu in their language actually denotes ‘dry place’ where there is no flow of water. First, Vayal is contrasted with the Parambu and then they identify subcategories for each of these two. As long as food crops and other local varieties of crops were cultivated the hill slopes and the leveled hilltops were broadly termed as Parambu. Over the last few decades, after developing pepper, coffee, tea and areca nut on the slopes, these Parambu lands came to be called as Karai. Now Karai means dry land slopes where pepper, coffee and tea plantations are raised as against Vayals i.e. wet lands. The Mullu Kurumba have their own way of classifying cultivation and crops. The pattern of cultivation followed in the wetland Vayals is termed Thannaandu Vilaa. As cultivation cycle lasts for only one year and every year the cultivation process is begun afresh, it is termed Thannaandu Vilaa. The term Thannaandu signifies one year or current year and Vilaa denotes the crops under wetland cultivation, such as, paddy, tapioca (kappa), plantain (vaazha), sembu (a local edible root) and ginger (inji). Whereas, the pattern of cultivation followed in Karai i.e. on hill-slopes, is termed Kaalaa kaala Vilaa. Plantation crops, such a as pepper (kuru milagu), coffee (kaappi), areca nut (paakku), tea (theyila) and the jack fruit(palaavu or chakkaa) which are raised on hill slopes last for years together, hence called kaalaa kaala vilaa. The term kaalaa kaalam means ‘years together’ or ‘for several years’. Coming to the Vayals i.e. Wetlands, categories of Vayals are distinguished in terms of Kandam i.e. soil condition. Ulavu kandam or Uzhavu kandam denotes those Vayals where plough cultivation is possible; Koravu kandam denotes the marshy lands where plough cultivation is not possible and paddy only could be cultivated using simple agriculture implements like spade. Whereas in the Uzhavu kandam, paddy, banana, tapioca and ginger are grown. The Aaathi kandam or Kaal Aaathi kandam is also somewhat similar to Koravu kandam but less marshy. Here, only paddy is cultivated. Actually, the Koravu kandam and Aathi kandam exist in valley like lands, exactly at the points where the hillstreams flow to the plains; the marshy wetlands situated alongside the perennial streams are cultivated with paddy. Cultivation of paddy is termed nanja krishi and lasts for about six months. Sowing takes place in the month of Medam i.e. around middle of April. Transplantation is done during C. R. Sathyanarayanan, Nirmal Chandra 611 Vidunam-Karkadam and harvest is conducted during Dhanu-Magaram. Seedlings i.e. Gnaaru are prepared in a separate plot. If availability of water is comparatively poor, instead of paddy, plantain, ginger and tapioca are cultivated. Generally the Mullu Kurumbas prefer to grow paddy, as it is their staple food. Almost all the Mullu Kurumbas grow paddy atleast for their own consumption. When his neighbour Muslim, Christian and Nayar families start taking up ginger, plantain and areca nut (and tea now-a-days) in the wetlands for making cash, a Mullu Kurumba never resorts to such practices. He prefers to grow paddy for his own family food security and it also involves a great prestige. Whenever the Mullu Kurumba visit their kin living in other settlements or attend communal ceremonies, the first and foremost question they pose to each other is ‘how is the paddy crop this year? ’. Even if a person has become relatively rich and makes money mostly by hill crops and plantations, growing paddy and talking about its yield in public gatherings is considered a pride for the Mullu Kurumba till today. In their wetland cultivation, the Mullu Kurumba in Thayya Kunni use bullocks for ploughing. These bullocks are also hired to the other cultivators. Landless Mullu Kurumba work as agricultural and plantation labourers. Those who have little lands and sufficient working hands in their household usually prefer to work in their own fields to produce paddy for self-consumption. If they have no work in their own lands, then they go out to work for others. The landless Mullu Kurumba involve in sharecropping with the Wayanadan Chetty families and with the immigrant Muslim and Christian settlers. Sharecropping is called Pangu. Agreement for sharecropping lasts only for one year. If both the parties involved in sharecropping agree, it gets renewed for the next year. Before the Christians and Muslims came in, the Mullu Kurumba involved in the Pangu method of sharecropping mostly with the Wayanadan Chettys. As land owners, the Wayanadan Chetty used to provide the Mullu Kurumba share-cropper, the seeds, fertilizers and pesticide in addition to the land. The Mullu Kurumba sharecropper contributed only his labour all through the cultivation cycle. If the crop is paddy, both the parties share the harvest equally. If the crop is plantain, the money obtained through its sale, is divided equally. Now the Mullu Kurumba take lands on lease (called Paattam) from the Muslim, Christian and Wayanadan Chettys mainly for cultivation of plantains i.e. Vaazhai. Plantain is a ten months crop. While entering into the Paattam agreement, the landowner is paid @ Rs. 7/= or 8/= per plantain plant. Usually 600 to 800 plants are grown in one acre and that way the landowner gets around 5000 to 6000 rupees. The cultivator bears the expenses of all items including the labour required for cultivation. It is reported that a minimum profit of Rs.6000/= per acre could be made in this venture. Now the Pangu (share cropping) and the Paattam (taking lands on lease) methods are the most prevailing modes of survival in the entire Wayanad. While the landless among the Mullu Kurumba attempt the above said methods of cultivation, the landless among the neighbouring Paniyans hardly attempt such Pangu and Paattam methods. They prefer to work only as farm labourers to the Wayanadn Chettys, Christians and Muslims. The Mullu Kurumbas say that the Christian and Muslim settlers in Wayanad follow the trick of providing arrack and beef every Sunday (i.e. periodically) to their Paniyan labourers to keep them happy and to retain their cheap labour. 612 Alcoholism The benefits of the developmental schemes implemented by various Government and Non Government Organizations among the Nilgiri tribal communities have been greatly nullified by rampant alcoholism prevalent among all these tribal communities. The district administration has to remove the liquor shops and illicit-liquor brewers from the tribal areas. Simultaneously there should be income generation schemes, improving the literacy and awareness programs for the tribal women. Strong campaign against alcoholism and other issues is to be taken up by the NGO’s in the form of street plays using local themes through the local language. It has been observed that different factions having loyalties to different NGO’s exist within the tribal communities in Nilgiris and Wayanad. Even within a small tribal settlement, some amount of dislike between close kin has developed due to their loyalties to different NGOs, especially in the Gudalur and Pandalur taluks of Nilgiri district. Reaching the Tribal Communities In 1989, the Government of Kerala appointed Tribal Extension Workers to attend to the needs and problems of the ST people at the settlement or village level. They are recruited only from the ST communities and posted in their own or neighborhood villages. Most of the development work pertaining to the ST communities is carried out through these ‘Tribal Extension Workers/Tribal Volunteers/ Social Activists. The Tribal Volunteers get free uniforms and a monthly payment of Rs. 1,500/- from the ST Development Department. If they belong to the Primitive Tribal Groups i.e. PTGs, then the qualification required for this post is VIII Standard and for others it is Tenth Standard Pass. About 1,000 youths from ST communities function as Tribal Volunteers all over Kerala. They are about 300 each in Wayanad and Palakkad districts while in Idukki they are about 200 or so. They receive basic training in KIRTADS, a tribal research institute of the Kerala Government. The important duties of the Tribal Volunteers are to 613 C. R. Sathyanarayanan, Nirmal Chandra Traditional Life, Livelihood .............among the Mullu Kurumba 7. Convene cultural programmes, like, traditional music, dance, etc periodically. This kind of arrangement, using the tribal youth for development planning and implementation, do not seem to operate in Nilgiris district in Tamil Nadu. If such a scheme of appointing Tribal Volunteers is taken up uniformly all over the country, in all the districts where STs are concentrated, it will definitely make the development programmes reach the people. It will also bring down the rate of unemployment among the educated tribal youth. Concluding Remarks In a report on the Mullu Kurumba, Rajalakshmi Misra wrote in 1971 that the traditional council of elders in this community lost its significance and only the authority of elders at the settlement level was effective. As far as social control is concerned, the same situation prevails even today. By involving in ceremonial hunting expeditions on their festive days, the Mullu Kurumba strongly assert their traditional identity as ‘hunters’ even today and they take pride in it. Though largely dissociated from the forest resources at present, they do retain a vast knowledge of these natural resources still. While the nontribal cultivators in their milieu have greatly commercialized their cultivation pattern towards cash crops, such as, ginger, areca nut, turmeric, pepper, tea, etc, the Mullu Kurumba continue to give priority to cultivation of food crops, such as, paddy, tapioca and plantain, not only for their own (family) food security but also as a matter of prestige and adherence to the tradition. Being victims of the overall downtrend in the prices of plantation crops, such as, pepper, areca nut and tea as a result of liberalization policies, and as marginal cultivators and wage labourers of the totally collapsed plantation sector, the Mullu Kurumba as well as other tribal and non-tribal marginal farmers of the Wayanad region now consider that cultivation of food crops would be their most dependable and sustainable option of livelihood. Distribution Of Tribes In Wayanad District, Kerala (Figures During 2000-01) 1. Visit the tribal settlements everyday in the morning to review the study of children, sanitation of the settlement, etc; they also have to see that the children attend the lower primary school i.e. Balwadi in the settlement regularly . Sl.No. 2. Ensure the attendance of ST people in the Ooru (Colony or settlement) Sabha, Grama (Village) Sabha and Beneficiary committee (pertaining to housing, agricultural assistance, etc) meetings. 1 Kaniambetta 55 2 Kottathara 68 Name of Panchayat/ Municipality Total no. of settlements Total No.of families- Tribe wise Urali Kuruman Paniyan Kuruman Kattu Kurichian Kurumba Adiyan nayakan 0 286 145 9 0 0 0 0 345 0 23 343 11 0 3 Meppadi 61 0 590 153 122 57 0 0 4. Muttil 85 0 532 121 70 57 0 0 3. Identify the beneficiaries of various development schemes and assist them to apply for different welfare schemes. 5. Padirijaratha 47 0 302 0 26 107 0 0 6 Pozhuthana 42 0 244 0 21 49 0 0 4. Visit the sites of developmental works of the settlement or village to inform the concerned authorities about the progress. 7. Thariodi 52 0 279 0 34 157 0 0 8. Vengappally 42 0 290 0 6 91 0 0 5. Report the issues relating to health, drinking water, sanitation, and ration-supply to the concerned authorities. 6. Arrange for the medical treatment of the ST people using the facilities available with the ST Development Department. 9. Vythiri 8 0 140 0 27 0 0 0 10. Kalpatta 1 0 385 0 5 16 53 0 10 11. Pulpally 67 0 404 337 395 0 0 12. Poothodi 134 0 287 473 167 8 0 0 13. Menangadi 85 0 250 690 70 10 18 0 614 Distribution Of Tribes In Wayanad District, Kerala (Figures During 2000-01) Sl.No. Name of Panchayat/ Municipality ALLIANCE PATTERN BETWEEN CLANS (as per the 2000-01 field study) Total No.of families- Tribe wise Total no. of settlements Urali Kuruman Paniyan Kuruman Kattu Kurichian Kurumba Adiyan nayakan 14 Ambalavayal 39 0 267 109 0 0 0 0 15. Mullankolly 18 0 155 67 276 0 0 0 16. Nemmani 81 10 692 470 52 0 0 0 17. Noolpuzha 140 0 683 427 591 0 0 0 18. Edavaka 85 0 437 0 0 253 0 42 19. Manandvadi 84 0 198 17 0 178 0 198 20 Panamram 128 0 888 106 43 362 0 265 21 Thirunelly 111 0 258 192 389 265 0 575 22. Thindernedu 41 0 235 0 0 192 0 0 23 Vellsmuda 53 0 595 0 20 140 0 0 24 S. Bathery 63 0 613 210 155 0 0 0 25. Tharinjal 128 0 455 5 34 693 0 32 Total 615 C. R. Sathyanarayanan, Nirmal Chandra Traditional Life, Livelihood .............among the Mullu Kurumba 178 1 2 3 Clan of husband Clan of wife Kadiya kulam Vadakka 2 Villippa 3 Venkata 0 0.00 Villippa kulam Vadakka kulam 9818 4 Venkata kulam No. of alliances in Chomadi Settlement % No. of alliances in Thayyakunni Settlement % 6.45 9 25.00 9.68 2 5.56 2 5.56 Venkata 0 0.00 4 11.11 Vadaka 8 25.81 8 22.22 Villippa 0 0.00 1 2.77 Kadiya 6 19.35 2 5.56 Kadiya 2 6.45 3 8.33 Venkata 2 6.45 1 2.77 Villippa 8 25.81 2 5.56 Vadakka 0 0.00 2 5.56 31 100.00 36 100.00 Total HOUSE CONSTRUCTION (as per the 2000-01 field study) Chomadi Thayyakunni Both the settlements References House Type No % No. % No. % Tiled house 27 87.09 33 91.67 60 89.55 Concrete 2 6.45 1 2.78 3 4.47 Thatched h. 1 3.23 2 5.55 1 1.49 Sheet 1 3.23 0 0 3 4.47 Total 31 100.0 36 100.0 67 100.00 Hockings, Paul (ed.) 1997 Blue Mountains Revisited, Delhi, Oxford University Press. Kapp, Dieter B. and Hockings Paul 1989 'The Kurumba Tribes' in Blue Mountains (ed. Paul Hockings), Delhi, Oxford University Press. Misra, Rajalakshmi 1971 Mullu Kurumba of Kappala, Calcutta, Anthropological Survey of India. Sathyanarayanan, C. R. 2011 Scheduled Tribes of Nilgiris District’, a Report prepared under the “Socio-Economic Survey of Scheduled Tribes in Tamil Nadu”, Ooty: Tribal Research Centre, Govt. of Tamil Nadu Natarajan, T. S. 1985 Tribal habitats of Nilgiri District, Udhagamandalam (Tamil Nadu), Tribal Research Centre. Singh, K. S. 1994 The Scheduled Tribes, Delhi, Oxford Unviersity Press. Thurston, E. 1909 Castes and Tribes of Southern India, Vol.14(iv) P.133-177, New Delhi , Cosmo Publications, (Reprinted 1987). OCCUPATION (as per the 2000-01 field study) Occupation CHOMADI THAYYAKUNNI MALE FEMALE TOTAL % MALE FEMALE TOTAL % Govt. job 15 1 16 10.81 3 1 4 2.67 Pvt. job 4 3 7 4.73 8 4 12 8.00 Wage labour 18 15 33 22.30 22 29 51 34.00 Non Worker 19 42 61 41.21 39 44 83 55.33 Self Cultivation 20 11 31 20.95 616 Jr. Anth. Survey of India, 61(2) & 62(1) : (617-627), 2012-2013 Sacred Complex of Port Blair City: An Anthropological Appraisal Dr. D. V. Prasad1 ABSTRACT The Andaman Island has contributed a lot for the discipline of anthropology in building theoretical perspective with the study of Radcliff-Brown on Great Andamanese in its historicity. In post Independence, it is exposed to outside world for its pristine natural beauty and monumental heritage in general and inflow of many ethnic populations from mainland India in particular. The major population of Ang (Jarawa), Onge, Sentinelese, and Great Andamanese are marginalized in due course of time by the immigrants and restricted them to few pockets of the island. In pre Independent India, the colonial rulers started the process of annexation by establishing the penal settlement for the convicts who sent from mainland India and Burma. After Independence, they were allowed to settle down in the islands along with their kith and kin for development of the islands. In due course of time, refugees from East Bengal were settled in Middle and North Andaman by clearing major chunk of forest area for human habitation and cultivation. Later on, people from different parts of the country immigrated to these islands in search of better economic opportunities. As a result ‘mini India’ concept was developed and built a new social system wherein inter caste, creed, and religious marriages, Lingua Franca, and national character are catalytic in creating a separate identity for locals in Andaman. But due to expanding communication network and infrastructural facilities, a new trend has been emerging by integrating social identities among the settler population of the islands. This situation can be best illustrated from the mushrooming community guilds and the emerging ‘sacred complex’ of Port Blair city to manifest distinct cultural characteristics in a geographically isolated area i.e., Andaman Islands. Hence, the present study tries to test the hypothesis of L.P. Vidyarthi’s Sacred Complex in island situation and highlight the integration of different social identities with the emerging sacred complex in Andaman Islands. Introduction The advent of globalization and industrialization had brought many changes not only in economic sphere but in the social milieu of the millions of people in the developing nations. The growth of cross cultural contacts resulted in overlapping many identities for the sake of better standard of living. Despite of this fact, cultural identities of cross 1 Assistant Professor, Department of Sociology and Social Anthropology, Indira Gandhi National Tribal University (IGNTU), Amarkantak, Madhya Pradesh-484886. 618 Dr. D. V. Prasad Sacred Complex of Port Blair City: An Anthropological Appraisal sections of people in India are still being facilitated by the age-old traditions of that particular region where they inhabit. It is being demonstrated that the observance of various sacred performances, specialists and geography as a whole constitute sacred complex of great tradition which unites the people under pan-Indian identity (Vidyarthi, 1961). Thus ‘sacred complex’ concept is catalytic in highlighting various facets of Hindu spiritual life, source of livelihood to dependent communities, trade, and tourism etc., in India. Apart from this, the sacred centers are spreading the message of cultural ethos to even remote places through several cultural performances like Car festivals, Jataras, and Ustavas. The identity of a particular sacred complex was being perpetuated by adopting modern innovations in its wider form of adjustment to the ever changing situation through networking the people of Indian culture. Peaceful coexistence of multiple belief systems, traditions, and ways of life at these centers reflects the principle of unity in diversity. The empirical studies of sacred complex in India began in 1960’s by delineating methodological perspectives in understanding complex network of social relations in sacred centers. Based on the analytical concepts of Robert Redfield and Mckim Marriott, Vidyarthi (1961) initiated the beginning of systematic study of these centers by using anthropological approaches for the comprehensive understanding of the Indian civilization. Vidyarthi’s formulated concept of sacred complex which is a synthesis of sacred geography, sacred performances and sacred specialists, sacred segments, sacred zone, sacred geography and attempts to describe social organization of the temple and its people. He is further argued that sacred complex of Hindu Gaya is applicable to tribal and rural religions of this country. Through his methodology and empirical data, Vidyarthi rescrutinized the western scholar’s concepts like little and great tradition, cultural specialists, performances, and media and reframed them in Indian context. In the course of time various anthropological works on these sacred complex has been undertaken by Makhan Jha (1971), Saraswati (1963 & 1975), Sahay (1975), Patnaik (1977), Goswami and Morab (1975), Morab (1978), Behra (2003). These studies empirically analyzed the dynamics of sacred complex of Hindu pilgrim centers by using the theoretical concepts of Vidyarthi. In line with above hypothesis, the present study is made to understand the emerging patterns of sacred complex in physiologically and geographically isolated urban area in Andaman Islands. Port Blair city is the capital of these enthralled islands which is inhabited by the people from different states of the Union of India and diverse cultural backgrounds of both great and little traditions of Hinduism, Christianity, Muslim, Jainism etc. The emerging temple traffic and ongoing cultural performances of the people in these islands prompt the researcher to test the conceptual framework of sacred complex in Island situation. At this juncture, it is also essential to understand the historical transect of the study area to understand the emerging sacred complex in the Islands. 619 continued for a quite longer period in view of development of these remote islands. Initially refugees from East Pakistan, settlers from Kerala, Tamil Nadu, Jharkand and Andhra Pradesh settled in various islands. Later on people from diverse cultural, linguistic and geographical backgrounds migrated to these islands on account of government service, business, and allied occupations. As a result of this, the original inhabitants of Andaman Island i.e., Great Andamanese, Jarwa, Onge and Sentenelese became minority and the immigrants emerged as the dominant group (Singh, 1994). Since then later settlers started living together and participating in one another’s cultural activities. This sort of cultural mosaic facilitated inter-caste or creed marriages between the immigrants and local born islanders and on the other hand different communities formed separate guilds to protect their regional identity too. With the emergence of various Hindu shrines of local, regional and national significance in and around the Port Blair town, institutionalized socio-cultural organizations like, Utkal Samaj (Orissa), Atul Smriti Samity (Bengali Club), Andhra Association (Telugu), Kerala Samajam (Malayalam), Rajasthan Manch etc., were formed to provide common cultural consciousness besides protecting their native identities. These institutions are playing a pivotal role in creating unity by organizing cultural performance on festive occasions in the form of collecting donations, cooperation in organization of festivals, reading of sacred texts, bhajans, and other regional cultural programmes. Thus sacred geography and its related institutions provide the base for elucidating new identities in the emerging sacred complex. The Study Area The Andaman Islands are located in Bay of Bengal with a distance of 1190 km from Chennai and 1255 km from Kolkata on sea. It is having 3106 sq. kilometer area. The Andaman islands are classified into three divisions i.e., South, Middle and North Andaman for administrative convenience. The Andaman Trunk Road (ATR) is connecting all these three divisions that can also access through sea route. Port Blair is the capital town for the entire Andaman and Nicobar Islands as it harbour people from different socio-cultural backgrounds. It is the entry point and gateway to the rest of islands. Of the total population, Hindus are predominant in the study area followed by Christian and Muslim. Though Hindi is official language in Port Blair, Bengali, Tamil, Telugu, Malayalam, Santhali and other regional languages of the Union of India are well versed in the respective areas. As a part of territorial expansion, various religious centers come up to cater the philosophical needs of the immigrant population in due course of time. This situation led to the emergence of sacred complex in the islands. Under these circumstances Port Blair town is selected to understand the emerging patterns of sacred complex in the island situation. Historical Background Methodology and Data Collection During colonial annexation, the Britishers thought of peopling Andaman Islands to seek refuge of naval fleet during distress conditions, to prevent the smuggling from Malaya and to make friendly contacts with native settlers. As a part of this strategy, the convicts were sent to develop this island for human habitation to protect the imperial interests due to its strategic location on sea route. After Independence, the policy of immigration is The present study is basically an outcome of intensive fieldwork in 2007-08 by visiting sacred centers of Port Blair. The data was collected through observation, extensive case studies, key informant interviews and verbal discussions etc. For collection of quantitative data, secondary sources like records of A&N Administration, the data from State and government departmental libraries were used for analyzing the demography of the study area. 620 Sacred Complex of Port Blair City: An Anthropological Appraisal Demography As per 2001 Census, the total population of Andaman Island comes to 3,56,152 consisting 1,92,972 male and 1,63,180 female. Of which, the rural population representing 2,39,954 and urban population comes to 1,16,198. Out of the total population Hindu (246589), Christian (77178), Muslim (29265), Sikh (1587), Buddhist (421), Jain (23), and others 1089 are representing the diversity of the islands (A&N Administration, 2006). The population has been increasing continuously with the influx of migrants from mainland India. Sacred Geography of Port Blair Port Blair is not only a tourist paradise, but a place for cultural conglomeration surrounded by a multitude of sacred geography of diverse religious faiths. Territorial expansion of the settlement area during the last few decades witnessed the enormous growth of temples along with the development of educational, commercial, transport sectors for practical purposes constitutes this Islands a baseline for cultural heterogeneity. The immaculate architectures like Police Gurudwara at Bazaar, Bhuddhist monastery at Phongy Chowke, Churches of diverse denominations located in the vicinity of Gholghar, Mosque at Supply Lane, Dignabad and spiritual center like Ramakrishna Mission at Marina Beach, Chinmai Mission at Police Lane and various Hindu temples like Murugan temple, Ayyappa and Radha Govind temple at RGT road etc., and its paraphernalia, priests, followers are testimony to the emerging sacred complex. Observance of cultural performances at these places by the different communities at regular intervals is catalytic for development of religious tourism in recent past. Hence it is a melting pot of diverse traditions and belief systems. In addition to these sacred centers, there is another important sacred zone located in South Point, which is most venerated Muslim graveyard known as ‘Mazhar Pahad’ distance ranging from two to three kilometers. This place is noted for the burial memorial of a Muslim saint, Hajrat Allama Fazul Haque Khairabadi, who belonged to the court of the last Mughal Emperor of Delhi and a freedom fighter, worshipped by large number of people irrespective of their ethnic backgrounds. It is a popularized pilgrimage for Hindus, Muslim, Sikh and Christians in the Union Territory. People who kept mannath (vow) visits this place and organizes grand feasts after sacrificing goat and fowls in complying their vows. Besides this, people from different cultural backgrounds tie sacred thread to existing Ficus (baniyan) tree which is in typical Hindu style at Mazar. The Kali Mandir on the way to Sippy Ghat is also a popular sacred centre which is also visited by cross section of islanders to worship Goddess Kali. It is located on the Hillock and having six kilometers from Port Blair town. The animal sacrifices by the officiating Nepali priest with his mouth and sucking the oozing blood in possessive state resembles the tantric aspects Hinduism at this sacred center. Phonghy Khyongi (Andaman Buddhist Mission) is a major religious centre for the Burmese settlers in the islands. It is located nearby market centre which is popular as Phonghy Chowke. During Burmese festive occasions like Tankem (Holi), Pavarana (Deevali), and Buddha poornima they throng to Phonghy Khyongi situated at Port Blair, Memio at Wandoor, Mayabunder and express their solidarity through celebration of their festival including feasts. Dr. D. V. Prasad 621 The Murugan temples located on the way to Shadipur and its peripheral worshipped by Tamil people are thronged by cross section of devotees from the islands to gaze ‘Panguni Uttaram’. It is being organized once in every year by carrying decorated kavidi and inserting vel into the bodies of the devotees who undertake vratam (vow) and walk across the fired charcoal. Besides this, little traditions of different communities who represent various regions of the country are also started to gain prominent at various mohallas of Port Blair town like worship of anthills, statues of village god and goddesses, and so on. The Sacred Complex of Rajasthan Temple Out of the above stated sacred centres, Rajasthan Temple is one which is emerging center for sacred complex in the study area. It is located on the hillock besides Gandhi Park in Shadipur locality of Port Blair. It is having four kilometers distance from Airport and two and half kilometers distance from inter island and mainland jetty. In view of its proxy location, people from all walks of life i.e., tourists, businessmen, and different ethnic groups who live in different parts of Andaman Island throng to this place and offer worship. This temple rising to a height of average 100ft. to the sea level gives a majestic appearance to the visitors and thus provides sanctity to the place. A Unique interior architecture facilitating people from diverse backgrounds to offer worship in such a way by installing the idols in different portions of the sanctorum for the purpose of worshipping all the regional gods and goddesses. The main sanctorum consists of nine divisions having raised construction (vimanas/gali gopurams) of each room resembles a distinct North Indian temple architecture. In Ground floor (starting from right side), deities of Lord Shiva, Parvati and the Phallic, Goddess Durga, Lord Satyanaraya and Goddess Lakshmi, Lord Rama and Sita, Lord Krishna accompanied by Radha, Lord Hanuman, and Lord Venkateswara. Statues of Lord Ganapati and Baba Ram Devji (Peer Baba of Rajasthan) are located in either side of the sanctorum in a guarding position to the main deities. In First floor (starting from left side) Lord Jagannath, Malabhadra and Subhadra of Orissa, Bhagavan Katu Shyamji of Rajasthan were installed for worship. The temple is maintained by a committee which is known as ‘Rajasthan Manch’ formed in 1972 to bring together migrants of Rajasthan people at one common platform through their cultural activities such as celebration of Holi, Deewali and their State festivals. Initially it is organized for maintaining and coordinating its members for a common cause through their collective effort, later it expanded its activities to the organization of various Hindu religious activities in Port Blair town. As a part this, the need for a major sacred centre is felt which can help in retaining a relatively high degree of diversity and pluralism reflecting the vast regional, linguistic, socio-economic and cultural heterogeneity of the Bay Islands at one place as well as strengthening filial bonds among its members. The members of the Manch attributed that the main reason behind this idea to develop temple as a one of the major pilgrim centre in Islands for the attraction of tourists from all walks of life in turn for the augmentation of charity works on behalf of this centre. Core member of the Manch (service personnel, businessmen, and contractors) succeeded their efforts in bringing it to the notice of the Administration and land allotment for the proposed 622 Dr. D. V. Prasad Sacred Complex of Port Blair City: An Anthropological Appraisal temple. In 1998 temple construction was started by voluntary contribution of its own members in the form of money and material. All the idols were imported from Jaipur except Lord Jagannath, which is donated by Utkal Cultural Association to maintain the sanctity in the long run. The construction was completed by the end of 1999 and opened up it for the public for worship. Apart from its routine worship of the installed deities, Melas, Utstavs, and Jatras of different cultural groups of the mainland India are held on auspicious occasions like Lord Jagannath Rath Yatra, Durga Puja, and Holi etc. All the cultural festivities of regional significance will take place in collaboration with the temple committee. The Manch had its own Executive Committee to look after the sacred activities of the temple. At present the committee consists of 25 nominated members, of which 11 executive members were elected once in every two years by voting. The membership is strictly given to those who hail from Rajasthan and majority of them businessmen. Committee members assembled every Tuesday evening in the premises of the temple and discuss the matters pertaining to temple development and its maintenance. In the beginning it has 35 members representing one person from each family of 35 families. With the rise of population about 200 permanent and 200 nominal members those who are in government service, now they are conducting elections for the executive committee. But all households contribute generously for temple fund on monthly basis. At present the temple is being maintained with one priest and four caretakers who arrange the needed materials for regular puja and preparation of prasadam. Besides their regular activities, every month caretakers collects donations from the merchants in Aberdeen Bazaar regularly on behalf of the temple and deposit the same at cashier of the Committee. This amount is being used for regular maintenance of the temple i.e. the purchase of groceries, oil, incense sticks, and payment of phone, electricity and water charges, etc. At present Executive Committee made arrangements within the sanctorum for boarding the priest and caretakers of the temple. The functional importance of this Center is the arrangement of massive cultural performances of different States through out the Calenderical year with the assistance of existing cultural guilds. Observance of Car festival of Orissa, Durgah puja during Dusserah by the Bengali community, Phallic worship during Maha Shivaratri, worship of Lord Krishna during Sri Krishnastami etc., at one place reflects the sacred complex of Indian society at one side and the other it gives a plural characteristic of the socio-cultural life of the Bay Islanders. Participation of diverse communities in these cultural performances at this center demonstrates the mutual coexistence of multiple cultural traditions of Hindu civilization at study temple in particular and the reflection of the same in the sacred geography of Port Blair town in general. Different segments of the temple related to each other in the sense that a worshipper goes from one segment to another to make offerings to the deities at a time. In between offering to major Hindu goddesses, worship of human divination stresses the importance of local traditions. Combination of sacred centers of this kind have become efficacious for the fulfillment of certain specific desires of the people i.e. securing mental peace in the secluded life, material possessions, suitable mates, safe delivery of new babies, get rid of sickness and so on. Cultural relativistic character of the sacred geography of Port Blair thus attracts the people from all walks of life including tourists at large. 623 Sacred Specialists There is an emerging trend of influx of priestly community to these Islands to cater the increasing spiritual needs of the Port Blair town as no specific established institutional arrangements are available during settlement time. The enormous growth of population and temple traffic may be the probable pull factor behind the immigration of priestly class or pandits. All most all the temples had a sacred specialist (either Brahman or Sanskritised priest) of its own for usual worship and these specialists attend the rites de-passage for the local population also. For example the priest of Rajasthan temple hailed from Gorakhpur (Uttar Pradesh) on the advice of his friend for his better employment. Basically he is not practicing priest in true sense at mainland. He started his priestly occupation only after arrival to these Islands with the domestic knowledge of regular practice of Sanskrit texts as a part of his daily routine. Initially he offered his priestly services at Britchgunj (Yamesh Mandir) more than a year and on the request of the Rajasthan Temple committee, he shifted to Port Blair and continuing his priesthood for the past few years. Apart from his regular job, he also attends religious fairs during festive occasions at other temples and performs marriages and other life cycle rituals in and around Port Blair. During auspicious occasions at temple, sacred specialists (i.e., priests) of nearby temples in Port Blair town also invited to take part and collectively officiate the ceremonial functions ranging from offering of floral worship to agni homa, abishekams and so on and collects gifts and honorarium from the committee and the general public. At that time, affluent families do engage personnel priests to pay their vows during these functions. It is evident from the successful performance of such sacred activities during Car festival of Lord Jagannath (popular as ‘Rath Yatra’) every year illustrates the above mentioned statement. Whenever the necessity arises, priests from other temples perform the regular harati by adjusting timings in case of absence of its permanent priest. Sanskritized or non-Brahmin priests are also found in Shiv mandir of Dairy Farm and other similar sacred geography of Port Blair who officiate harati and puja regularly at these temples besides their routine occupations. Cultural Performances All the major and minor Hindu festivals were celebrated with high devotional temperament by giving open invitation through local daily newspapers to the people of Islands. Splendid cultural performances or programmes would takes place during Deewali, Vijaya Dasami, Ganesh Chaturdi, Sri Krishna Janmashtami, Maha Shivaratri, Puri Jagannath Car festival, Ram Navami, Sankranti and so on. Number of devotes thronged during these festive occasions and offer worship including reading of sacred texts, bhajans, keerthan, harikathas, etc. Besides these performances, different cultural tradition oriented performances like traditional dance representing the regional, ethnic, linguistic were organized at the temple premises with collaboration of cultural organizations of the Andaman Island. Recently held Car Festival of Lord Jagannath of Orissa illustrates the observance of sacred performances at the premises of Rajasthan temple. The famous Car festival was observed in line with the cultural pattern of Puri Rath Yatra in the Bay Islands. The Utkal Samaj of Port Blair with the help of Rajasthan temple committee and Chinmay Mission organized this massive event this year. 624 Sacred Complex of Port Blair City: An Anthropological Appraisal Prior to the festival, the man-made wooden idols used for procession were imported from Orissa as it is tradition to make the idols with the wood of specified tree and specialized craftsman. Thus ever year they make new wooden images and install those wooden idols in the sanctorum in place of old ones. Remaining wood for making new Rath is being procured from Andaman since it is very difficult to import the required wood from Dasapala where special team of carpenters venture and procure wood for making new chariots. On approaching the Rath Yatra day, the volunteers of Utkal Samaj initiates the process of making new chariot (Rath) in front of the temple itself. On the auspicious day, puja will be held in traditional Odiya manner and organizers distributes prasada to the visitors at temple premises. Later on, they takes the decorated chariot to the streets after inaugurating this event by the first person of the islands i.e., Hon’le Governor after worshipping the Rath. The huge crowd of people competes for holding the sacred rope as they state it will bring fortune in the life of human beings. The procession starts from the temple and goes around Port Blair town to glimpse everyone and eventually reaches Chinmai Mission for halt. The deities are being supposed to give hospitality at this place for nine days and afterwards they do observe formal returning of Car from Chinmai Mission to its originating place i.e., Rajasthan temple. A large number of people participated in this Rath Yatra procession amidst ritual chantings and traditional bandwagon. The characteristic feature of this Rath Yatra is the participation of Non-Oriya communities (90%) including Hindu, Sikh, and Christian along with the Oriya families. Likewise Durgah puja and other regional and national festivals are been celebrated with utmost devotion and fervor. Sometimes this performance starts at the dawn of the day and continuous even midnight. Those who had vows about their family troubles, marriage, health and prosperity will offer floral worship, fire worship (homa), water and milk worship (abhishekams) with the help of sacred specialists during these sacred performances. Now a days mammoth pandals with beautiful electrification were undertaken during Goddess Durgah and Lord Ganesh festivals. Besides this, Avataran Diwas of Baba Asaramji is also observed by the manch members frequently. On this occasion, invitation is extended to all sections of people for taking part in bhajans, reading the verses of Bhagavadgita, Mahabharat, Ramayan, etc. It is followed by distribution of prasadam to all the gathering in the precincts of temple irrespective of community background. During this occasion, distribution of clothes, notebooks, pencils, school bags, etc., are also distributed by the devotees to the children and old-age people those who are residing in the surrounding of the temple. Analysis of Results and Conclusion The very complexity of the social composition of Port Blair and its increasing density due to influx of diverse population from mainland India have affected the development of local cultural traditions to some extent but not in vogue. As such sacred centers of particular region exposed to people of diverse regions of India. Though the study temple representing Great Tradition in its appearance, worship of human divinity such as Baba Ramdevji and Katu Shyamji and others shows that the close interaction between local traditions of regional significance with the great traditions of which they are part. Apart from routine puja, various activities like mundane, festive processions, bhajans, kirthan, Dr. D. V. Prasad 625 etc., are the major attraction of this sacred centre. The presence of Idols of various regional gods and goddesses of the temple enhancing the strengths of temporal and spacious diversity by exhibiting elements of unity in diversity which forms the base to secular character of our country from the ages. Regional identities expressed through performance of various sacred activities during festive occasions have been motivating the people for the survival of their age-old customs and practices to remember their upcoming generation in the present technological revolutionary world. Socio-cultural practices of the inhabitants of Port Blair may vary in many ways apparently with their belief systems but geographical isolation from mainland providing a common bondage of regions in the form of massive cultural performances like Ganesh puja, Durga puja, Rath Yatra, etc. The exquisite curiosity of the splendid performances during festive occasions made all sorts of worshippers to appreciate and adoration irrespective of the region they belong to. Apart from this, the functional contribution of inhabiting communities for such performances are explicit from the services of Medar (basket making community from Andhra Pradesh who offer sacred baskets for worship), carpenters, drumbeaters, traders to make the event a grand success. Interlocking of various traditions and belief practices at one place facilitating the relativistic and pluralistic tendency among the worshippers and visitors of the temple. These tendencies demonstrate the fundamental unity of our country in the background of diversity of political, regional and religious aspects etc. Socio-cultural adjustment among people of different ethnic communities have been reflecting in their collective participation during the performances by respecting each other beliefs with devotion and reverence towards all other cultural traditions of the people. This in turn is a positive sign of attracting tourists paving a way to creation of source of income to the native people those who depended on temple traffic for their eke out as well as for the development of tourism sector. The secular character of the temple gives a broader identity of the Indian culture by manifesting various dimensions of Indian civilization in particular and the other sacred centers in general i.e. Mazar Durgah. As a result of enormous growth of sacred geography of various traditions along with the major temples in recent times at Port Blair town has been encountering religious syncretism through a spiritual link with the widely accepted persona celebrities. Associated legends and myths of the sacredness of the other religious centers of cultural personalities spreading across its territorial boundaries by improved communication and transport facilities. With this people hailing from different parts get together and mutually exchange cultural elements. Thus the sacred networks evolved over a period of time not only strengthen the common bondage of diverse cultures that emerges in the participation of processions, bhajans, and other sacred performances. Presence of large number of people is not purely to devotion oriented, but their purposes are based on their nature of association with the performance. They may consist of service personnel, political workers, volunteers, traders and casual visitors with different motives. Voluntary services rendered by different organizations (related to political parties) do not contain sacred in nature rather in conformity with the ideals of their organization, which they represent. Some of the charity activities like distribution of education kits consists of note books and pencils, clothes, and other needed material to the needy are entirely a 626 Sacred Complex of Port Blair City: An Anthropological Appraisal personnel affair delinking with charity of the temple at large. The customary to participate in the feasts or prasada distribution held at Rajasthan Temple, Mazar Pahad or else demonstrates the supplement of nutrition along with devotion for the settlers surround the temples. Thus the sacred complex of Rajasthan temple demonstrates the increasing tendency of adaptation to the secular life in a new environment and avoiding the sectarian tendencies. This trend helps in narrowing the fissiparous attitudes among the people. At this juncture it is noteworthy to mention enormous growth of temple traffic in and around Port Blair city representing Great and Little cultural traditions that illustrate the hypothesis of Vidyarthi’s theoretical proposition of sacred complex of a Hindu place of pilgrimage reflects a level of continuity, compromise and combination between Great and Little traditions. Of course the religious structures of Port Blair town may represent the sects of different Hindu as well as other religious traditions, it does not encourage separate identities based on region, language or creed. It is illustrated in the widespread common Lingua Franca (i.e., Hindi) of this region which is catalytic behind the creation of new identity i.e. Local. People respect each other traditions and cooperate in times of cultural performances irrespective of caste, creed, sex and religion. In the course of time syncretic centers like Mazhar Durgah, Rajasthan Temple emerged to cater the spiritual needs of diverse population of these Islands. Eventually it assists in understanding the dynamism of Indian civilization through its internal process of adjustment and interaction among different cultural and religious groups. Acknowledgement The author is grateful to the Director, Anthropological Survey of India, Kolkata for the facilities and support of encouragement during my stay at Andaman and Nicobar Regional Centre, Port Blair in developing the work in this form. Further I would like to acknowledge my humble gratitude to the authorities of Rajasthan temple and priests of various temples in Port Blair for allowing me to conduct field investigation in the respected shrines. It is very difficult to mention names of the assistance rendered by many personalities of Port Blair but my sincere thanks goes to everyone. The views expressed in this paper are those of the author alone. References Behra, M.C. (2003), Social Anthropology of Sacred Center: Understanding the Dimension of Indian Civilization through Parasuram Kund, New Delhi, Serial Publications. Directorate of Economics & Statistics, Port Blair (2005-06), A & N Administration. Goswami, B. B. and S. G. Morab (1975), Chamundeswari Temple in Mysore, Culcutta, Anthropological Survey of India. Dr. D. V. Prasad 627 Jha, Makhan (1971), The Sacred Complex in Janakpur, Allahabad, United Publishers. Morab, S.G. (1978), Study of Temple in Mysore City: A Case Study of Chamundeswari Temple (ed.vol.), Culcutta, Anthropological Survey of India. Patnaik, N. (1977), Cultural Tradition in Puri: Structure and Organization of Pilgrim Centre, Shimla, Indian Institute of Advanced Studies (IIAS). Saraswati, B.N. (1963), Temple Organization in Goa, Man In India, Vol.32(2) Saraswati, B.N. (1975), Kashi: Myth and Reality of a Classical Cultural Tradition, Shimla, Indian Institute of Advanced Studies (IIAS). Singh, K.S. (1994), People of India: Andaman and Nicobar Islands. Vol.XII, Culcatta, Anthropological Survey of India. Vidyarthi L.P., (1961) The Sacred Complex in Hindu Gaya, Bombay, Asia Publishing House. 628 Jr. Anth. Survey of India, 61(2) & 62(1) : (629-637), 2012-2013 ßgtkjhckx uxjikfydk {ks= ds jn~nh pquus okys cPpksa dh lkekftd ,oa LokLF; fLFkfrß tks[ku “kekZ 1 ifjp; izkphu dky ls LokLF; ekuo ds fy, cs”kdherh laifÙk jgk gSA mRre LokLF; izkIr djuk gj O;fDr dh igyh vkdka{kk gksrh gSA ges”kk fujksx jgus dh izo`fr gh euqI; dks lq[kh rFkk [kq”kgky thou O;rhr djus es lgk;d gksrh gSA euqI; ds thou vkSj mldh [kq”kh ds fy, LokLF; ls T;knk egRoiw.kZ fdlh vU; oLrq dh dYiuk Hkh dj ikuk dfBu gSA vkt ds ifj–“; esa tgk¡ lekt dk izR;sd oxZ vius&vius Lrj ls vius LokLF; ds izfr ltx gS] ogh gekjs gh lekt eas ,d oxZ ,slk Hkh gS tks fd blls vNwrk gSA bu vyx&Fkyx iM+s yksxkas dks ge vius vkl&ikl izk;% dwMk&dpM+k] jn~nh inkFkZ] IykfLVd ds FkSys] fVu ds VqdMs vkfn csdkj inkFkksZa dks pqurs ns[k ldrs gSaA bu dwMk&dpM+k pqurs yksxkas dks jn~nh okys ¼jsx&fidlZ] dwM+k pquus okys½ uke ls lEcksf/kr djrs gSaA vkS|ksfxdhdj.k ,oa e”khuhdj.k ds bl ;qx esa ftl rsth ds lkFk fodkl gqvk gS] mlh rsth ls “kgjksa o dlcksa dk fodkl c<+k gS] ftlesa “kgjksa ds c<+us ds lkFk&lkFk ;gk¡ dh tula[;k esa Hkh Hkkjh of`) gksrh tk jgh gSA tula[;k c<us ds lkFk&lkFk buds miHkksxkas dh lkefxz;kas dk izpyu Hkh c<+ jgk gS] ftlls “kgjksa esa dwMk&djdV ,oa jn~nh lekfxz;ksa dh ek=k esa vikj o`f) gks jgh gSA bl leL;k ls fuiVus ds fy, “kgj esa ekStwn lEcaf/kr foHkkxksa dh ijs”kkfu;k¡ c<+rh tk jgh gaSA bu leL;kvks a ls futkr fnykus es a jn~ n h pq u us okys leq n k;ks dh Hkkxkhnkjh lokZ f /kd gS A Þgtkjks ckxksaß ds uke ls [;kfr izkIr gtkjhckx vius eueksgd izkd`frd lkSan;Z ds fy, fo[;kr gSA ;g ftyk 230251 ,o 240481 mÙkjh v{kk”ka rFkk 840291 ,o 860381 iwohZ ns”kkUraj ds chp fLFkr gSa] rFkk leqnzry ls bldh Å¡pkbZ yxHkx 2012 QhV gSA v/;;u {ks= esa lHkh oxksZ o tkfr&/keZ ds yksx fuokl djrs gSA jn~nh pquus okys leqnk; dh lkekftd fLFkfr dgha u dgha buds fuEu tkrh; lkekftd lajpuk ,oa fuEu vkfFkZd fLFkfr dks n”kkZrh gSaA fuEu tkrh; lkekftd lajpuk ls lEcaf/kr jn~nh pquus dk dk;Z tks fd lekt esa lcls fuEu ntsZ dk dk;Z ekuk tkrk gSa] bldks djus okys leqnk;ks dk laca/k Hkh fgUnw tkfr O;oLFkk esa lcls fupys ik;nku ij fLFkr fuEu tkfr oxZ ls lEcaf/kr gSaA ;gk¡ fuokl djus okyh vkcknh ftueas jfonkl ,oa Hkqb;k¡ izk;% nks tkfr;kas ds yksxks dks jn~nh pquus tSls dk;Z dks djrs gq, ns[kk tkrk gSA jn~nh pquus ds dk;ksZ esa nksuks gh tkfr;ksa ds cPpks dh la[;k cgqrk;r esa ns[kh tkrh gSAa ;s nksuksa gh tkfr;k¡ ^vLi`”;* dh Js.kh esa vkrh gSaA budh fuEu vkfFkZd fLFkfr ds dkj.k ifjokj ds NksVs&cM+s lHkh cPpksa dks jn~nh pquus dk dk;Z djuk iM+rk gSA Anthropological Survey of India, Dehradun 630 ßgtkjhckx uxjikfydk {ks= ds ......... ,oa LokLF; fLFkfrß Lksjksfdu us dgk gSa fd izR;sd laxfBr lekt Lrjhdj.k esa foHkkftr gSAa Hkkjr lfgr lalkj ds yxHkx lHkh ns”kksa esa ,d ,slk oxZ Fkk] ftls lekt ds fuEure ik;nku ij j[kk x;k] Hkkjr ds fgUnqvksa esa ;g oxZ ^vLi`”;* dgykrk FkkA Hkkjr ds vfrfjDr lHkh ns”kksa esa ,sls oxZ lekIr gks pqds gSa ¼ey] 2009½A vLi`”; og oxZ gS tks lkekftd& vkfFkZd Lrj ij lekt ds vafre ik;nku ij gSA izkphu fgUnw /keZ&xzFa kks ds vuqlkj lkekftd O;oLFkk esa vuqlfw pr tkfr;ksa dk ,dne i`Fkd LFkku FkkA ftls iape o.kZ] vUR;t] vfr”kwnz] vLi`”; vusd vieku tud ,oa ?k`f.kr ukeksa ls lEcksf/kr fd;k x;k ¼vEcsM+dj] 1948½A bu tkfr;ksa dks lcls fuEu Lrj dk ?k`.kkLin O;olk; iznku fd;k x;k rFkk vkxs pydj O;olk; tkfr ds lkFk LFkk;h :i ls tqM+ x;kA pkjksa o.kksZa ls i`Fkd gksus ds dkj.k bUgsa ^iape o.kZ* ;k ^fQ¶Fk dkLV* ds uke ls Hkh lEcksf/kr fd;k x;kA vkxs pydj izfl) lekt”kkL=h gÍu us bu vLi`”; tkfr;ksa ds fy, ^,DlVhfj;j dkLV~l* dk iz;ksx fd;k ¼gÍu] 1946½A mijksDr vk/kkj ij esjs v/;;u {ks= gtkjhckx ds lkekftd Lrjhdj.k ds Lo:i igys LFkku ij czkgE.k] nwljs LFkku ij {kf=;] rhljs LFkku ij oS”; rFkk pkSFks LFkku ij “kwnz vkrs gSaA bu pkjksa ds ckn vafre ;kfu ik¡pos LFkku ij vLi`”; tkfr vkrs gSa ftlds vUrxZr jfonkl o HkqbZ;k¡ tkfr vkrs gSaA {ks= dh bu nksukssa tkfr;ksa ds ijEijkxr tkfr dk;Z izd`fr ds vk/kkj ij jfonkl lekt dks HkqbZ;k¡ lekt ls mij ekuk tkrk gSa] ftls uhps lkj.kh 01 esa n”kkZ;k x;k gSaA 631 tks[ku “kekZ bl izdkj ds LFkkuksa ij geyksxksa dk ,d feuV :duk vlaHko gksrk gS] LFkku ls xqtjrs oDr gesa vius ukd dks dqN nsj ds fy, can djuk iM+rk gSA ogh ;s yksx dwM+k pquus okys bl LFkku ij ?kaVks viuk dk;Z djrs gSaA nwljs oxZ esa oSls yksx vkrs gS] tks ?kj&?kj Hkze.k dj jính] “kh”ks] cksrys] IykfLVd ds FkSys] fVu o yksgs ds dckM+ vkfn dks ,d fuf”pr ewY; nsdj [kjhn dj ,df=r djrs gSa] vkSj ckn es bls T;knk nkeksa ij dckM+h nqdkuksa es csp nsrs gSaA bUgsa ge ÞdckM+hokykÞ ds uke ls iqdkjrs gSaA bl oxZ ds yksxksa dk dk;Z igys oxZ ds yksxksa ds eqdkcys es FkksM+k lkQ&lqFkjk ,oa LoPN okrkoj.k iznf”kr djrk gSaA {ks= ds nksuksa oxksZa ds yksx vius }kjk ,df=r vif”k’V i)kFkkasZ dks “kgj esa gh fLFkr NksVs ,oa [kqnjk vFkok cM+s Fkksd dckM+h nqdku esa tk dj fu/kkZfjr ewY; ij csp nsrs gSaA NksVs ,oa [kqnjk nqdkuokys Hkh bl ,df=r vif”k’V i)kFkksZ dks cM+s Fkksd dckM+h nqdku esa csp nsrs gSaA ;gk¡ ij bu vif”k’V i)kFkksZ dh lQkbZ o N¡VkbZ dj O;ofLFkr fd;k tkrk gSaSA bu O;ofLFkr fd;s vif”k’V i)kFkksZa dks iqu% fuekZ.k ,oa iqu% iz;ksx ds fy, lacaf/kr dy&dkj[kkus esa vyx&vyx Hkst fn;k tkrk gSA lkj.kh 02- gtkjhckx {ks= ds vif”k’V laxzg dh fLFkfr lkj.kh 01 % fgUnw lkekftd Lrjhdj.k esa LFkku LFkku fgUnw tkfr O;oLFkk igyk czkgE.k nwljk {kf=; frljk oS”; pkSFkk “kwnz ikpok¡ iape o.kZ jsx & fidlZ ¼jÌh pqquuk½ Hkze.k”khy jÌh pquus okyk ;k dckM+hokyk ¼,d=hr djuk½ NksVs@[kqnjk dokM+h nqdku ¼vLFkkbZ :i ls ,dzf=r½ jfonkl tkfr HkqbZ;k¡ tkfr cM+s@Fkksd dckM+h nqdku ¼lkQ@O;oLFkhr djuk@NVk¡bZ djuk½ vif”k’V inkFkksZa dh laxzg fLFkfr % gtkjhckx “kgj ds okrkoj.k dks LoPN cukus esa bu jn~nh pquus okys lewgksa dk ;ksxnku dkQh egRoiw.kZ gSA ;s yksx fdl izdkj dk;Z djrs gSa bldk fooj.k lkj.kh 02 esa fd;k x;k gSA gtkjhckx {ks= esa jn~nh laxzg.k djus esa yxs yksxksa ds dk;Z&izd`fr ds vk/kkj ij nks oxksZ esa foHkDr dj ldrs gSaA igyk] blesa oSls dk;Z izd`fr ds yksx “kkfey gS tks dh {ks= dh fofHkUu txgks eas ,df=r dwMk+ &dpM+k LFky] xanh ukfy;ksa ls] dwMk+ nku ,oa vU; iznfw ’kr txgksa ls jính] “kh”ks] cksrys] IykfLVd ds FkSys] fVu o yksgs ds dckM+ vkfn dks pqudj ,df=r djrs gSa] bUgsa ge ÞdwM+k pquus okysß dgrs gSaA bls oxZ dk dk;Z {ks= xanxh ,oa vLoPN Hkjk gksrk gSa] tgk¡ dh nqzxZa/k dk ekgkSy O;kIr gksrk gSaA iqu% fuek.kZ ds fy, lacaf/kr dy & dkj[kkus es tkuk iqu% iz;ksx ds fy, laEcaf/kr dy & dkj[kkus es tkuk 632 ßgtkjhckx uxjikfydk {ks= ds ......... ,oa LokLF; fLFkfrß jn~nh pquus ds dk;Z dk oxhZdj.k (Classification of Regpicking) buds dk;Z djus dh dk;Z”kSyh o rduhd ds vk/kkj ij ge fuEu izdkj ls oxhZd`r dj ldrs gSa% dk¡p dh oLrq,¡ pquuk % bl dk;Z ds vUrZxr dk¡p ls fufeZr oLrqvksa dks pqu dj ,df=r dj bUgsa dckM+h dh nqdku esa csp fn;k tkrk gSaA tSls] “kh”ks dh cksrysa ¼nok dh cksrysa] dksy&fMªUd o “kjkc dh cksrys bR;kfn½] “kh”ks ds tkj] f[kM+fd;ksa ds dk¡p bR;kfnA IykfLVd dh oLrq,¡ pquuk % blds dk;Z ds vUrZxr IykfLVd ls fufeZr oLrqvksa dks pqu dj ,df=r dj bUgsa Hkh dckM+h dh nqdku esa csp fn;k tkrk gSaA tSls] IykfLVd dh cksrysa ¼nok dh cksrysa] dksy fMªUd o “kjkc dh cksrysa½] IykfLVd <+Ddu] VwVs&QwVs tkj] IykfLVd ds fMCcs] IykfLVd ds f[kykSus bR;kfnA doj o FkSys pquuk % bl dk;Z ds vUrZxr nw/k o ngh ds IykfLVd FkSys] ,yqfefu;e ds doj] dkxt ds FkSys vkfn dks pqu dj ,df=r fd;k tkrk gSaA bu ,df=r FkSykas dks vyx dj bUgsa Hkh dckM+h dh nqdku esa csp fn;k tkrk gSaA /kkrq ls cuh oLrq,¡ pquuk % bl dk;Z ds nkSjku lekU;r % nks rjg ds /kkrqvkas dks pqu dj ,df=r fd;k tkrk gSa igyk] ykSgs /kkrq ftlesa ykSgs ds NM+] ykSg&“khV ds VqdM+s] VwVs&QwVs QuhZpj vkfn vkrs gSaA nwljs esa fVu /kkrq ls cuh oLrq;as tSls fd fVu dk MCck] fVu ds VqdM+s] <+Ddu vkfnA dHkh&dHkh blds vykok vU; /kkrqvksa tSls ,yqfefu;e] rk¡ck] ihry vkfn ds VqdM+s Hkh ,df=r fd;s tkrs gSaA bu ,df=r /kkrqvkas dks vyx dj bUgsa Hkh dckM+h dh nqdku esa csp fn;k tkrk gSA fdrkcsa pquuk % bl dk;Z ds nkSjku ikB~;dze ls lecaf/kr iqLrdsa] if=dkvksa vkfn dks ,df=r fd;k tkrk gSaA blds ckn bUgsa dckM+h nqdu esa ;k iqjkuh fdrkcksa ds dz;&fodz; okyh nqdkuksa esa csp fn;k tkrk gSaA dkxt pquuk % blds dk;Z ds vUrZxr lkns dkxt] gLrfyf[kr dkxt ds VqdM+]s dkWih ds iUus] v[kckj] dkxt ds xRrs vkfn dks pqu dj ,df=r fd;k tkrk gSA blds ckn bUgsa vyx&vyx dj dckM+h dh nqdku esa csp fn;k tkrk gSA vuqla/kku mÌs”; (Research Objectives) vuqla/kku dk eq[; mís”; fuEufyf[kr gS %& ¼1½ jn~nh pquus okys cPpksa dh lkekftd fLFkfr dk v/;;u djukA ¼2½ buesa LokLF; o LoPNrk ds izfr tkx:drk dk v/;;u djukA ¼3½ jn~nh pquus okys cPpksa dh leL;kvksa dks lekt ds lkeus ykukA ¼4½ ljdkjh ,oa xSj&ljdkjh laxBuksa dk /;ku budh vksj vkÑ’V djukA vuqla/kku dh oLrqfof/k (Research Methodology) ;g loZfofnr gS fd dksbZ Hkh v/;;u ;k “kks/k rc rd lgh ugh ekuk tkrk] tc rd mldks oSKkfud fof/k;ksa ;k i)fr;ksa }kjk u fd;k x;k gkssA bl ijEijk dks tkjh j[krs gq, “kks/kdRkkZ }kjk Hkh ekuo”kkL=h; oSKkfud i)fr;kas dk iz;ksx fd;k x;k gSA ;g v/;;u o"kZ 2009 esa vDVwcj ls fnlEcj ekg ds nkSjku >kj[k.M ds gtkjhckx ftys ds uxjikfydk {ks= ds vUrZxr vkusokys fofHk™k okMksZ esa jn~nh pquus okys cPpksa ij vk/kkfjr gSa] ftleas ik¡p o’kZ ls ysdj ckjg o’kZ rd ds yM+ds o yM+fd;ks dks “kkfey fd;k x;kA bu okMksZ ds pquko ds ihNs eq[; dkj.k Fkk fd gtkjhckx {ks= esa vif”k"V inkFkksZ ¼dpM+k pquus okys½ tks[ku “kekZ 633 ds laxgz .k dk;Z es yxs cPpsa ;gk¡ fuokl djus okyh nks tkfr;ksa ls lEcaf/kr ik;s x;s gS( igyk jfonkl tkfr rFkk nwljk HkqbZ;k¡ tkfr gSaA blds ckn bl “kks/kdk;Z ls lEcaf/kr iz”uksa dh lgk;rk ls bu jn~nh pquus okys cPpksa dk lk{kkRdkj fy;k x;k] ftlesa buds thou “kSyh] LokLF;] lkekftd&vkfFkZd xfrfof/k;ksa ls lEcaf/kr dqN iz”u “kkfey fd;s x;s rFkk blds lkFk&lkFk gh rF; ladyu ds fy, izkFkfed rFkk vU; lzkrs ksa dh lgk;rk yh xbZA voyksdu ds ek/;e ls buds vkl&ikl ds dk;Z LFkykas tSls pkSd&pkSjkgs ij ,df=r dwM+k&dpM+k ds LFkku] dwMns+ ku] xanh ukfy;ksa vkfn txgksa ls bUgsa dwMk+ pqurss ns[k buds dk;Z izdf` r dks voyksfdr fd;k x;kA bu cPpksa ds ek/;e ls bl {ks= ds jn~nh pquus okys ds lkekftd&LokLF; fLFkfr dk v/;;u fd;k x;kA lekftd fLFkfr dk lw{e v/;;u djus ds fy, dqN rF;kas dks v/kkj cuk;k x;k ftleas ize[q k gS % lkekftd fLFkrh] ikfjokfjd o iSrd ` fLFkjrk] lk{kjrk Lrj] ekrk&firk dh vk; dk lk/ku] jsx&fidlZ dh nSfud vk;] ,oa budh ifjokj eas Hkkxhnkjh vkfnA bl v/;;u esa “kks/kdÙkkZ us gtkjhckx {ks= ds jn~nh pquus okys cPpksa ds LokLF; dh fLFkfr ds v/;;u ds fy, ftu&ftu rŸoksa dks vk/kkj cuk;k x;k] mlesa izeq[k gS( dk;Z&LFky dh izÑfr] dwMk+&dpMk+ pqurs oDr cjrh xbZ lko/kkfu;k¡] “kjhj ij oL=ks dk gksuk jÌnh pqurs le; MaMs dk iz;ksx vFkok uaxs gkFk dk iz;ksx ,oa dk;Z djus dh vof/k vkfnA mijksDr rŸoksa ds vykok “kjhj dh LoPNrk lacaf/kr rRoksa ftlesa gkFk fd lQkbZ] ugkuk] cz'k djuk] cky l¡okjuk] 'kjhj esa rsy yxkuk vkfn dk v/;;u dj buds LoPNrk lac/a kh fLFkfr dk irk yxk;k x;kA blds vykok bu cPpksa eas LokLF; ,ao LoPNrk ds izfr tkx:drk dh deh dk v/;;u Hkh fd;k x;kA ifj.kke ,oa ppkZ (Results and Discussion) orZeku v/;;u ds vk/kkj ij ;s rF; mHkj dj lkeus vkrs gSa] fd gtkjhckx uxjikfydk {ks= esa jn~nh pquus ds dk;Z djus okys cPps ns”k ds vU; {ks= ds jn~nh pquus okys cPpks ls vyx Lo:i viuk;s gq, gSa ¼flUgk] 1991½A lekU;r% jn~nh pquus dk dk;Z djus ds ihNs tks dkjd mŸkjnk;h gSa] muesa ls vf/kdka”k dkjd bl {ks= ds jn~nh pquus okys ds fy, lVhd ugha cSBa rsA ns”k ds vU; “kgjksa esa jn~nh pquus ds dk;Z esa yxs cPpsa vkl&ikl ds xzkeh.k {ks=ksa ls izokflr gq, gksrs gSa ;k oSls vukFk cPpsa gksrs gSa] tks viuh vkthfodk pykus ds fy, bls dk;Z es yxs gq, gksrs gSa ¼flUgk] 1991½A ijUrq gtkjhckx {ks= es bl dk;Z esa yxs vukFk cPpksa dh la[;k de ik;h x;h]tcfd vf/kdka”k cPpksa dh iSr`d fLFkjrk lkekU; ik;h xbZ gSa A nwljs “kCnksa esa ;g dgk tk ldrk gSa fd v/;;u {ks= ds jn~nh pquus okys cPps u rks vkl&ikl ds xzkeh.k {ks=ksa ls izokflr gq, gSa] u budh iSr`d fLFkjrk gh vis{kkd`r nS;uh; gSaA v/;;u ds vuqlkj ;gk¡ ds jn~nh pquus okys cPps lHkh leqnk; o tkfr ls lEcaf/kr ugha ik;s x,A bl {ks= esa flQZ nks gh leqnk; ¼HkqbZ;k¡ o jfonkl½ ds cPps dpM+k pquus dk dk;Z djrs gSaA v/;;u {ks= eas ;g ik;k x;k fd nksuksa tkfr;ks esa bl dk;Z dks ysdj vyx :i ns[kus dks feykA tgk¡ jfonkl vuwlqfpr tkfr esa yM+ds jn~nh pquus dk dk;Z djrs gS] ogh HkqbZ;k¡ vuwlqfpr tkfr eas yM+fd;ks dks jn~nh pquus dk dk;Z djrs ns[kk x;kA jfonkl lekt esa yM+fd;k¡ bl dk;Z dks ugha djrh oks ?kjsyw dk;Z djus rd gh lhfer gSa ]tcfd blh leqnk; fd vkSjrs dpM+k pquus dk dk;Z djrh gSAa Hkqb;Z k¡ lekt es yM+ds vuqfpr xfrfof/k;ksa es izk;% “kkfey jgrs gaAS Hkqb;Z k¡ lektksa es yM+fd;ksa }kjk bl dk;Z dks djkus ds ihNs ;g rdZ fn;k tkrk gS fd yM+fd;k¡] yM+dksa dh rjg xyr o vkokjk fdLe dh xfrfof/k;ksa es “kkfey ugha gksrh rFkk vius izR;sd fnu dh vk; dks vius ifjokj dh vk; ds lkFk lEefyr djrh gaSA 634 ßgtkjhckx uxjikfydk {ks= ds ......... ,oa LokLF; fLFkfrß v/;;u dk;Z esa lEefyr jn~nh pquus okys cPpksa dh ifjokfjd fLFkfr ds v/;;u ls ;g irk yxrk gSa fd] bl dk;Z eas yxs vf/kdk”ka cPps ,dy ifjokj ls lacaf/kr gSa ftuds ekrk&firk thfor gSa rFkk lkFk eas jgrs gSaA blds vykok dqN ,sls cPps Hkh ik;s x, tks ifjokj foghu gSA bl v/;;u ds nkSjku bu cPpksa dh ifjokfjd fLFkjrk cgqr vge Hkwfedk fuHkkrh gS] D;ksafd ,sls cPpks dh la[;k vf/kd gSa tks fd ,dy ifjokj ds vUraxZr vkrs gSaA bldk vFkZ ;g gqvk fd ifjokj dk cMk+ gksuk bldk eq[; dkj.k ugha gS] D;kafs d vf/kdka”k cPps ,sls ifjokj ls lEcaf/kr gS ftuds lnL;ksa dh l[;k ik¡p rd gSA bl v/;;u ds nkSjku ;g ik;k x;k fd 8&12 o’kZ dh vk;q oxZ ds cPpksa dh la[;k T;knk gS]a gkyk¡fd buesa esa T;knkrj cPpsa 5&6 o"kZ dh vk;q esa gh jsx&fidj dk dk;Z djus yxs gSaA orZeku v/;;u ds vk/kkj ij ;g ckr mHkj dj lkeus vkrh gSa fd] {ks= ds vf/kdka”k jn~nh pquus okys cPpksa dh dk;Z dh vof/k rhu ls pkj ?k.Vs rd gh lhfer jgrk gSAa blds ckn dk le; Ldwy tkus ,oa [ksyus eas O;rhr djrs gSaA vf/kdka”k cPpksa ds nSafud dk;ksZ es Ldwy tkuk dksbZ vfuok;Z dk;Z ugha gSaA blds ckjs es iwNus ij budk rdZ Fkk fd ^Ldwy esa i<+kbZ ugha gksrh gSa*A nwljs “kCnksa esa ;g dg ldrs gSa fd Ldwy dh f“k{kk ,oa ekgkSy bu cPpksa dks izHkkfor ugha dj ik jgh ftl dkj.k budh :fp i<+us esa ugha gSaA cPpksa dks de mez esa gh bl dk;Z dks djuk mudh ifjokj dh vkfFkZd fLFkfr dks n”kkZrk gSA ifjokj dh fuEu vkfFkZd fLFkfr ds dkj.k gh bu ifjokjks ds cPps bu dk;Z dks djrs gSA ifjokj dh vkfFkZd fLFkfr dk fo”ys’k.k djus ij ;g ik;k x;k fd] bu cPpksa dk bl dk;Z ls tqM+uk fuf”pr gh muds ekrk&firk dh detksj vkfFkZd fLFkfr dks n”kkZrk gSA bl v/;;u esa lEefyr lHkh cPpksa ds ekrk&firk fngkjh etnwjh] fjD'kk pkyu] eksph dk dke] dwM+k&dpMk+ pquuk rFkk vkl&ikl ds ?kjksa es ?kjsyq dk;Z djuk vkfn dk;Z djrs gSaA de vk; gksus ds dkj.k buds ifjokj ds lnL;ksa dk ikyu&iks’k.k lgh <ax ls ugh gks ikrkA buds cPps dwMk+&dpMk+ pquus] gksVyksa esa crZu /kksus] xSjkt Jfed vkfn tSls dk;Z djrs gSA jn~nh pquus okys ¼jsx fidlZ½ cPpksa dh vk; vf/kdka”k cPps izR;sd fnu 4&5 ?kaVs lqcg “kgj ds fHkUu&fHkUu bykdks esa fLFkr dqM+snkuks o vLFkkbZ :i ls tek dwMk+&dpM+k ls cksrys] “kh”k]s fVus] jÌÌh dkxt vkfn bdêBk dj NksVs dckM+h dh nqdku es csprss gaS ftlls bu cPpks dh vkSlru vk; 10&20 :i;k izfrfnu gSA v/;;u esa lfEefyr 80 izfr”kr yM+ds viuh nSfud vk; ?kj esa u nsdj Loa; ij [kpZ djrsa gSaA bu yM+dks esa ;g izo`fr ;g n”kkZrh gSa fd] ;s cPps ifjokj ds fuEu Lrjh; vkfFkZd fLFfr ij cks> ughs cuuk pkgrs gSaA tgk¡ de mez ds NksVs cPpsa bl dk;Z ls izkIr vk; dks nqdkuks ls [kk|&i}kFkZ ¼leksls] dpkSM+h] pkV] pkWdysV vkfn ½ [kjhn dj [kkus esa O;;djrs gSa] oghs fd”kksj mez ds yM+ds nqdkuks ls [kk|&i}kFkZ [kjhn dj [kkus ds vykok iku&e”kkyk] “kjkc ,oa /kqeziku dk lsou djrs gSaA bldk dkj.k ij ikfjokfjd fu;a=.k u gksuk gSaA blds lkFk&lkFk gh f”k{kk dh deh ds dkj.k Hkh budh ekufldrk mUur ugha gks ikrh gSa] ,oa fd”kksjkoLFkk esa gh xyr laxr esa iM+ tkrs gSaA blds QyLo:i ;g cky vijk/k ,oa LokLF; lEca f /kr leL;k ls xz f lr gks tkrs gS a A v/;;u ds nkSjku ,sls vusd cPpksa ds ekrk&firk ls muds cPpksa ds bl dk;ksZ esa lafayIrrk ds ckjs esa iwNk x;kA 90 izfr'kr ekrk&firk bl ckr dks Lohdkjrs gaS] fd muds cPps bl dk;Z dks djrs gSA ysfdu ;g iwNus ij fd D;k muds cPps viuh vk; ?kj esa nsrs gS \ tckc pfdr djus okyk Fkk] dpM+k pquus okys yM+dks ds ekrk&firk dk dguk Fkk fd muds cPps viuh vk; ?kj esa ugha nsrs] flQZ jn~nh pquus okyh yM+dh;ksa ds ekrk&firk ;g Lohdkj djrs gS dh os viuh vk; ?kj eas nsrh gSaA tks[ku “kekZ 635 jn~nh pquus okyh yM+fd;ksa dh ifjokj es Hkkxhnkjh v/;;u ds nkSjku ;g ns[kk x;k dh yMfd;ksa dks “kkjhfjd Je yM+dks ds eqdkcys T;knk djuk iM+rk gSa] D;ksafd yM+dks dk dk;ZHkkj dpM+k pquus rd gh lhfer jgrk gS] tcfd yM+fd;ks dks bl dk;Z ds vfrfjDr ?kjsyw dk;ksZ esa Hkh lg;ksx djuk iM+rk gSaA bl dkj.k bl dk;Z esa yxh yM+fd;ksa dk leqfpr fodkl ugha gks ikrk gSaA lHkh yM+fd;k¡ viuh dqy vk; fd jkf”k viuh ek¡ dks nsrh gSa] yM+dks eas ;g izo`fr flQZ dqN gh cPpksa esa ikbZ xbZA buls ;g irk pyrk gS dh yM+fd;k¡ vius ifjokj ds ikyu&iks’k.k es enn djrh gSA bldk dkj.k gS yM+fd;ksa esa yM+dks dh rjg u”kk o cqjh vknrksa dk u gksukA blds foijhr yM+ds cgqr de gh iSls ?kj eas ekrk&firk dks nsrs gS] budk dkj.k bu cPpksa esa cqjh vknrksa tSls] xqVdk] flxjsV u”kk djuk] o tqvk [ksyuk vkfn dk gksuk gSA LokLF; o LoPNrk v/;;u es ik;k x;k dh jn~nh pquus ds dk;Z es yxs cPpksa dh dk;Z LFky dh izd`fr o okrkoj.k dkQh Hk;kog gSA dwMk+&dpM+k pqurs le; iSjkas esa tqrs ;k pIiy igus gq, cPpksa dh izfr”kr la[;k cgqr de ns[kus dks feyhA vf/kdka”k cPpsa uaxs iSj bl dk;Z dks dj jgs FksA bu cPpksa ls dk;Z LFky ij lk{kkRdkj ds ek/;e ls iw¡Nus ij fd mUgsa uaxs iSj dk;Z djus eas fnDdr ;k Hk; ugha yxrk] rks vf/kdka”k cPpksa dk dguk Fkk fd Mj rks yxrk gS ij pIiy [kjhnus ds fy, iSlk ugha gaS] dqN dk tckc Fkk] Mj ugha yxrk gSaA dwMk+&dpMk+ pqurs le; lko/kkfu;k¡ ugh cjrus ds dkj.k bl {ks=ks ds jn~nh pquus okys cPpksa es [kk¡lh] fljnnZ] cq[kkj] Ropk laØe.k jksx] lkal dh laeL;k] isV es nnZ] tksM+ dk nnZ] RoPkk dk dVuk@fNyuk] vkfn jksx izk;% ns[kus dks feyk gSAa mijksDr chekfj;ksa eas lcls T;knk Ropk dk dVuk o fNyuk “kkfey gS] tks fd 80 izfr'kr gSA ftlls ;g lkQ irk pyrk gS fd dk;Z ds nkSjku lko/kkfu;k¡ ugh cjrh tkrh gSaA blds ckn flj o isV nnZ ik;k x;k tks fd 68 izfr'kr gSA rhljs LFkku ij 52 izfr'kr ds lkFk [kk¡lh dk ik;k tkuk “kkfey gSaA budk ,d cM+k dkj.k bu cPpksa ds }kjk dk;Z LFky ij dk;Z ds nkSjku u cjrh xbZ lko/kkfu;k¡ gSA ;s cPps u¡xs&ik¡o] [kqyk&cnu] jÌÌh pquus oDr ydM+h dk iz;ksx u djuk vkfn dk;Z djrs ik;s x,A bu vlko/kkfu;ksa ds cjrusa ds ifj.kkeLo:i vkxs pydj gsisVkbfVl] fVVusl ,oa “okl fd vusd xEHkhj fcekfj;k¡ ls ;s xzflr gks ldrs gSaA v/;;u esa ;g ik;k x;k fd cPpksa esa vius “kkjhfjd LokLF; o LoPNrk ds izfr mnklhurk ikbZ xbZ dqN ewyHkwr rÙoksa tSls ugkuk] cz”k djuk] cky lok¡juk] “kjhj esa rsy yxkuk] “kkSp ds ckn gkFk lkQ djuk vkfn ds fo’k; esa tkx:drk dh deh ns[kh xbZA ftl dkj.k bueas [kqtyh] ckykas esa :lh gksuk] Ropk laca/kh fcekjh;ks ls ges”kk xzflr jgrs gSA yM+fd;ks ds ckykas esa :lh dh leL;k lcls T;knk gSaA v/;;u ds nkSjku ;g ik;k x;k fd izfrfnu Luku djus okys cPpksa fd la[;k de FkhA blh izdkj cz”k djus ds ewyHkwr rRoksa dks ns[ksa rks 50 izfr”kr cPps gh izR;sd fnu cz”k djrs gSaA ,sls cPps Hkh ik;s x, tks 2&3 fnu eas ,d ckj cz”k djrs gSA bu cPpksa eas isV nnZ dk ;g Hkh ,d dkj.k gks ldrk gSA bl v/;;u ds nkSjku “kgj ds dqN izeq[k cqf)thoh O;fDr;ksa ds lk{kkRdkj ds vk/kkj ij ;g dgk tk ldrk gS fd bu jn~nh pquus okys cPpksa ds bl dk;Z dh vksj tkus ds fy, cgqr gn rd buds ifjokj dh n;uh; vkfFkZd fLFkfr ftEesnkj gSA bldk vU; dkj.k bu leqnk;ksa dh lkekftd&lkaLd`frd ifjos”k Hkh “kkfey gSa] D;kasfd bu leqnk;ksa ¼Hkqb;k¡ o jfonkl½ esa e|iku fd oLrqvksa dk lsou dkQh T;knk izpfyr gSA bl dkj.k ifjokj es vk;s fnu vkilh dyg Hkh ns[kus dks feyrh gSA “kjkc ds u”ks esa vk;s fnu vius ifjokj esa xkyh&xykSt djuk ,oa iRuh&cPpksa dks ekjuk vkfn lekU; ckrs gS a A bl dkj.k buds cPps dk lkekftd fodkl lgh <+ x ls ugha gks ikrk jgk gS a A 636 ßgtkjhckx uxjikfydk {ks= ds ......... ,oa LokLF; fLFkfrß v/;u esa lfEefyr cPpksa ds ifjokj ds lnL;ksa esa f”k{kk ,oa tkx:drk dh deh lcls T;knk ns[kus dks feyhA bl ds dkj.k budh ekufldrk mUur ugha gks ikbZ gSaA budk dguk gSa fd Þog fuEu tkfr ls lacaf/kr gSa] rks bl dk;Z dks djus esa dksbZ cqjkbZ ugh gSaAß dpM+k pquuk “kgjh vukSipkfjd :i ls lcls fuEu “kgjh vkfFkZd xkfrfof/k;ks esa ls ,d gSA lk{kjrk o tkx:drk dh deh ds dkj.k ;g dksbZ laxBu ;k la?k ugh cuk ikrsA ;s iwjh rjg ls vlaxfBr ik;s x;s gSaA ;g ?kqearw dk;Z izd`fr dk ikyu djrs gSa] budk dk;Z LFky ,d txg ugh gksrkA tks[ku “kekZ ¼4½ bu cPpksa esa dk;Z LFky ,oa bl nkSjku cjrus okyh lko/kkfu;ksa ds ckjs esa tkx:drk ykbZ tkuh pkfg,A ¼5½ LokLF;] ns[kHkky] f”k{kk] _.k] ukxfjd lqfo/kk,¡ iznku djus okys laLFkkxr izko/kkuks rd ;s yksx ugha igq¡p ikrs gS] ;k igq¡p ikrs Hkh gS rks budh la[;k u ds cjkcj gksrh gSaA ges ;g iz;kl djuk pkfg, fd vU; nwljs lewgksa dks feyus okyh lkjh lqfo/kk,¡ bUgsa Hkh izkIr gksA ¼7½ {ks= ds ljdkjh ,oa xSj&ljdkjh laxBuks ds ek/;e ls ,d Þcpr [kkrkß [kksyk tk ldrk gSa] ftlesa izR;sd cPps dk vyx&vyx [kkrk [kksy dj muds izfrfnu gksus okys vk; dks lafpr dj mlds Hkfo"; dks lqjf{kr fd;k ldsA ¼8½ vU; lH; lektksa ds yksxksa dk buds izfr ns[kus dk utfj;k cnyuk pkfg,A blds fy, bu lH; lektksa es Hkh tkx:drk ykus dh t:jr gSa] rkfd ;s gekjs lH; lekt ls tqM+ lds vkSj viuk lkekftd fodkl dj ldsA fu"d"kZ (Conclusion) geyksx vkt izR;sd fnu cPpksa ls lacaf/kr vyx&vyx psgjs dks fdlh u fdlh :i esa ns[krs jgrs gS og pkgsa gksVy o <+kcksa es dke djuk gks] fdlh xSjt s esa dke djuk ;k lM+dks ds fdukjs cwV&ikWfyl djuk gks ;k fQj dwMk+&dpM+k pquuk gksA ;g lc rHkh :dsxk tc ge bu cPpksa dks mudk lkekftd vf/kdkj nasA jn~nh pquus okys dh xfrfof/k;ksa dks “kgjh vFkZO;oLFkk esa dksbZ ekU;rk ;k lEeku ugh izkIr gksrk gSaA ;g cM+s [ksn dh ckr gS fd tks jn~nh pquus okys gekjs }kjk Qsds x;s dwM+s&dpM+s rFkk vif”k’V xanxh dks lkQ dj okrkoj.k dks LoPN j[kus esa viuk ;ksxnku nsrs gS] mUgsa gekjk lekt viekfur utjks ls ns[krk gSaA ;gk¡ ds jn~nh pquus okys ns”k dh vU; “kgjksa ds jn~nh pquus okys cPpksa ls fcydqy fHUu gaSA ;g vius ifjokj ds lkFk jgrs gaSA orZeku v/;;u ;g n”kkZrk gS fd bl dk;Z es vf/kdrj cPps ,sls “kkfey gS ftuds ekrk&firk nksuksa thfor gSaA v/;;u ds nkSjku oks cPpss vf/kd ik;s x,] ftudh iSr`d fLFkjrk vPNh FkhA vFkkZr iSr`d vfLFkjrk T;knk egRoiw.kZ ugha ik;h x;hA buesa “kkjhfjd LoPNrk ds dqN ewyHkwr rRo tSls ugkuk] cz”k djuk] cky lok¡juk] “kjhj esa rsy yxkuk] “kkSp ds ckn gkFk lkQ djuk vkfn ds fo’k; esa T;knk tkx:drk ugha gSaA orZeku v/;;u ds vk/kkj ij ;g ckr lkeus vk;h gS fd bu jsx& fidj cPpksa ds bl dk;Z djus ds ihNs ,d izeq[k dkjd bu lewgksa dh fuEu vkfFkZd o lkekftd fLFkfr gSaA buds bl fLFkrh ds ihNs buesa f”k{kk fd deh ,oa csjkstxkjh fd leL;k dk gksukA bu lewgksa ds vf/kdka”k o;Ld yksxksa eas ;g ns[kk x;k gS fd etnwjh esa izkIr vk; dk vf/kdka”k Hkkx og “kjkc ihus esa [kpZ dj nsrs gSaA bl {ks= esa jsx&fidlZ dh lkekftd] vkfFkZd fLFkfr dgha u dgha buds fuEu tkrh; lkekftd lajpuk ,oa fuEu vkfFkZd fLFkfr dks n”kkZrh gSaA NksVh lh mez ls bl dk;Z dks izkjEHk djuk ,oa T;knk le; rd bl dk;Z esa fyIr jgus ls budk “kkjhfjd] ckSf}d fodkl lgh fn”kk esa ugha gks ikrkA O;fDr dh lkekftd l{kerk vkSj fodkl ds lanHkZ eas mudk lkekftd] LokLF;] fodkl dk ,dhd`r vax gSaA ,d LoLF; lekt dh ifjdYiuk rHkh iwjh gks ldrh gS tc izR;sd O;fDr “kkjhfjd] ekufld] ckSf}d ,oa vkfFkZd :i ls LoLF; gksA ;g jn~nh pquus okys dfBu esgur djrs gSaA geyksxksa dks budh yxu o esgur dk lEeku djuk pkfg, vkS j budh ew y Hkw r vko”;drkvks a dh iw f rZ ds fy;s iz ; Ru djuk pkfg,A lq>ko 637 vkHkkj % loZiFz ke “kks/kdŸkkZ Mkå “ks[k vCcnqy vtht lkgsc] v/kh{k.k ekuofoKkuh ¼C½] Hkkjrh; ekuofoKku losZ{k.k] mŸkj&if”pe {ks=h; dsUnz] nsgjknwu dk vkHkkj izdV djuk pkg¡rk gq¡] ftUgksaus ;g “kks/k iz= dks /;ku iwoZd i<+dj vius lq>koksa vkSj vuojr lg;ksx ls eq>s izsfjr fd;kA rRi”p;kr mu lHkh jn~nh pquus okys cPps ,oa muds ifjokj ds lnL;ksa dk vkHkkj izdV djrk gSa] ftUgksusa “kks/kdk;Z esa nkSjku lnSo ldkjkRed O;ogkj ,oa lg;ksx iznku fd;kA lkFk gh lkFk os lHkh yksx tks ijks{k o vijks{k :i ls bl “kks/kdk;Z dks laiw.kZ djus esa le;≤ ij viuk lg;ksx iznku fd;sA lanHkZ (References) ¼1½ gÍu] tså ,pŒ 1946 % dkLV bu bafM;k] yanu] vkWDlQksMZ ;wfuoflZVh izl s ] i`ŒlaŒ 195A ¼2½ vEcsM+dj] chŒ vkjŒ 1948 % vuVpscYl % gw vkj ns ,M+ OgkbZ ns fcdse vuVpscy] U;w nsgyh] ve`r cqd daŒA ¼3½ esgrk ,e0 1985 % fQftdy gsYFk izksCyel vkWQ ofdZaxfpyMªsu bu% pkbYM yscj ,.M gsYFk% izkCs yel ,.M izkLs isDV bu rfeyukMq] i`Œ laŒ 138&49A ¼4½ flUgk ,l0 1991 % pkbYM yscj bu dydÙkk % , lks ” k;ks y kW f tdy LVMh] dksydrk] u;k izdk”kA ¼5½ dker ds0 ,y0 1999 % jsx fidlZ vkWQ bafM;k QLV vkWu ykbu ifCyds”ku vkWDVqcj 20A ¼6½ flag] ,s0 ds0 2005 % ikWovhZ ,aex f”kM~;wy dkLV% , dsl LVM+h vkWQ ljIyl ySaM fMLVªhC;w”ku bu mÙkj izns”k bu cqd gqeu jkbVLk ,.M izkHs kjVh bu fnYyh] vda 2] ,l0 ,u0 pkS/kjh ¼likŒ½] ubZ fnYyh] dkWulsIV ifCyŒA (Recommendations) ¼1½ bu jn~nh pquus okys cPpks ds ekrk&firk ds fy, Lojkstxkj ds volj iSnk fd;s tkus pkfg,] ftlls buds cPps bl rjg ds dk;ksZ dks u djsa vkSj budh vkfFkZd Lrj dk fodkl gksA ¼7½ enu th0 vkj0 2005 ¼2½ bu jn~nh pquus okys cPpksa esa f”k{kk ds izfr :fp tkx`r djuh pkfg,] ftlls os f”k{kk d egRo le> ldasA % fodkl ds vfHkdj.k] iqLrd ifjorZu ,ao fodkl dk lekt”kkL=] fnYyh] ¼foosd izdk”ku½A ¼8½ vofu”k] 2009 ¼3½ bu cPpksa ,oa buds ifjokjksa esa f”k{kk] LokLF; 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Survey of India, 61(2) & 62(1) : (639-649), 2012-2013 Prameha and its Ancient Ayurvedic Medicine in India Pulakes Purkait1, Dr. Moumita Bhattacharya2 ABSTRACT Diabetes is a most common metabolic disorder in India affecting more than 30 million people with type 2diabetes. Ayurveda is a holistic health care system of medicine, which is more than 5000 years old and it describes Diabetes under the heading Prameha. Plant active principles have been used to treat Prameha from ancient time under the Ayurvedic medication. Ayurvedic medicines are personalized for individual patient. It offers natural ways to treat disease and promote health. It uses herbs, diet, massage and lifestyle changes to achieve a balance between body, mind and spirit. In this review we have discussed about the Ayurvedic classification of Prameha, its complications and focused on the role of ancient medicines along with their key constituents, which are the main source of modern medicine. Further this review points out the ignorance of fundamental Indian medication system which is being masked by the modernized human culture increasing higher risk factor of side effects. INTRODUCTION Ayurveda is a holistic health care system of medicine originated in ancient Vedic civilization of India, which is more than 5000 years old. The word `Ayur-Veda' is derived from two Sanskrit roots: "Ayus" meaning life and "Veda" meaning knowledge or science. Ayurveda is, therefore, translated as "science of life". Ayurveda is based on the inter dependence of man and nature. Every living and non-living things are mutually interlinked. Major Ayurvedic texts are CHARAKA and SUSRUTA. Two other major contributors were VAGHBATA and NAGARJUNA. The core principles of Ayurvedic philosophy revolve around three important factors (doshas) of life, viz. Vata (Wind) Pitta (Fire) and Kapha (Earth) which are called Tridoshas. These are prime movers of the body. All of us have a unique mix of the three which accounts for our basic nature. At molecular 1Anthropological Survey of India, Western Regional Centre, Udaipur, India; 2The Asiatic Society, Kolkata, India 640 levels, Kapha represents nutritious regimens and may be either of dietary origin or nutritious substances at systemic and tissue level. Pitta designates factors responsible for digestion, absorption, and metabolism of nutritious substances at any level of physiological processes and may be regarded as enzymatic activities, etc. Vata represents processes like respiration, oxygen (vayu) responsible for combustion/burning of nutritious substances during metabolic activities to release and mobilize energy. Usually one of the elements would be the dominant one, which would also be our disposition [1]. The knowledge of Diabetes has been existent in India since Vedic age in mythological form where it is said that the origin of diabetes takes place by eating Havisya (Charaka samhita nidanasthana1). Ayurveda is described Diabetes under the heading `Prameha' and clinical picture is similar to `Madhumeha', which means honey like urine or sweet urine, similarly Diabetes is a Latin word which also means honey like sweet urine [2]. = Balance < THRIDOSHA >Imbalance = DISORDER KAPHA: Nutrition PITTA: Digestion or Metabolism VATA: Respiration / Energy production This basic principle of Ayurvedic philosophy that Kapha, Pitta and Vata are the important factor of life, which appropriate balance leads to a healthy life and their inappropriate distribution causes imbalance in physiological or biochemical process that lead to different disorder or diseases. Table 2: Characteristics of three Doshas Attributes Vata Pitta Kapha Represents the element Air Space (ether) Fire Water Earth Water Dry/Cold Light body type Quick/Energetic Cell division Hot/Moist Perfectionistic Sharp/Intelligent Steady/Calm Heavier body type Strong/Loyal Heart Breathing Waste products Mind Digestion Temperature Hormones Structure Growth Storage Imagination Resilience Decision making Intelligence Confidence Enterprise Memory Qualities Body process Major mental functions Table 3: Ayurvedic Body Types and Characteristics Ayurvedic Body Types Physical Characteristics Emotional Characteristics Table 1: Basic principle of Ayurvedic Philosophy HEALTH 641 Pulakes Purkait, Dr. Moumita Bhattacharya Prameha and its Ancient Ayurvedic Medicine in India Behavioral Characteristics Vata Pitta Kapha Thin. Prominent features Cool Dry skin Constipation Cramps Average build Fair, thin hair Warm, moist skin. Ulcers, heartburn, and hemorrhoids. Acne Large build. Wavy, thick hair. Pale, cool, oily skin. Obesity, allergies, and sinus problems. High cholesterol. Moody Vivacious Imaginative Enthusiastic Intuitive Intense Quick tempered Intelligent Loving Articulate Relaxed, Not easily angered. Affectionate Tolerant Compassionate Unscheduled sleep and meal times Nervous disorders Anxiety Orderly Structured sleep and meal times. Perfectionist. Slow, graceful. Long sleeper and slow eater. Procrastination. The word Prameha is derived from the "Miha sechane" which means watering. `Pra' means excess of urine in both quality and frequency. Prameha, thus, becomes selfexplanatory and holds the twin meanings of "Prabhutha mutratha" or excessive urination and "Avilmutratha " or turbid urine. Ayurveda have described that, when a hungry person takes the food containing all six tastes i.e. sweet (madhura), sour (amla), salty (lavana), bitter (tikta), pungent (katu) and astringent (kasaya), only one taste i.e. sweet is predominant and it can increase kapha & medas (fat) and cause prameha. “Navannapanam Gudavaikritamcha Pramehahetu Kaphakriccha Sarvam” (Ch. Chi. 6) That means excess of newly harvested food grains, jiggery preparations and factors responsible for elevation of Kapha, may contribute to the development of diabetes [2]. “Divaswapanam Vyayamalasya Prasaktam, Sheetasnigdha, Madhurdrvyapanasevinam Purusam Janeeyat Pramehi Bhavishyteeta” (Su. Ni.6) Day time sleeping; lack of exercise and laziness; too much of cold, sweet, lipidemic and alchoholic foods and beverages as the causative factors for development of diabetes later in life [2]. "Asyasukham-Swapnasukham dadhini Gramyaudakanuparasah payamsi Navannapanam gudavaikritamcha pramehahetuh kaphakricca sarvam" – 4th shloka/6th chapter Chikitsa sthana: Charaka Samhita 642 Pulakes Purkait, Dr. Moumita Bhattacharya Prameha and its Ancient Ayurvedic Medicine in India Asyasukha means happiness of tongue, eating food which is sweet, salt, sour in taste. Swapnasukha means sleeping in the day for more than 30 min and sleeping more at night. it also means not living an active life with good amount of exercise & sports. VARGIKARAN / CLASSIFICATION OF PRAMEHA [3,4,5,6] 643 (4 varieties) get manifested depending on the basic constitution on the patient, indulgence of verities of causative factors enlisted & type of tissues effected among the following Medas (Adipose), Vasaa (fat), Rakta (blood cells), Shukra (spermatozoa), Ambu (cytoplasm), Lasika (protoplasm), Majja (bone marrow), Rasa (lymph), Pisita (muscle), Ojas (geneproteins/factors responsible for immunity)[7]. In Ayurveda texts (Charaka Samhita, Sushruta Samhita, Astanga Sangraha & Hrudaya, Hareeta Samhita) Diabetes (Prameha) has been described in three major categories (A) HETU BHEDAS, (B) DEHA PRAKRITI BHEDAS and (C) MUTRA BIKARA BHEDAS. All categories divided in different sub group: 1. Kaphaja : Kapha causes pramehas by affecting Medas thus altering lipid metabolism, muscles and body fluid situated in urinary bladder. Types of kapha are as follows: i. UDAKAMEHA (Chronic nephritis): Watery urine or Clear urine in larger quantity without odor; patient feels cold sensation while passing urine. (A) HETU BHEDAS (Etiological classification) ii. 1. Sahaja/Jatah prameha (Hereditary): IKSHUVALIKAMEHA (Alimentary glycosuria): Like sugar cane or Very sweet urine, cool, slightly viscid, turbid due to slimy substances. iii. SANDRAMEHA (Phosphaturia): Viscous urine or If urine is kept overnight, precipitate is present in the container. iv. SANDRAPRASADAMEHA: Having solid precipitate or Sandraprasadmeha means a portion of the urine is turbid and a portion is clean like Sura (undistilled alcohol). Described as Surameha in Sushruta and Ashtanga Hridaya [8] . v. SHUKLAMEHA (Chyleuria, albuminuria): Urine is white and appears as if it is mixed with flour (paste). While passing urine the patient feels erection of body hairs. According to Charaka the congenital case of Prameha or one inheriting the disease from his Diabetic Parents is incurable because of genetic factor. Whatever diseases are familial are said to be incurable [ch chi: 6:57]. vi. SUKRAMEHA (Spermaturia): Urine with semen or Patient passes urine similar to quality of semen or semen itself may be mixed with urine. vii. SITAMEHA: Cold urine or Urine is very sweet and abundant, with low temperature. Apathyanimittaja (Acquired): viii. Improper dietary habits and unwholesome lifestyle is mostly seen in obese individuals. It is quite similar to type 2 diabetes, and also known as adult onset diabetes or non insulin-dependent diabetes mellitus. SAINYAMEHA: Delayed and very slow impulse of urination and patient feels difficulty in passing urine. ix. LALAMEHA (Albuminaria): Saliva-like urine or Urine is turbid and slimy; it is sticky and threads may be demonstrated like gum. DEHA PRAKRITI (As per features of the body or Physique) x. According to Charaka samhita the two types of prameha patients on the basis of their physique or body constitution are - SIKTAMEHA (LITHURIA): Urine with gravels or Patient passes small particles like sand in the urine. 2. Sthula pramehi: This category refers as Obese diabetic patients and similar to the patients with type 2 diabetes. Pittaja: Pitta aggravated by hot things causes the same by affecting medas, muscles and body fluid situated in urinary bladder. They are of 6 types- i. Krisha pramehi: this category refers to Asthenic diabetic patients, like a lean person and corresponds to patients with type 1 diabetes. KSARAMEHA (Alkanuria) : Urine like alkali (ash) solution in smell, color and touch ii. KAALAMEHA (Indikanuria) : Black urine iii. NILAMEHA (Indikanuria) : Blue urine ‘Sarva yeva pramehastu kalenapratikarinah madhumehatvamayanti Tada asadhyabhavanti hi’ (su. Ni.6) [2] iv. HARIDRAMEHA (Biluria): Turmeric-like urine or Urine is yellow like the color of turmeric, pungent, and associated with a severe burning sensation. According to Sushruta Samhita as well as ayurvedic literature Prameha (Diabetes) has been classified into 20 types depending on the various signs and symptoms manifested with urine. These twenty types of prameha, Kapha (10 varieties), Pitta (6 varieties), Vata v. MANJISTHAMEHA (Urobilinuria): Urine is pink like decoction of Manjishta. vi. LOHITAMEHA (Haemeturia): Urine is deep red or Urine contains blood and is salty in taste. Due to the genetic factors certain defects in the ovum and sperm results in a genetic disorder which is referred to ‘Beej Dosha’. It can be compared to type 1diabetes and mostly found in lean individuals. It is also known as Juvenile or congenital diabetes or insulin-dependent diabetes mellitus. Genetical view of prameha is clearly mentioned by Charaka samhita as specific word `Beej dosha' means a "defect in genes". Beej means seed and dosha means defect. Charaka has described anatomy of “Beej” as Semen or Sukra and “Beej bhaga” as Chromosome. 2. (B). 1. 2. (C) MUTRA BIKARA BHEDA (Doshic classification or as per urinary abnormality) 644 3. i. ii. iii. iv. Pulakes Purkait, Dr. Moumita Bhattacharya Prameha and its Ancient Ayurvedic Medicine in India Vataja: Vayu, on relative diminution of other two doshas, draws on the dhatus in urinary bladder and thus causes Prameha. Prameha caused by vata and associated with pain has blackish or reddish urine. They are of 4 typesMAJJAMEHA (Albuminuria): Urine with majja (bone marrow). VASAMEHA (Lipuria): Urine with Vasa (fat). HASTIMEHA (Prostatitis) : Urine with lasika (lymph) MADHUMEHA (Diabetes mellitus): Urine with yellowish-white in color and taste like honey. SADHYASADHYATA / PROGNOSIS Charaka had classified Prameha in three categories as per to sadyaasadhyata [ch chi : 6:57]. 1. SADHYA [Curable]: This includes Kaphaja Prameha [predominance of Kapha humor], usually due to improper life style and dietary habits, and patient is usually sthula [obese] 2. YAPYA [Controllable] : This includes Pittaja Prameha [predominance of Pitta humor] 645 2. Trishna (Thirst/Polydipsia): Excessive and frequent thirst in Ayurveda it is termed as Trishna. In the process of lipolysis, more water is utilized which results into activation of thirst center in the brain. 3. Panipada daha: Abundance of unutilized glucose in the blood. This causes disturbance in the equilibrium of dhatus and doshas in the body exposing body to further complications. It gives rise to Panipada daha, which means burning sensation of feet and palm and lower extremity paresthesias- pins and needle sensation. 4. 5. 6. 7. Unexplained weight loss Madhuratava in mutra : Glycosuria Dantadinam mala sanchaya: Due to ama, deposits are seen in mouth. Swadasyata: Sweetness is experienced in the mouth due to increase in the sugar level. According to modern medical science the clinical symptoms of diabetes are – polyuria, polydipsia, polyphagia, general debility, profuse sweating, dryness of the skin, pain in thigh/calf muscles, Weight loss due to calories lost as glucosuria, leaving a negative calorie balance, poor wound healing, gingivitis and blurred vision [9]. SADHYA YAPYA ASADHYA Prognosis Curable Controllable Difficult to manage UPADRAVA / COMPLICATION [2, 3] Complication refers as Upadrava of Prameha (diabetes) covers all the conditions, which can develop with diabetes patients. The complications related to diabetes mellitus, as described in allopathic medicine, are mentioned in Ayurveda either directly or indirectly in relation to Prameha. These include dyspepsia, diarrhea, fever, burning sensation, weakness, anorexia, indigestion, and diabetic carbuncles and abscesses (referred to in Ayurveda as Pidaka, Alji, and Vidradhi). In Charak Samhita many features of complications are described that the diseases and disorders caused by over intake of Santarpana (a highly nutritious, high-calorie diet intended to increase weight). Dosha Kaphaja Pittaja Vataja These disorders and diseases include: Etiology Acquired Acquired Hereditary 3. ASADHYA [Difficult to manage]: This includes Vattaja Prameha [predominance of Vata humor] patient is usually asthenic or lean. In this situation the disease becomes incurable. Table3. Features of Prameha according to sadyaasadhyata (prognosis) Physique/ Body constitution Obese Clinical manifestations Mild hyperglycemia, hyperglycemia Hyperinsulinemia Moderate Stage of disease process Early/without complications Acute, young adults (i) Prameha Pidaka (carbuncles) (ii) Kustha (skin diseases) Asthenic (iii) Mutrakrichhra (urinary disorders or Nephropathy) Severe hyperglycemia (iv) Klaibya (erectile dysfunction) (v) Sthaulya (obesity) (vi) Indriya Srotasam Lepa (structural and functional impairment of the sensory organs) (vii) Siopha (generalized edema) Chronic / advanced / with complications [5,6,8] PURVARUPA / PRODROMAL SYMPTOMS According to Ayurveda Sanskrit literature and modern medicines the chief symptoms or Purvarupa of Prameha are: 1. Prabhutavilamutrata (polyuria) : Swedawaha srotoavrodha causes increased urinary out put with turbidity and increased frequency; in Ayurveda this symptom is termed as prabhootavila mootrata [increased output and frequency of turbid urine] "Prachuram varam varam va mehati mutratyagam karoti yasmin roge sa prameha" (Ma. Ni.)[2] According to Astanga Samgraha of Vagbhata describes complications for each Doshic type of Prameha separately as Kaphaja Prameha, Pittaja Prameha, and Vataja Prameha [8]. Complication of Kaphaja Prameha: This includes coryza, laziness, anorexia, indigestion, excessive salivation, vomiting, hypersomnia, and couth (while anorexia, vomiting, diarrhea, etc., denote diabetic enteropathy). Complication of Pittaja Prameha: Include hyper acidity, excessive thirst, fever, burning sensation, fainting, diarrhea, anemia, cracking of the scrotal skin, and pain in the penis and bladder region. Diabetic neuropathy is directly mentioned as a burning sensation in the body, tremors and Hastimeha (incontinence of urine). 646 Complication of Vataja Prameha: Include heaviness in the chest, excessive hunger, insomnia, tremors, pain, constipation, cough, and dyspnea. Heaviness in the chest indicates cardiac disorders, and fainting, tremors, etc., may relate to Cardiovascular and cerebral disorders. The features of nephropathy are not directly referred to in Upadrava (complications) of Prameha; these are described in detail in the 20 subtypes of MUTRA BIKARA BHEDAS (As per urinary abnormality). The presence of excessive waste products in the eyes, ears, tongue, etc., discussed as Purvarupa, indicates that these organs would become increasingly disturbed with the advancement of disease and ultimately retinopathy and other disorders could develop as a result. CHIKITSA / TREATMENT Charaka Samhita is a massive treatise on ancient Indian medicine. It contains 8 divisions (Astanga Sthanas): Sutra, Nidana, Vimana, Sarira, Endriya, Chikitsa, Kalps and SiddhaSthanas. The prameha has been described eloquently and elaborately in Charak Samhita chikistha sthana's 6th chapter, nidana sthana's 6th chapter of Shusurata samhita and Prameha nidana's 33rd chapter of Madava nidana. According to Ayurvedic point of view the basic principle or Chikitsa Sutra of prameha are Shodhana [purification] and Shamana [suppression] i. Shodhana: Shodhana or purification is generally done in obese diabetic (Sthula Pramehi) with adequate body strength and requires expertise in assessment of vitiated doshas and therapy to be applied. A Samshodana (Panchakarma like vamana (emesis), virechana (purging) and later medicines & diet to normalize the condition (antikapha) treatment. Mismanagement would lead to more harm than any good. Hence in general practice shaman Chikitsa is prevalent and popular. ii. Shaman Chikitsa: [acificatory management]: Samshamana means palliative treatment and Santarpana (antivata) treatment. The herbs used in the management of DM syndrome (Krusha Pramehi) are bitter, astringent, and pungent in Rasa [taste]. All herbs having these tastes are having some anti-diabetic quality. While treating Diabetes (prameha) herbs are used either individually or with combination of other herbs or mineral. HERBS / MEDICINE FOR PRAMEHA [10, 11, 12, 13] Ayurveda is an indigenous ethnic medical system is popular practice in the Indian subcontinent since the pre-biblical era. The system's core strength is its holistic approach to health and disease using natural remedies derived from medicinal plants and minerals. The medicines having tikta, katu, kashaya taste are generally considered good in Diabetes (prameha). There are many popular herbs with medicinal value and which still continue to be used in India. Following herbs are described in ancient as well as modern Ayurvedic texts for solution of diabetes (Prameha). The major herbs are as follows- Devdaru, Vijaysar, Jamun, Bel, Karela, Methi, Tulsi, Daruhaldi, Haldi, Sadabahar, Amla, Gurmar, Durike bel, Neem, Vjrataru, Siris, Bar, Tuvaraka, Saptrangi, Hulhul/Hurhur. Some important medicinal plants are summarized in table 4. 647 Pulakes Purkait, Dr. Moumita Bhattacharya Prameha and its Ancient Ayurvedic Medicine in India Table 4: Ancient Indian Medicinal plants, botanical name, key constituents of the used part of the plant and functions [14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19] Herb Name Botanical Name Ayurvedic Name Part Used Key Constituents Function Devadaru (Cedar, Deodar) Cedrus deodara Devadaru Bark, Wood Cedrinoside, cedrin, toxifonil, cedeodarin, dewarenol, himchalol To tackle the causes of oxidative stress (Vata, heart disease (Hrid-rog) and diabetes (Prameha) Vijaysara (Indian Kino tree) Pterocarpus masrsupium Pitasara Bark Kinotanin acid, pyrocatechin, gallic acis, resin. The bark of the tree is made into a wooden glass and the glass is termed as "The miracle cure for diabetes". Some water is kept in the wooden glass overnight and is consumed early morning by diabetes patients. Diabetes support contains extract of bark of this miracle Jamun (Black plum) Syzygium cumini Jambu Seeds Phenols, Tannings, Alkaloid (Jumbosine), Clucoside ellagic acid, resin, gallic acid, albumin, etc. The powder of the seeds of Jamun fruit is very effective in controlling sugar levels. Astringent is useful for disease caused by concessive sweetness like obestity and diabetes. Bel (Bael fruit tree) Aegle marmelos Bilwa Leaves Tanning, coumarin, umbelliferone, – and dlimonone, The leaves of Bilva are excellent for diabetes. Used to cure Vata and Kapha and also good for Heart. Karela (Bitter gourd) Memordica charanatia Karvellaka / Karavella Whole tree, pulp Alkaloid memordicine, glycosides charantin and vicine, and polypeptidep Decrease blood glucose level. Rapid protective effects against lipid per oxidation by scavenging free radicals. Reduces increased cholesterol. Reducing the risk of diabetic complications. Methi (Fenugreek) Trigonella foenum graecum Methika Seeds Moisture, protein, fibre, carbohydrates, ash, calcium, phosphorous, iron, sodium, potassium and better fixed oil, odourous oil. It is used to lower down sugar levels. as well as cholesterol levels. Tulsi (Holy Basil) Ocimum sanctum Sursa leaves Volatile oil, eugenol, methyl chavicl, methyl eugenol, caryophyllene; Flavonoids (apigenin, luteolin); Triterpene: (ursolic acid) Regular use of leaves of this plant controls blood sugar levels very effectively. It is also useful in many types of cancers, viral and bacterial infections, sore throat, cough and cold etc. Daruhaldi (Indian Barberry) Berberis aristata Daruharidra Rhizomes A yellow alkalois berberine Haldi (Turmeric) Curcuma longa Haridra Rhizomes Volatile oil 1 percent, curcumin, turmeric oil and yellow colouring matter The herb powder stimulates pancreas to pump more insulin into blood. It also helps in preventing insulin resistance among cells. It acts as a channel opener for glucose into the cells. This also purifies the blood. Purifying the blood, channel opener, helps in reducing the insulin resistance. Turmeric powder is an effective anti-allergic, anti-cancer, antiinflammatory and one of the best natural anti-diabetics. Sadabahar (Periwinkle) Catheranthus roseus/ (Vinca rosea) Svetakotajah Plant leaves Alkaloids (vincristine, vinblastine) The leaves are very useful in controlling the diabetes an anti-cancer and also beneficial for kidney. Amla (Indian Goseberry) Emblica officinalis Amlika Fruits Vitamin C, gallic acid, tannic acid, glucose, albumin, cellulose, calcium. It prevents ageing and therefore delayes theonset of complications of diabetes. Gurmar (Small Indian Ipecacuanha) Gymnema sylvestrae Madhunashini Meshshringi Leaves Gymnemic acid, resins, It controls hyperglycemia and bitter, calcium oxzalate, carbohydrat e metabolism in liver quercitol and sugar yeast. and in skeletal muscles. Durike bel Coccinia indica Bimbi Root and Fruit Cuceubirocin B It control glucose metabolism. (hypoglycemic principle) 648 Herb Name Botanical Name Neem (Margosa Tree) Azadirachta indica Veerataru Pulakes Purkait, Dr. Moumita Bhattacharya Prameha and its Ancient Ayurvedic Medicine in India Dichrostyches cinerea Siris (East Indian Walmut) Albizzia lebbeck Bar (Banyan Tree) Ayurvedic Name Nimba, Parimad Part Used Leaves Bark, Seeds Vellantaro Key Constituents Function Margosine, nimbidine, nimbine, nimbosterol, tannin, clucose, glucose, resinous principle, volatile oil and flavonoids. Detoxifier, Liver stimulant and lowers the glycosuria, prevent diabetic vasculopathies and is used to relive kapha and pitta and also burning sensation near the heart, fatigue, thirst, fever and inflammation. (-)epicatechin and its enantiomer, as a new isomer of(-)mesquitol Treating Vata (oxidative stress), Mutrkrichha (urinary problems), Trisna (polydypsea), Kapha mobilizing (e.g. antidysglycaemic) activities and diseases of sarkara (sugar). 649 Reference Boominathan R. and S. Panda, 2009. Plant Used in the Cure of Diabetes Mellitus. In P.C. Trivedi ed. Indian Medicinal Plants. Jaipur, Aavishkar Publishers, Distributor, pp74-83. Dhiman A. K. 2006. Ayurvedic Drug Plants. Delhi, Daya publishing House. Gupta K. A., Y. N. Upadhyaya, 2007. Vagobhata's Astangahridayam, Vidyotini commentary. Varanasi, Chaukhambha Prakashana. Hari Sharma, Chandola H. M., 2011. Prameha in Ayurveda: Correlation with Obesity, Metabolic Syndrome, and Diabetes Mellitus. Part 1 – Etiology, Classification, and Pathogenesis. THE JOURNAL OF ALTERNATIVE AND COMPLEMENTARY MEDICINE, Volume 17, Number 6, pp.491-496. Sirisha Fruit, Seeds Tannin, saponin and resin Antiprotozoal, hypoglycaemic, anticancerous Ficus benghalensis Vata Bark, Leaves Glycosides Ketones, sterols, ficusin and bergaptin The back is used in Ayurvedic medicine for diabetes. Glycosides have an antidiabetic activity, lowering blood sugar level. Laksham H. C. and R. K. Inchal, 2012. Indigenous Medicinal plants and their Practical Utiligy. New Delhi, New India Publishing Agency. Tuvaraka Hydnocarpus wigthiana Chalmogara, Katu Kapittha Lead seeds, fruit pulp, Glycosides, Luteolin, Flavolignams Anti-hypertiglyceridemic (anti-meha and meda) Mishra B. In: 9th ed. Bhavmishra, Bhavaprakasa Nighantu., editors. Vol. 1. Nighantu, Varanasi: Chaukhambha Sanskrit Sansthan; 1999. p.11. Saptrangi Salactia oblonga Saptrangi Stem, Root & leaves Salicinol, kotalanor, sesquiterpene, triterpenes It is used as anti-diabetic. The herb has been found to have diabetes controlling properties. It binds to intestinal enzymes alphaglucosidases that break down carbyhydrate into glucose. Shastri KN, Chaturvedi GN. 2004. Agnivesha, Charaka Samhita, Vidyotini commentary. Varanasi, India: Chaukhamba Bharati Academy. Hulhun/Hurhur Cleome Tilparni, Seeds, leaves Vitamins (A and C) Used as anti-diabetic for glucose metabolism. (Dog Mustard) gynandra Shastri A. Susruta Samhita, 2003. Ayurveda-Tattva-Samdipika commentary, 14th ed. Varanasi, India: Chaukhambha Publications. Suriyabhakt, Ajagandha and minerals (Calcium and Iron) Conclusion Ayurvedic medicine focuses on each patient as an individual. It offers natural ways to treat disease and promote health. In order to understand ayurvedic medicine, it important to learn about its three main ideas, i.e. universal interconnectiveness, prakriti (body's constitution) and doshas (life forces). Ayurvedic medicine uses herbs, diet, massage and lifestyle changes to achieve a balance between body, mind and spirit. Thus Ayurvedic practitioners gather information about the patients dosha balance from questions about diet, lifestyle, illnesses and physical characters and then they plan for nutrition, exercise and medicine. Now a days Prameha / diabetes is a most common metabolic disorder in India and affecting more than 30 million people with type 2 diabetes. Therapies of western medicines carry the risk of adverse effects and are often too costly especially for the developing country like India, where ethnic as well as environment also differ. In India the available plant compounds are being used to treat Diabetes / Prameha from the ancient time. In this review we have focused on the ancient as well as herbal medicine and their key constituents and functions, which are the main source of modern medicine and that may be utmost helpful to the patients as well as to the scientist, scholars, medical or health professionals who are working on diabetes. Shukla V. D., R. D. Tripathi, Agnivesha, Charaka Samhita, Vaidyamanorama Hindi commentary. Delhi, Chaukhamba Sanskrit Pratishthana, 2002. blog. vedantayurveda.com/ ?tag=charaka-samhita. Sharma P. V. 1994. Chaukhambia Orientalia; Delhi, Caraka Samhita (English translation). Srikanta Murthy K. R. Delhi, India: Chaukhambia Orientalia; 1993. Madhava Nidanam (roga viniscaya) of Madhavakara (English translation). Tiwari A.K., 2005. Wisdom of Ayurveda in perceiving diabetes: Enigma of therapeutic recognition, CURRENT SCIENCE, VOL.88, NO.7, Upadhyaya, Y. (ed.), In Madhavanidanam of Sri Madavakara, Part.II. The Kashi Sanskrit Series 158, Chaukhambha Sanskrit Sansthan, Varanasi, 1993, 22nd edn, pp.1-27. Valiathan M. S. 2003. The Legacy of Caraka. Chennai: Orient Longman. Vikram Chauhan 2012. Ayurvedic Herbs for Diabetes – A Purely Natural Way to Control Sugar Levels. http://EzineArticles.com/?expert=Vikram_Chauhan Vutya R.K. 2007. Banaspati oushadh vigyan : A complete Book of Indian Medicinal Herbs. Jodhpur, Scientific publishers (India). 650 Jr. Anth. Survey of India, 61(2) & 62(1) : (651-665), 2012-2013 Palaeolithic Tools of Siulibona, District-Bankura, West Bengal: A Typological and Morphometric Study Dr. Pinak Tarafdar1, Mr. Subhankar Roy2 and Mr. Dip Pandey3 ABSTRACT The adjacent areas of Susunia hill at Bankura district of West Bengal showed immense existence of Prehistoric sites, those havealready reveled different types of raw materials and large number oftools starting from Acheulian and onwards cultural stages. Among the various sites of the said zone Siulibonais a very significant one, which lies close to a Santal village, known as Siulibona. The present article is based on the study conducted in four phases of field work in the site Siulibona which was methodologically administered as the short exploratory survey of the spot. It will also describe the geomorphological background along with the stratigraphic sequence of the site. The study also dealt with detailed typological descriptions along with the statistical and morphological analysis of collected tools. The work once again categorically reveals some of the basic facts identified by the eminent scholars as the definite features of the Palaeolithic industry related to the explored zone. INTRODUCTION Susunia hill and the adjoining areas of the district Bankura of West Bengal is one of the conspicuous Prehistoric cultural zone which is in reality comprised of a number of sites starting from cultural stages,such as, Acheulian onwards. Various studies have taken place in the surrounding areas of Susunia hills. Studies were conducted by the eminent Anthropologists on-behalf of Calcutta University and Anthropological Survey of India respectively (Bhattacharya, 2005: 59-75; Sankhayan et al.2009: 158-162). 1 Assistant Professor, Department of Anthropology, University of North Bengal, District – Darjeeling, West Bengal – 734013, 2 Department of Anthropology, University of North Bengal, District – Darjeeling, West Bengal – 734013 3 Department of Anthropology, University of North Bengal, District – Darjeeling, West Bengal – 734013 652 Palaeolothic Tools of Siulibona, ………A Typological and Morphometric Study Siulibana is significant among the sites of the said zone. The site is named after the name of the adjacent Santal village Silulibona. The present article covers a brief description of the geomorphology the stratigraphic sequence of the site. The authors will present detail characteristics features of the identified and selected finished Palaeolithic tools. The entire study was conducted and divided into four phases starting from the year 2009 to 2012. Short exploratory survey was carried out in the field for almost one week in each year (2009-2012). Along with the surface findings some in-situ tools (both finished and unfinished) were also collected. Local stratigraphy was studied from the exposed sections and related the collection to the stratigraphic sequence. The site is situated on the bank of the famous Gandheswari River of the district. Geomorphology Geomorphologically the district Bankura is divided in to three categories- i) the hilly zone of west, ii) the undulating red soil area of the centre and iii) the alluvial flat plain in the east (Neogi, 2011, Chapter 6). Susunia hill is situated in the west part of the district. The area has the evidence of denudation of the Chotonagpur Plateau. There are also some residual flat-topped low hills of Precanbrian age which are deeply weathered forming lateritic crust at the top. There are older rocks of the Archean system like dolerite, granite, gnesis, schist, quartzite and limestone while the Gondwana system includes sandstone etc (Neogi, 2011, Chapter 6). Geomorphologically the upland Bengal belongs to a compact geophysical unit lying between Chotonagpur Plateau and Lower Ganga Basin (86-87 30 EL; 24-22 30NL) which is basically a plateau pane plane region. The tract is bounded by the Purulia-Dhalbhum upland on the west and Rupnarayan plain on the east. The major sections and sub-sections of this undulating terrain are the Jamtara upland, the upper and middle reaches of the Ajaya-Damodara valley, Susunia upland, upper reaches of the Rupnarayana valley, upper and middle reaches of the Kangsavati valley, south and south-east of the Barabhum upland and to some extent some limited part of the middle reaches of the Subarnarekha. The gneiss and schists of Archean age form the eastern boundary of the Chotonagpur Plateau. The quartzite and schist occur mostly as intrusion and reef pendants in the granite gneiss. Red and brown surface soil originated from deeply weathered basaltic rocks. The alluvium, which usually covers the river valley, is derived from decomposed rocks and deposited at the slopes (Bhattacharya, 1987: 47-52 and 2005: 59-75). Dr. Pinak Tarafdar, Mr. Subhankar Roy and Mr. Dip Pandey 653 local stratigraphy and the contexts of occurrence of the prehistoric tools (Bhattacharya, 2005: 59-75). The Pleistocene deposits in the study area are mostly bothfluvial and aeolian. The Pleistocene sedimentary beds, as identified from observation at different sections, reveal sequence of depositional and erosional events in the geomorphology. It is important to mention that no earlier sediments of Lower Pleistocene formation have been observed during the field work at that place. It appears that the deposit had been carried away by high energy bed load fluvial forces. In some places lower Paleolithic tools have been found at the upper most level of this deposit. Similar view had also been expressed by both Bhattacharya (2005) and Shastry (1976) in connection with the study of Prehistoric tools and Pleistocene vertebrates from Susunia. A loosely packed gravel bed with nodule, kankar and reddish yellow silty clay bed of thin deposit has found in a few places in the Susunia foot hills to the north of the Susunia village and at the studied site. Upon this loosely packed gravel lies a bed of loamy clay mixedwith kankar and faded yellowish brown or reddish brown soil. Chief Archaeological Findings: During the exploration over four consecutive years from 2009 to 2012 concentration was mainly given on surface collections. In addition to surface collection some in-situ findings were also made with the proper correlation to related stratigraphy. Out of the large number of collections only finished tools were identified for the present study. Among them 54 tools were finally selected while administering cultural age-wise stratified random sampling method. The entire collection of tools from the site mainly belonged to the Palaeolithic period which is further divided in to three successive stages. Atotal of 54 tools were selected for this study. Site and Stratigraphy Among all the collections both fresh and rolled varieties were found. As the terrain is highly eroded and dissected, therefore it is quite natural that the fresh tools be exposed after a heavy shower. The rolled ones are carried out by the river water. Both patinated and fresh varieties of tools were found from the site. On the basis of typological study the identified and selected tools are categories in to different lithic traditions. The varieties are belonging to lower, middle and upper Palaeolithic culture. Detailed typological descriptions along with the statistical analysis as required of different tool families are given below. The site Siulibona lies between 8659-87EL and 2325-2326 NL. The prehistoric site is spread over 4 sq.km.Considerable part of the site lies on the upper bank of RiverGandheswari (Bhattacharya, 2005: 59-75). This said site is situated at a distance of 15 k.m. north west of the town Bankura, the district headquarter. A number of sections are exposed along the runnels and streams at different places near the village Siulibona. It is important to mention that the local cultivators, in their endeavour tried to convert unfertile and pebbly bed land surface to plots of cultivable field, did reclamation by removing the sheet of uppermost surface of silty kankar nodule with chunks of stone pieces. Such clearing of land has resulted in the exposure of the layerunderneath. The data have added valuable information in understanding the sedimentation process and to establish the Handaxe: A total of 12 (22.22%) handaxes were found from the site Siulibona which appears to be second highest incidence of tools found from the site. Out of the 12 handaxes 9 were made on core and the rest were on flake. Table 2(A) also showsthat among the total 20 core tools there were 9 handaxes, which is about 45%, the highest among all the collected core tools from the stated site. All the collected handaxes show variation according to their size and shapes. Variations are also found in terms of the raw materials. 10 handaxes were made on quartzite which is 83.33% of total collected handaxes, rest 2 (16.67%) were made on quartz (table-3). Table 4 unfolds the range of variation of Length, Breadth and Thickness of the collected handaxes. The maximum and minimum lengths are 13.7 cm. and 6.9 cm. with the mean value 10.17 cm. in case of breath it is 654 Palaeolothic Tools of Siulibona, ………A Typological and Morphometric Study 9cm. and 3cm. respectively with mean 5.50 cm. The table also reveals the thickness measurement which is 5.2 (max), 2 (min.) and 3.20 (mean) respectively. Collected hand axes are oflong, oval and triangular shaped. State of preservation showed two distinctive categories, fresh and patinated tools, although very few but highly patinated handaxes are also present. It is already mentioned that both categories of handaxes made on ‘core’ and ‘flake’ were in the collected samples. Flakings are more prominent and sharp in case of the latter than the former; both primary and secondary flakings are present in case of the handaxes made on flake. Generally butt end is oval and striking platform is present in case of handaxes made on flake. Although a few but some of them prominently show the presence of ‘s-twist’ having a probable affiliation with levalloisian technique. Pebbly cortex as a matter of significant mark is present on handaxes made on core. Crosssection varies from lenticular to rectangular in case of hand axes made on core. It is triangular or plano-convex in the context of hand axes made on flake. Cleaver: Cleaver comprises 5.56% among the total collected tools (table: 1) and it is also 15% among the total number of core tools found (table: 2A). Out of the total 3 cleavers collected 1 is on quartz, another one is on quartzite and rest one is made on pebble. The maximum and minimum length, breadth and thickness are 13.0, 12.0; 9.6, 7.6; and 6.1, 3.0 and the mean for the same are 12.47, 8.06 and 4.43 respectively (table: 4). The cleavers are mainly medium varieties, among them one is ‘v’ shaped and two are ‘u’ shaped. They have transverse cutting edge along with long sinuous lateral margins diverging towards the effective end. The surface and edges are meticulously flaked. Among the total collected cleavers two are rolled and patinated another one is fresh. Butt end is heavily tapering. Flake scare is observed on both the surfaces except in one tool. Cross-sections are mostly planoconvex and quadrangular. Chopper: It is the third highest number of tools associated with chief findings among the stone tools collected from the site Siulibona. There are 8 choppers which constitutes 14.81% stone tools (table: 1), it also comprises 40% of total collected core tools from the site. First time for the chopper it reveals that among 8 tools 4 were made on pebble which is 50% among the total collected chopper and among rest, two are on quartz, one each on quartzite and sandstone. The mean length, breadth and thickness 7.28, 9.48 and 5.36 for further metric data on the same, table 4 shall be the best possible way. All of them are fully finished and unifacial tools. Some of them were patinated. Butt end is oval and rounded along with irregular and sharp cutting edges. Pebbly cortex is significantly present. Cross-section is semi-circular and in some cases it is elongated. Scraper: The highest among all the tools is 23 (42.59%) in number. All of them appear tobelong to the flake industry. Among them 13 are made on quartzite (56.52%), 7 are made on quartz (30.43%), 2 are on chert (08.70%) and last one is on sand stone (04.35%). As far as data available on table 4 the maximum length, breath and thickness of the collected scrapers are 8.0, 10.2 and 3.5, the minimum for the same 3.1, 3.3 and 0.9; the mean for length is 4.7, breadth 6.41 and thickness 1.80. respectively Table 2(C) unfolds 7 categories of scraper among the 23 of collected tools. Convex side scrapers were the chief collected variable among the scrapers comprising 39.13 percent which are 9 among the 23. Both end scraper and side scraper constitute 17.39 percent each among the total Dr. Pinak Tarafdar, Mr. Subhankar Roy and Mr. Dip Pandey 655 collected scrapers. Concave side scraper and transversal side scraper were rare, found 1 each which is 04.35 percent only. Among the different categories of scrapersdouble ended side scraper and round scraper are also present each of 2 in number holding 08.69 percent among the total collected. As stated the scrapers are of different size and shapes starting from broad and moderate size to small. Some of them belonging to Acheulian industry are comparatively crude, broader and thicker having less secondary flakings or retouchings. In case of Mousterian scraper step like retouchng along with trimming are present. Most of them have semicircular working end. The Mousterian scraper are well finished having very sharp effective end. The cross-sections are either planoconvex or biconvex. Blade and Burin: Altogether 6 blades and burins (3 of each) were collected from the site which make up of 05.56 percent each among all the tools. Percentage is increased to 08.82 percent among all the identified flake tools only. All the burins were made on quartzite. Among the 3 identified blades 2 were made on quartz (66.67%) and rest is made on chert (33.33%). For the blade maximum length, breadth and thickness are 9.2, 4.5 and 2.7 and minimum length, breadth and thickness are 7.4, 3.0 and 2.1 the mean for the same 8.03, 3.73 and 2.43. Table-4 also reveals the same metric data on burin for length 9.2 (max.), 5.9 (min.) 7.77 (mean), breadth 5.2 (max.), 2.7 (min.), 4.23 (mean), thickness 2.6 (max.) 1.0 (min.) 1.8 (mean). Among the blade tools one knife blade is identified, opposite to the working end the portion is blunted and prominent mark of retouchings are also noticed. Other two are ordinary bladeshaving parallel opposite sides. Among the 3 identified blade tools as burin (graver) each has prominent graver facet. The working edge of one of them has a resemblance with screwdriver as stated by Burkitt (1963: 64-69) while classifying the gravers. Roughly triangular cross-section is found in the middle portion of the knife blade. Others: Two distinctive tools were found from the site Siulibona.One mousterian point is very significant among them. It is medium and triangular shaped and made of quartz; two lateral margins are converging and providing true pointed effective end. It is made with broad flake and secondary flakings are found all over the cutting edge. Another tool was depicted and identified as arrow head (hollow base) which was also made on quartz. Leaf shaped flakes are present in both of the lateral margins of the tool. Proper hafting place is also identified at the butt end. Discussion and Analysis As stated in earlier sub-headings the entire identified tools can be divided in to three subdivisions on the basis of three well-known Pre-historic cultural ages. Hand-axe, cleaver and chopper are the chief findings belonging to lower Paleolithic age; some of the collected rudimentary side-scrapers were belonging to the above given age where as the rest those have significant advanced characteristic features belonging to middle Palaeolithic period. Both blade and burin the conspicuous tools of upper Palaeolithic period were also in the selected list of the collected tools. The field works were conducted in the four (4) consecutive years so chances of getting tools were also different and it also signifies the availability frequency of each category 656 of the tool. A steady availability of both hand-axe and scraper notified that the site Siulibona is really rich with said tools. Apart from them chopper were also steadily available in every year except in 2009. Among the total 54 selected finished tools 20 (37.04%) are on core and 34 (62.96%) are on flake. All Lower Palaeolithic tools were made on core but in case of Hand-axe both made on core and made on flake were depicted. Some of the advance Acheulian handaxes were mainly made on flake. Scrapers were the chief among all the middle Palaeolithic tools and as stated earlier it has 7 varieties; convex side scrapper were chief among them. Although less in numbers but a steady supply of upper Palaeolithic tools were found. Different types of raw materials were available and used for making the studied tools. Table 3 shows that the conspicuous raw materials were. quartz, sandstone, pebble, quartzite and chart. Among the total sample tools, 28 (51.85) were made on quartzite which is also one of the dominating raw material of the studied zone. Apart from that 16 (29.63) tools were made on quartz which is also another well available raw material over the said zone. Some tools were also made on chert,and sandstone. It can also be assumed that both quartz and quartzite were the dominating raw material for the entire Palaeolithic period. Tools were made on pebble as wellbut only chopper and cleaver were made on pebble which once again established that pebble as a raw material was mainly associated with the lower Palaeolithic tools. In this context the availability of both chert and sandstone were rare. Chopper and scraper made on sandstone were found but chert was used only for manufacturing upper Paleolithic tools along with rare concave scraper. Table: 1 Different Types of Core and Flake Tools (Siulibona, Susunia) Sl. No. TOOL Conclusion The study categorically reveals once again some of the basic facts identified by the eminent Anthropologists, Palaeontologist and Geologist through their earlier works in the said zone and adjoining areas. The area definitely has the features of Palaeolithic industry which is more intensified in the site Siulibona eventually providing plenty of both unfinished and finished tools belonging specifically to Palaeolithic culture of eastern India. A detail comparative and descriptive study on different identified and selected tools unfolds the exact typological understanding regarding various Palaeolithic tools manufactured and used by the early man. The article also reveals the understanding and availability of different raw material used by the prehistoric man for manufacturing their desirable tools. This paper also tried to decipher the co-relation between techno-typological and morphological analysis of different selected tools for getting an idea about the evolutionary sequential developmental features of them which can also formulate a comprehensive knowledge about distinctive Palaeolithic cultural phases in the intervened site. Years of Fieldwork TYPES 2009 2010 2011 2012 Total 1. Blade – 01 10.00 01 07.1401 01 05.56 03 05.56 2. Burin – 02 20.00 01 07.14 – – 03 05.56 3. Chopper – 03 30.00 02 14.29 03 16.67 08 14.81 4. Cleaver 01 08.33 – 02 14.29 – 03 05.56 5. Handaxe 03 25.00 03 30.00 02 14.29 04 22.22 12 22.22 6. Scraper 07 58.33 01 10.00 06 42.86 09 50.00 23 42.59 7. Others 01 08.33 – – 01 05.56 03.70 12 100.00 10 100.00 18 100.00 54 100.00 Total As far as dimensions of different tools are concerned mean length, breadth and thickness of lower Palaeolithic tools are much higher in comparison to middle Palaeolithic tools (Table: 4). But for the tools of upper Palaeolithic stage the mean length of the blade and burin are significant while in case of their mean breadth and thickness it is much less than the mean of the lower Palaeolithic in the same ladder. 657 Dr. Pinak Tarafdar, Mr. Subhankar Roy and Mr. Dip Pandey Palaeolothic Tools of Siulibona, ………A Typological and Morphometric Study Table: 2(A) 14 100.00 02 Tools Made on Core (Siulibona, Susunia) TOOL Years of Fieldwork TYPES 2009 2010 2011 2012 Total Chopper – 03 50.00 02 33.33 03 42.86 08 40.00 Cleaver 01 100.00 – 02 33.33 – 03 15.00 Handaxe – 03 50.00 02 33.33 04 57.14 09 45.00 Total 01 100.00 06 100.00 06 100.00 07 100.00 20 100.00 658 Table: 2(B) Tools Made on Flake (Siulibona, Susunia) TOOL Table: 3 Raw Materials of the Concerned Tools (Siulibona, Susunia) Years of Fieldwork Sl. No. TYPES 2009 2010 2011 2012 Total Blade – 01 01 01 03 25.00 12.50 09.09 08.82 02 01 – 03 50.00 12.50 – – Burin – Handaxe 03 – 03 01 06 09 23 63.64 25.00 75.00 81.81 67.65 01 – – 01 02 09.09 05.88 09.09 Total Years of Fieldwork TYPES Quartz Sandstone Pebble Quartzite Chert Total 1. Blade 02 66.67 – – – 01 33.33 03 100.00 2. Burin – – – 03 100.00 – 03 100.00 3. Chopper 02 25.00 01 12.50 04 50.00 01 12.50 – 08 100.00 4. Cleaver 01 33.33 – 01 33.33 01 33.33 – 03 100.00 5. Handaxe 02 16.67 – – 10 83.33 – 12 100.00 6. Scraper 07 30.43 01 04.35 – 13 56.52 02 08.70 23 100.00 7. Others 02 100.00 – – – – 02 100.00 Total 16 29.63 02 03.70 05 09.26 28 51.85 03 05.56 54 100.00 08.82 07 Others TOOL 08.82 27.27 Scraper 659 Dr. Pinak Tarafdar, Mr. Subhankar Roy and Mr. Dip Pandey Palaeolothic Tools of Siulibona, ………A Typological and Morphometric Study 11 04 08 11 34 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 Table : 2(C) Types of Scraper (Siulibona, Susunia) Years of Fieldwork Tool Types Scraper 2009 2010 2011 2012 Total Concave side scraper – – – 01 11.11 01 04.35 Convex side scraper 01 16.67 01 50.00 03 50.00 04 44.44 09 39.13 Double side scraper – 01 50.00 – 01 11.11 02 08.69 End scraper – – 02 33.33 02 22.22 04 17.39 02 33.33 – – – 02 08.69 Side scraper 03 50.00 – 01 16.67 – 04 17.39 Transversal Scraper – – – 01 11.11 01 04.35 09 100.00 23 100.00 Round scraper Total 06 100.00 02 100.00 06 100.00 Table: 4 Maximum, minimum and mean values of length, breadth and thickness of the following tools (Siulibona, Susunia): Length Breadth Thickness Tools Max. Min. Mean Max. Min. Mean Max. Min. Mean Blade 9.2 7.4 8.03 4.5 3.0 3.73 2.7 2.1 2.43 Burin 9.2 5.9 7.77 5.2 2.7 4.23 2.6 1.0 1.8 Chopper 9.3 6.3 7.28 10.4 7.0 9.48 6.6 4.0 5.36 Cleaver 13.0 12.0 12.47 9.6 7.6 8.06 6.1 3.0 4.43 Handaxe 13.7 6.9 10.17 9.0 3.0 5.50 5.2 2.0 3.20 Scraper 8.0 3.1 4.7 10.2 3.3 6.41 3.5 0.9 1.80 660 Palaeolothic Tools of Siulibona, ………A Typological and Morphometric Study Dr. Pinak Tarafdar, Mr. Subhankar Roy and Mr. Dip Pandey Chart: 1 Different Types of Core and Flake tools (Siulibona, Susunia) Chart 5 Different Types of Scrapers (Siulibona, Susunia) Chart: 2 Tools Made on Core (Siulibona, Susunia) Chart: 3 Tools Made on Flake (Siulibona, Susunia) Chart 6 Different Types of Scrapers (Siulibona, Susunia) 661 662 Dr. Pinak Tarafdar, Mr. Subhankar Roy and Mr. Dip Pandey Palaeolothic Tools of Siulibona, ………A Typological and Morphometric Study 663 Chart: 6 Different Types of Scrapers (Siulibona, Susunia) Tools Collected from Siulibona, Susunia Acknowledgements Our special thanks to the Department of Anthropology, University of North Bengal for providing necessary infrastructural facilities for the present study. References Map of Bankura District (Source: www.mapsofindia.com) Andrefsky, William, Jr. (1994) “Raw-Material Availability and the Organization of Technology”, American Antiquity, Chicago: Society for American Archaeology, Vol. 59, No. 1, pp. 21-34. Iyengar, P., T. Srinivasa (1988) The Stone Age in India, New Delhi: Asian Educational Services 664 Palaeolothic Tools of Siulibona, ………A Typological and Morphometric Study Bhattacharya, Manibrata (1987) “Stages of Prehistoric Culture in Rarh Bengal (A Recent Exploration)”, in Brija Mohana Pande and B. D. Chattopadhyaya, eds, Archaeology and History: Essays in Memory of A. Ghosh, New Delhi, Vol. I, pp 47-52. Bhattacharya, Manibrata (2005) “Sequence of Acheulian Culture in West Bengal: Geochronological and Morphometric Study”, Journal of the Department of Anthropology, University of Calcutta, Kolkata: Calcutta University Press, Vol: 9, No: 1&2, pp 59-76. Burkitt, Miles, Crawford (1963) The Old Stone Age: A Study of Paleolithic Times, USA: The Colonial Press Inc. Camps, Marta and Chauhan, Parth (2009) (eds.) Sourcebook of Paleolithic Transitions: Methods, Theories, and Interpretations, USA: Springer Science+Buissness Media, LLC Foote, Robert, Bruce (1912) The Foote Collection of Prehistoric and Protohistoric Antiquities. Notes on their Ages and Distribution, Madras: GovernmentMuseum Jayaswal, Vidula (1978) Palaeohistory of India, A Study of the Prepared Core Technique, New Delhi: Agam Kala Prakashan Mitra, Panchanan (1979) Prehistoric India: Its Place in the World’s Cultures, Delhi: Bharatiya Publishing House Neogi, Sayantani (2011) “Scope of Geoarchaeology in depicting the Early Hominin Environments in the Gandheswari River Basin of Bankura district, West Bengal”, The Indian Journal of Spatial Science (e Traverse), Vol. II No. 2, Article 6 (1-4). Oakley, Kenneth, Page (1956) Man the Tool-Maker, London: Natural History Museum Sankalia, Hasmukh, Dhirajlal (1977) Prehistory of India, New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt. Ltd. Dr. Pinak Tarafdar, Mr. Subhankar Roy and Mr. Dip Pandey 665 Sankhyan, Anek, Ram (et al.) (2009) “Re-looking at Prehistoric Susunia, West Bengal” in Anek Ram Sankhyan, ed. Asian Perspectives on Human Evolution, New Delhi: Serial Publications, pp 158-162. Sastry, M.V.A. (1968) “Pleistocene Vertebrates from Susunia, Bankura District, West Bengal”, Indian Minerals, 20 (2), pp 195-197. 666 Jr. Anth. Survey of India, 61(2) & 62(1) : (667-679), 2012-2013 Matriliny among the Arumbukuttam Vellalar: A little known Community of Tamil Nadu M. Sasikumar1 ABSTRACT The present study focuses on the matrilineal system with special reference to the Arumbukuttam Vellalar of Tamil Nadu. There is no reference about this community in the early literature. Edgar Thurston’s monumental volumes on “Castes and Tribes of Southern India” (1907) do not contain any information on them. The People of India Volume on Tamil Nadu (Vol-XL-1997) also do not give any trace of this community. Following a Newspaper report on existence of a distinctive community with several peculiar customs and practices, this researcher undertook a preliminary field study in the Thiruvadanai taluk of the Ramanathapuram district of Tamilnadu and this paper is the outcome of that study. The study shows that the Arumbukuttam Vellalar is not immune to the types of changes that are taking place among matrilineal societies the world over. However, the process and direction of changes are different. An alternative value system is gradually emerging giving tremendous pressure to the matrilineal systems in that society and this shift is not due to a ‘single factor’ but it is a cumulative outcome of wide variety of factors evident in that society today. Though the impingement has been considerable in some respects in many other respects their traditional mores have continued unaffected. INTRODUCTION The people of India harbours a variety of kinship systems and this can be broadly categorised into three: patrilineal, matrilineal, and bilateral. Barring two important pockets of people following matrilineal systems in the south-west and north-east part of India, rest of Indian population is predominantly patrilineal. People following bilateral systems, with both parents being relevant for reckoning kinship and for claiming rights to resources are comparatively less in Indian population. There are also communities who reckon descent matrilineally but follow patrilineal mode of inheritance and succession patterns. In India matrilineal system is highly diversified and transformed. The Khasis and Garos of Meghalaya are the important tribal groups who follow the matrilineal system in the 1Dy. Director, Anthropological Survey of India, Andaman & Nicobar Regional Centre, Port Blair 668 M. Sasikumar Matriliny among the Arumbukuttam Vellalar: A little known Community of Tamil Nadu 669 north-east part of India. Though neighbours geographically, the two communities are distinct with reference to the structure and composition of the descent groups and with relation to inheritance and residential patterns (Sasikumar 2005). Rabhas, a tribal community of West Bengal, which traditionally followed matrilineal system, is now in a transitional stage from matriliny to patriliny (Raha 1989). The Nayar of Kerala was a classical example for matrilineal communities in India. The Thiyyar of North Kerala and Mappilas of north Kerala and Lakshadweep islands were also matrilineal at one point of time. Interestingly, a section of the Namboodiri Brahmins of North Kerala (Payyanur Brahmins) had followed the matrilineal system till a few decades back (the rest of Namboodiri Brahmins in Kerala have been strict observant of patrilineal system). The Kurichians, a tribal community of Kerala, is well known for its matrilineal system of kinship and descent. Among them the ancestral properties were owned collectively and inheritance was strictly matrilineal. The wives stay with their husbands and they rejoin her natal family when their husbands die or when they get divorced. This combination of partly patrilocal residence and matrilineal descent, though described as dysfunctional by some authors (Driver in Honigmann (Ed.) 1975:338), had been a characteristic feature of the Nayars of North Kerala for centuries (C.f. Gough 1961:390,399) and which continued still recently among the Kurichias (M.Sasikumar 1996). The Tamil castes and communities like Kottai Vellalar, Maravar and Illathu Pillamars also followed matrilineal descent but had not adopted matrilineal descent and succession patterns (Thurston: 1975 (Reprint). Myths of Origin The present study focuses on the matrilineal system with special reference to the Arumbukuttam Vellalar of Tamil Nadu. There is no reference about this community in the early literature. Edgar Thurston’s monumental volumes on “Castes and Tribes of Southern India” (1907) do not contain any information on them. The recently published People of India Volume on Tamil Nadu (Vol-XL-1997) also does not give any trace of this community. Following a Newspaper report on existence of a distinctive community with several peculiar customs and practices this researcher undertook a preliminary field study in the Thiruvadanai taluk of the Ramanathapuram district of Tamilnadu and this paper is the outcome of that study. The Arumbukuttam Vellalar maintained a distinctive cultural identity with several of their peculiar customs and practises. Agricultural based economy, matrilineal rule of descent and inheritance, matrilineal authority structure, duolocal (now matrilocal) residence pattern and many other related customs and practises made them distinct from other groups and communities living around them. Area Derivation of the Term The Arumbukuttam Vellalar live in ‘twelve and half’’ villages in the Thiruvadanai taluk of the Ramanathapuram district of Tamilnadu. These villages are found scattered with in a diameter of ten kilometres. These twelve and half villages are; Keezhe Arumbur, Mele Arumbur, Mukilthakam, Thiruvettiyoor, Pullakudi, Vilathur, Kottakudi, Kallikudi, Surampuli, Vahaikudi, Arunuttimangalam, Aayiraveli and Kattukudi. Others usually spell the name of the community as Arumpukutti Vellalar. But they call themselves as Arumbu Kutram or as Arumbukuttam Vellalar. There are different stories regarding the derivation of the term. According to some they were called after the name of the village known as ‘Arumbur’, which is believed to be their original village. According to few others the name indicates the Vellalar with wreaths of the aram pu (aram flower) which is one of the decorative flowers of God Siva. Still a few others have given an entirely different etymological explanation. Arumbu in Tamil means flower buds. Due to the similarity in shape with the flower buds the nose rings are also sometimes called by the same term ‘arumbu’. Arumbu-kutra means those who do not pierce their nose. This is attributed to their custom of non-piercing of nose. Some others have tried to originate the term from the words arappu (meaning to cut) and ketta (do not tie) i.e., once cut never tie owing to their custom of one marriage to their women. Once they sever the tali they can never be tie it again as remarriage of women is strictly prohibited among them. In the village of Kattukudi there lives only one family and hence considered as ‘half village’ by them and thus constitute twelve and half villages. Besides them there are two other recently occupied villages, Valiyakottai and Konnakudi; they are considered as the subsidiary villages of Arunuttimangalam and Surampuli respectively and hence not counted separately. A few educated who could enroll in Government services have recently migrated and settled in nearby towns like Devakottai and Karakkudi but they always keep their ties with their natal family and attend all the familial functions and ceremonies. The elderly members of the community narrated the following legendary accounts on the origin of the Arumbukuttam Vellalar. The story tells like this, long ago their ancestors lived in a fort at Srivaikuntam in Tinneveli District. At that point of time they were known as Kottai Pillamar or Kottai Vellalar as they lived inside the kottai (fort). They were strict vegetarians. Their womenfolk lead a strict secluded life and were not permitted to come out of the fort. Banishment from the community was the punishment given to the accused. Their proscription in marrying anyone outside their group was very strong. The beauty of their womenfolk was well known and once an aracan (king) made a proposal to marry the daughter of their chief. This was strongly objected by them as marriage outside the caste was against the norms of the community. The king felt ashamed and engaged in mischievous acts to disgrace their chief. Hurt by such an act, a section of them decided to leave Srivaikundam and settled at Thirupathur and still latter migrated to their present habitat near and around Thiruvadanai. A group of people called Kottai Vellalar, most of them now being migrated to other areas, lived at Srivaikuntam within a fort observing strict seclusion of women. The similarities in the cultural practises of these two communities were shown as evidence to substantiate the authenticity of the story. Similar to the Kottai Vellalar the Arumbukuttam Vellalar also observed seclusion of women in the past and were strict vegetarians. There were also similarities in their personal names and economy (both were agricultural based) as well. Their womenfolk were traditionally prohibited from going out of their villages and were forbidden from crossing rivers. Likewise, their men folk were interdicted from crossing the sea. They perpetuated their unique identity by practising caste endogamy. Conventionally, they did not have received food and water from any other caste other than Brahmins. 670 Matriliny among the Arumbukuttam Vellalar: A little known Community of Tamil Nadu Dress and Ornaments In the past both men and women were said to have worn only a waistcloth. Nowadays, their womenfolk wear sari and blouse and men dhoti and shirt when they go outside and lungi and shirt while at home. Both men and women were raised their hair in the past. Women used to tie it into a knot behind whereas men tied their hair in a knob on the top of his head (kondai). In the past there were families of barbers attached to each Arumbukuttam Vellala family who were paid in kind in the form of paddy sheaves at the time of harvest. Now the services of caste barbers are availed only during the observances of certain rituals and ceremonies. Widows follow a peculiar dress style to distinguish them from others, where as, no such stipulation are there for widowers. Widows did not wear any ornaments other than the finger ring, which is to be adorned her by her deceased husband’s kin on the tenth day of his death. They were barred from tying hair, applying sindhur and drawing eyelashes. They also did not use any cosmetics as it enhances their beauty. She used to wear only a white dhoti around her waist and another to cover her breasts. They strictly adhered to such taboos. For the first one month after her husband’s death she was even restrained from applying oil. Villages and Houses Their traditional houses were very huge in structure, spacious and built of costly materials. In every village there found a few such houses built keeping the structure and style of their traditional houses with granite pillars and floorings. The structural enormity of their houses fulfilled the functional need to accommodate a huge joint family comprising thirty to hundred members. Some houses are built with an open space at the centre. When the original family grows and space becomes insufficient to accommodate them, it may divide and such offshoots may build annexure at the rear ends to meet the rising requirements of space to dwell. Such annexure may also build on a separate street little far from the main block. Though the families separate, they all maintain the interrelationships and cooperate in all the dayto-day activities, as they are all consanguineal kins. A long and spacious varandha is a special feature. This space is utilized to store paddy grains during harvesting seasons. The surroundings of the houses are kept very neat and tidy. There would be very large drying yards in every village. This may be either attached to their houses in the front or at a distance from home. The straws are kept securely in to a bundle at one corner of the yard. The yard would be kept secured from the stray animals by erecting fences of thorny plants from all sides. There were also huge patti-s, (an enclosure fenced from all sides with thorny plants) to keep their cattle. Such patti-s would not have any roofs. The cattle were exposed in it to sun and rain. The herds in the past included large number of cows, buffaloes and goats. Nowadays it is reduced in to a few cows. It met the manure requirement for agriculture and milk needs of the family. Each household possessed a rich collection of brass and bronze vessels of varying sizes and shapes. Such collections were enriched further with the marriage of a male member of the family. Presentation of gifts in the form of vessels and other receptacles to the bridegroom’s family by the bride’s parents were customary among them. Most such M. Sasikumar 671 vessels were kept unused and were considered as a family treasure. It may use in future to present as gifts at the time of marriage of a female member of the family or divided among the female members at the time of partition. The male members of the family did not have any claim over the vessels though most part of them might have received as gifts at the time of their marriages. At one point of time the Arumbukuttam Vellalar were vegetarians. A few still adhere to such practises. With in the same family some may follow vegetarianism and others nonvegetarianism. Traditionally they would not take food from any other castes other than Brahmins. Household Chores The Arumbukuttam Vellalar women remained indoor in the past and generally did not attend any outdoor work as they considered it as demeaning to their status. They have been confined to a variety of household chores. They would be busy with several kinds of routine tasks including cooking, cleaning, washing, carrying water, drying the paddy etc. It is not an easy task to cook for a joint family which consisted thirty to hundred members. All the womenfolk jointly undertake these activities in a coordinate manner. Elderly ladies keep an eye on everything and any action of disrespect or disobedience on the part of youngsters would be reproached. Nowadays increasing scarcity of agricultural labourers and the consequent rise in the wage rates tempt many of them to attend outdoor works in their own fields. Even not a single case of women folk working for wages in others farm was reported. Men work in their own lands only. Working for wages is considered to be demeaning their status. Except for a very few who work in government services and who engaged in petty trades, agriculture is the mainstay. The men folk would be occupied with a variety of activities associated with agriculture during agricultural season. During lean season they remained idle without having much work to attend. The children are now attending schools. The female children assist their elders in their regular household activities whereas the male children do not have much to share with their elders. The girls generally did not attend school once they attained puberty. The People Around A cluster of houses of Pallar community surrounds most of the Arumbukuttam Vellalar villages. Other castes and communities were not normally found. A few households of barber and washer men castes were also found in some villages. All these three groups have traditional ceremonial and service relations with the Arumbukuttam Vellalar. The washer men and barber communities were traditionally obliged to provide certain specific duties at different life cycle ritual events. The Pallars are agricultural labourers in their land. As the Pallars have now acquired their own agricultural lands and busy with their own works, the Arumbukuttam Vellalar face scarcity of agricultural labourers. Still all these communities maintain a cordial relationship. Economy The economy of Arumbukuttam Vellalar was rolling around the land and agriculture. Agriculture was their mainstay. Most families possessed land varying from twenty to two hundred acres. The yield from the land provided their food as well as cash requirements through its sale. The agricultural operations were fully dependent on climate and only one crop could be raised in a year due to the non- availability of sufficient water for 672 Matriliny among the Arumbukuttam Vellalar: A little known Community of Tamil Nadu cultivation. The Arumbukuttam Vellalar villages are situated near to the Bay of Bengal and hence the ground water is saline and cannot be used for agricultural purposes. The members of Pallar community were the source of cheap agricultural labour. Each Arumbukuttam Vellalar family has a cluster of their own dependent Pallar families to work in their land for food and for a small sum received in kind. This system of symbiotic relationship worked well as the cost of production involved was too low and the yield was sufficient to support the system. Every Arumbukuttam Vellalar family also owned large number of cattle, which includes cows, buffaloes, and goats. This supplied them with manure and milk as well as the draught animals to plough their lands. The initial working capital required to undertake the work was virtually very low. With the gradual incursion of money economy the system has got a twist. Those Arumbukuttam Vellalar who found it difficult to carry on the agricultural operations on their own, engaged in share cropping with others. The Pallar community supplied the required labour force and the yields have been shared equally among them. With the additional income thus earned, they began to purchase small plots of land from their former masters and in due course they accumulated properties of their own. This flow of land to the Pallar community who were once the source of cheap labour, have created high demand for labour force during peak seasons as the they would be busy with the agricultural operations in their own land. This situation has led the Arumbukuttam Vellalar to introduce labours from neighbouring districts which increased the cost of production. The increasing cost of production and the frequent crop failure due to the non- availability of sufficient rainfall affected the agriculture negatively and their agriculture-based economy is facing serious threat. Their past glory and aristocracy hindered them from indulging in any other area of work except in job in Government services and some petty trades. Now there is a drastic fall in the number of cattle population. The fall is owing to the non- availability of labour force to herd them. The mechanization introduced in the field of agriculture has also curtailed the demand for draught animals and the increasing use of chemical fertilizers has limited the use of bio-fertilizers including the cow dung based manures. They alienated a major chunk of their landed property through its sale to meet the expenses connected with rituals related to different life cycle rituals like birth, marriage and death. Social Structure The Arumbukuttam Vellalar is an endogamous group with no subdivisions among them. But there exists a principal variety of descent group called kilai, which is equallent to the English word lineage. It is a unilineal descent group. Members of a group would reckon the descent in each generation from the epical ancestor. That is one can trace the genealogical links between himself and that ancestor. Each such kilai is an exogamous group and marriage between members of same kilai was strictly prohibited. Seven such kilai (lineages) was found among them. They are; Agastiar, Devendra, Kathrama, Kuppa, Munayar, Teethar and Podu. The last three lineages were considered as Akka-thankachchi kilai-s (sister lineages). These three kilais are believed to be separated from the same ancestor. Marriages between members of these three kilais were prohibited. Now a days due to the non-availability of adequate marriageable partners, there is a tendancy to break such rules of sister lineage M. Sasikumar 673 exogamy. Though all the seven kilais were of equal status, the munayar kilai claims a superior position owing to their material prosperity in terms of land. Even though the male members do not have any right over the lineage property, members of other lineages always prefer to give daughters in marriage to boys of munayar kilai as they believed that such marital alliances with a superior lineage would enhance their status in the society as well. Descent, Inheritance and Locality Patterns The largest descent group is the kilai and its membership is determined by one’s birth. They followed matrilineal rule of descent i.e., a newborn would automatically belong to the lineage and family of his/her mother. There would not have been any change in the lineage membership after marriage. Under matrilineal system of descent the women always retain membership of her natal lineage. But in patrilineal societies she may either do so or be absorbed into her husband’s lineage after marriage. The most important function of lineage among the Arumbukuttam Vellalar is the regulation of marriage. The marriage of a male ego to his mother’s sister’s daughter is prohibited, as they are members of same lineage and hence classified as brother and sister. They cannot even think of marrying one’s own sister’s daughter (uncle niece marriage) as both of them belong to the same kilai. As the male ego belongs to a kilai different from that of his mother’s brother’s daughter (matrilateral cross cousin) and from that of his father’s sister’s daughter (patrilateral cross cousin) marriage with them is with in the permitted category. Marriage with matrilateral cross cousins was the most preferred type of marriage among the Arumbukuttam Vellalar since it helps to confine lineage property with in the same kin group. It also would not break any kinship rules. Lineage exogamy is the general rule of marriage; it is maintained through the institution of cross cousin marriage. The cross cousin marriage is of two types; marriage of a man with his father’s sister’s daughter (patrilateral cross cousin) and marriage with one’s mother’s brother’s daughter (matrilateral cross cousin). Though the Arumbukuttam Vellalar practises both, (symmetrical cross cousin marriage) the latter type is more popular. The right over the property (both movable and immovable) was rested on the women of the family. Property transmission is done from mother to daughters. In the absence of the latter, it will go to the former’s sisters and their daughters. In the past, man surrenders whatever possession he earned by his own to his sisters and their daughters and never to his own children. Some deviations could be observed to this rule today as few of them have passed their earned property to their own children. If the spouses of his own children were nieces and nephews of his own, such transmission of property normally would not create any stress or strain in the community. Formerly when duo local residence was in vogue, the eldest male member of the family managed the ancestral property, but he had no right to alienate any portion of it and transmitted through female line. The Arumbukuttam Vellalar followed the duo local form of residence in the past. The wives continue to stay in their natal home and their husbands visiting them occasionally there. Duo locality is often associated with the matrilineal descent. Recently there occurred substantial changes in the residence rules from duolocal to matrilocal, whereby the couple is expected to reside with the wife’s relatives after marriage. This has caused for the structural changes in the composition of joint families. The joint family found among the Arumbukuttam Vellalar today is only a conglomeration of a few nuclear families. 674 M. Sasikumar Matriliny among the Arumbukuttam Vellalar: A little known Community of Tamil Nadu The Joint Family The Arumbukuttam Vellalar lived in joint families comprising thirty to hundred members. Though a few such joint families still found existing, the joint family system in its original form is on the decline owing to their recent shift in their post marital residence patterns. Each such joint family in its original form was the economically self-reliant unit of Arumbukuttam Vellalar society. The senior most male member was the head of the family who commanded incessant respect and absolute obedience. Members of three to four generations lived together sharing a single kitchen. All the ancestral property was owned collectively and inherited strictly matrilineally. The joint family strictly consisted members from a single lineage (kilai). The duolocal pattern of residence enabled them to follow this rule. Only the head of the family had the right to take important decisions but he discussed the important issues with all the members of the family. The elderly female members, mostly the sisters of the head, shouldered responsibilities like cooking and entrusted different duties to other women members of the household. As the family did not consist members from other families or lineages there existed cordial atmosphere in the family. A joint family generally consists an elderly male member, his brothers and sisters, his sisters’ children and grand daughters’ children. When a joint family grew in size it broke up into smaller units and in due course is regarded as an independent family. Though the eldest male member was the head of the family, the families usually were known in the name of the eldest female member. The matrilineal joint family was also the economic unit for holding property. This has facilitated the avoidance of subdivision and fragmentation of familial property to a great extend. The family property could be partitioned only in the due process of customary law. The women enjoyed a higher economic and social status in the family. Besides the household chores they also participated in the economic activities like agricultural operations. The joint family system is now under stress and threat due to the gradual emergence of nuclear families. Institution of Marriage Cross cousin marriage is the most preferred type of marriage among the Arumbukuttam Vellalar. Uncle niece marriages, a common type among some of their neighbouring communities, were even unthinkable for Arumbukuttam Vellalar as both of them belongs to the same lineage (kilai). The community follows caste endogamy and kilai exogamy. Excommunication from the community was the punishment for the violation of such rules. Though a few cases of violation of caste endogamy were reported no case of breaking kilai exogamy was noted. The non-availability of marriageable partners have recently tempted them to break the rule of sister lineage exogamy (akka thankachi kilai-s). The marriage of an Arumbukuttam Vellalar might engage with somebody even at the time of its birth. Once engaged they normally adhere to the norms and rarely breaks such concords. The opinion of the boys and girls were never sought. The comparative ages of boys and girls were not an important matter of concern. The boy may be several years 675 senior to the girls or vice versa. As the community is very small such considerations of age never worked as the non-availability of marriageable boys often pose difficulty in getting another mate. Child marriages (paliya vivaham) were very common till 1975. During the period of emergency this was desisted by an organization called Arumbukuttam Vellala Munnetta Sangham. This organisation strongly objected the custom of child marriage and succeeded in seeing that the community discontinued it. According to the norms and values of the community the marriage of a girl was to be conducted before the attainment of puberty. If failed to marry before attaining puberty, nobody marry her and she had to die as a spinster. Among the Arumbukuttam Vellalar the marriages were taken place before puberty and it would be consummated on attainment of puberty. The first ritual was called thirumanam and the second santhimuhurtham or redusanthi. Among several matrilineal communities like Nayars and Kurichians of Kerala, the pre- puberty marriage was only a ceremony called thirandukalyanam in which the person who ties the tali had nothing to do with the girls’ later life. But in the case of Arumbukuttam Vellalar it was a real marriage and the person who tied the tali was her husband. In the latter case santhimuhurtham was the post puberty ritual that marks consummation of marriage. Remarriage (marumanam) was prohibited for a woman. Men are free to remarry. Divorces taken place very rarely but the community often discouraged it. While polyandry is prohibited polygyny existed. A man could marry sister or sisters of his wife at a time (sorroral polygyny). When pre puberty marriage was the order of the day occurrence of polygynous marriages of sorroral type was on the high because the husband of a girl’s sister was usually requested to marry her when her parents find it difficult to find a proper mate for the girl. There was also compulsion that marriage has to be taken place before puberty. Adult marriage is the rule now. It is the girl’s relatives who initiate the marriage and search for the boy. Though the Arumbukuttam Vellalar community was a female oriented one, the payment of dowry was a necessary pre-requisite to arrange any marriage. Before the selection of a boy for their daughter her parents look at the economic background of the family of the boy concerned. They always prefer a family of equal economic background. Such consideration of economic condition of the family of the boy always lead to a situation in which several man had to continue an unmarried life, as no proposal from the girl’s side would come owing to their poor economic conditions. Under such situation, the boy’s family members come forward to give a share of their family property to the girl’s family to get the boy’s marriage done. In such cases the girl’s parents would pay only a nominal amount as dowry. Marriage Rituals Thirumanam (pre-puberty marriage). This ritual is now obsolete. It was observed on a fixed day at the bride’s residence. For a girl this ritual was performed between the age of two and ten. The matrilateral uncles of the girl find out a suitable boy, preferably the girl’s own cross cousin. It might even fix at the time of the birth of the child itself. Individual preferences and likes and dislikes did not have a role. 676 M. Sasikumar Matriliny among the Arumbukuttam Vellalar: A little known Community of Tamil Nadu All the relatives were invited towards the function. The boy ties the tali round the neck of the girl. A feast would follow. The couple continues to live in their respective houses and the marriage was consummated after performing another ritual called redu santhi or santhimuhurtham on the attainment of puberty. If the tali tier died even before the consummation of marriage, she was considered to be a widow and forbidden from remarriage. This custom was in practice till the year 1975, when it was desisted thanks to the initiatives taken by an organization called Arumbukuttam Vellalar Munnetta Sangham. Marriage: The marriage of a girl is arranged only after the attainment of puberty. The initiative of the marriage has to come from the side of the girl’s party. Following the formal proposal from the girl’s side, the boy’s relatives consisting about ten members, visit girl’s residence and formally inform their consent. The party return after a small reception. The betrothal (nischayartham) is announced along with the fixation of wedding date. Betrothal is observed at the bride’s residence. The boy’s party, comprising ten to twenty five members arrive by noon. Handing over of dowry, by the girl’s mother’s brother to boy’s mother’s brother was the first ritual they perform. This is followed by the manayaduppu idal ritual. The girl followed by a group of women, ritually puts a handful of soil both at the courtyard and the side yard. All the womenfolk who follow the girl repeat the same. It is here at the courtyard they build the mana (marriage platform) and at the side yards the aduppu (hearth). Posting the muhurthakal or mothakkal is another ritual. The girl’s maternal uncle fixes a post at the right side of the yard to erect the pandal (shed) for the marriage. The post is decorated with the leaves of mango tree and the neem and sindhur and sandal paste. After this ritual all the invitees bless the girl by placing their hands on her head while she kneeling and touching their feet. A vegetarian (saiva) feast follows. Marriage take place at the bride’s residence in a shed built for the purpose. A decorated platform called mane is built at the centre of the shed in front of the courtyard. The shed is decorated with clothes (mattu kettathu) by the members of the Mannan (washer men) caste. For that service they have to be paid in cash. The auspicious time for the marriage is fixed consulting the local priests. Marriages are performed mostly on Mondays, as they consider auspicious for such rituals and ceremonies. Relatives are invited to the marriage by sending patrikas (invitations). The groom’s party is received at the outskirts of the village with music and conducted to the girl’s house. The boy’s party bring with them the tali (marriage badge) and clothes for the girl and her relatives. The sacred fire lighted and homam was performed by the Brahmin priest. Kappu (a cloth string immersed in turmeric powder) is tied at the wrists of both the boy and the girl by their respective maternal uncles. The tali is tied either by the sister or mother of the groom which he placed round her neck, for that, the tali tier has to be paid a sum called talikettu panam by the girl’s parents. While tying the tali all gathered would bless them by sprinkling achchathai (raw rice mixed with turmeric powder). The couple then seek blessings from all the people gathered who are elder to them. A vegetarian feast follows. 677 Reception is on the second day. The couple continued to stay in the boy’s residence for a maximum of one month. Then she returns to her own house. Her husband will also shift his residence to her house subsequently. Pregnancy and Child Birth On the seventh or ninth month of pregnancy they observe a ritual called seemanda muhurtham. This ritual is now obliterated. This was observed only for the first pregnancy at the pregnant women’s natal home. The pregnant woman’s mother-in-law followed by a few close relatives visit her house and bring with them new clothes, a silver spoon, and a silver tumbler. They adorn a grinding stone by dressing it as if it is a real child. While the pregnant woman stands kneeling forward holding the decorated stone, her mother-in- law pours seven spoon-full of milk over her back. Only a very few close relatives are invited to this function. Then a feast is served. Death or Cessation of Life The Arumbukuttam Vellalar generally cremates the dead. Those who died of small pox and those who met an early death (children below the age of ten) are usually buried. The dead body is washed and covered with a new cloth. Men and widows are wrapped with white clothes where as women whose husband’s are alive are covered with red clothes. The corpse is kept in front of the house to accord the last opportunity to friends and relatives to see. The people who come to see the dead make some cash presentations called Vaykarissi kasu, which can later be given to the community washer man. A similar presentation, which make at the cremation ground will go to the barber. The corpse is carried to the cremation ground (mayanam) on a bier called padai or badai. The eldest son or nephew lights the pyre. The eldest son is the chief mourner. Kiruke, the pollution ending ceremony, is observed on the 11th or 13th or 15th day. The community barber and the chief mourner followed by others go to the cremation ground and collect the bones in a mud pot. The charcoal is then made in to a heap and a plant called perandai is planted over it. They then perform kappu ritual in which the barber pours enne kappu, elani kappu, and pal kappu. After this ritual the chief mourner followed by the barber, goes to the sea and flow the pot comprising the bones. After a dip bath in the sea they bring a pot full of water along with them to the house where the death took place. A Brahmin priest lights a sacred fire and perform a homam. He purifies the house and the surroundings with the seawater they brought. If the dead is a man, all the ornaments of the widow are removed and she is adorned with a golden finger ring by her dead husband’s relatives. She cannot remarry. Representatives from all the twelve and half villages and relatives attend the ritual. With the performance of this ritual the pollution (thitu) is removed, Titi is celebrated on the completion of one year. Conclusion Matrilineal systems in its traditional form are hardly in existence any where in the world. Matrilineal descent groups gradually disintegrate under economic changes brought about by contact with western industrial nations (K. Gough 1961:631). Fortes (1949:60-61) sees that unstable social system produced by occupational differentiation, stratification 678 M. Sasikumar Matriliny among the Arumbukuttam Vellalar: A little known Community of Tamil Nadu by income, education and rank, geographical and social mobility, as well as disparate values in religious beliefs are root causes for disintegration of matrilineal systems. Economic changes brought by changes in production relations because of culture contacts tempt communities like Rabhas to choose the path of change (Raha 1989). Introduction of cash crop farming and subsequent economic changes have brought radical kinship changes among many matrilineal communities like Tonga, Ndembu, Yao, Ashanthi and Nayar (Colson: 1961, Turner: 1957, Mitchell: 1956, Fortes: 1949, Gough: 1961). The Arumbukuttam Vellalar is not immune to the types of changes that are taking place among matrilineal societies the world over. However, the process and direction of changes are different. An alternative value system is gradually emerging giving tremendous pressure to the matrilineal systems in that society and this shift is not due to a ‘single factor’ but it is a cumulative outcome of wide variety of factors evident in that society today. Though the impingement has been considerable in some respects in many other respects their traditional mores have continued unaffected. As stated earlier, the joint family system is on the decline and is rapidly changing in its structure and function. Several factors were responsible for this change, the most important being the emergence of individualistic outlook of the youngsters. Their psychological urge to lead a nuclear family life might also tempted them to shift the post marital residence pattern from duolocal to matrilocal, which gave a twist to the joint family system. Now several families live under the same roof portioned into several compartments having its own kitchen and each one occupied by a separate matrilocal nuclear family consisting of a woman her husband and their unmarried children. This is the widely found pattern of residence and type of family among them today. These structural changes in the composition of joint families have brought sharp change in their attitude towards children. Now they are getting much parental care. In their traditional social and familial set-up the interests of the children were not given proper concern. The maternal uncles as the head of the family often neglected the personal interests of their nephews and compelled them to engage in a variety of minor activities like rearing the cattle etc. and did not have shown much interest in their education. There are some basic differences in the structure and functions of the joint family systems of the Arumbukutttam Vellalar and that of the other known matrilineal communities of South India. The Nayars and Kurichias (a tribal community) were classical examples of matrilineal communities in Kerala who lived in joint families. The Muslims of North Malabar and Luccadeive Islands is another community, which followed such a system. On marriage, a woman may leave her natal home and joins her husband among the Nayars and Kurichias. The wives stay with the husbands, but the children remain in the father’s family till they were about five or six years old. They then go and join their mothers family. Only when her husband dies or if she were divorced the women would join her natal family. But among the Mappila Muslims of North Malabar on marriage the husband change his residence and join his wife’s household. Contrary to these two systems, the Arumbukuttam Vellalar followed a duolocal form of residence. It neither corroborate with the Nayar or Kurichia systems nor with the Mappila (north Malabar) system of residence. The Nayar, Kurichia, and Mappila joint family may 679 comprise members from different lineages where as among the Arumbukuttam Vellalar the members would exclusively form a single lineage. But now the Arubbukuttam Vellalar is changing fast adopting the matrilocal form of residence. They are also shifting speedily towards nuclear family mode. This changing trend in residence rule and family structure has also brought its aftermaths in the authority structure of the community. When the adult male stay with his wife in the latter’s house, there would be vacuum of responsible male members at home to look after the family matters. The in-married male members on the other hand did not have any say in the family matters of their wives as they retain their membership in their own families and kilai-s. Under such circumstances the authority rests on the elderly female members. This shift of authority structure from the men to women is a seldom found even among the matrilineal communities. Thus the Arumbukuttam Vellalar society, which was matrilineal, and duolocal are now a society following matrilineal descent and inheritance, matrilocal residence and to a limited sense matriarchal in authority patterns. References Colson, E. 1961. “Plateau Tonga” in Matrilineal Kinship, ed. by Schneider, D.M and K.Gough. Berkeley: University of California Press. Fortes, M. 1949. “Time and Social structure : An Ashanti Case study”. In social Structure, ed. by Fred Eggan and Meyer Fortes. London: Oxford University Press. Honigmann, J. J. Ed.1997. Handbook of Social and Cultural Anthropology. Jaipur: Rawat Publications. Mitchell, J. Clyde. 1956. The Yao Village. Manchester: Manchester University Press. Raha, M.K. 1989. Matriliny to Patriliny: A Study of the Rabha Society. New Delhi: Gian Publishung House. Sasikumar.M. 1996. “The Kurichias” in Menon and Sasikumar. Encyclopaedia of Dravidian Tribes Vol-II. Trivandrum: International School of Dravidian Linguistics. Sasikumar. M. 2005. Matriliny and Masculinity among the Khasis: A study in retrospect and Prospect. Unpublished Report. Kolkata, Anthropological Survey of India. Schneider, David.M and K.Gough. 1961. Matrilineal Kinship. Berkeley: University of California Press. Thurston,E. 1975(Reprint). The Castes and Tribes of Southern India. Delhi: Cosmos Publications. Turner, V.W. 1957. Schism and Continuity in an African Society. Manchester: Manchester University Press. 680 Jr. Anth. Survey of India, 61(2) & 62(1) : (681-687), 2012-2013 Assessment of the Functioning of Institutions: Criteria and Approaches S. B. Roy1 ABSTRACT When a group or collection of individuals organises itself explicitly for the purpose of pursuing certain of its interests together in a co-operative way, an association is said to be born. If one desires to improve the system, one has to monitor the process through measurable, simple, practical and cost-effective indicators. It has been a challenging yet exciting task to develop indicators to monitor the activities of the human society, vis-àvis ecological and economic aspects. The author will emphasize the indicators of the process of assessment of functioning of institutes and developing criteria and approaches. INTRODUCTION Humans like any other living species requires a wide range of natural resource inputs such as biomass, minerals, water, fuel, etc, for survival needs, wellbeing and security. Always there is an existence of material needs and wants. There are number of ways in which natural resource constitute or enable flows into human life support system (Clayton Et al, 1996). Human depend on the products of economic processes, such as agriculture and industry that convert environmental inputs into economic outputs. In order to achieve these needs and wants humans came together and formed social groups based on consent of the individuals with a purpose and goal. The individuals are consolidated by consensus and, thus form group in order to facilitate the realization of the cardinal values (Mukherjee, 1991). The purpose of formation of group may be to cope with deforestation or failure of crop production or natural disasters. It includes adaptation to variation to food supply, adaptation to climate change and seasonal changes. This group could exist only when the disputes and conflicts were resolved and purposes are met for which the social groups are formed. Such group's forms society in the long run. A society, therefore, cannot exist unless there is a set of pattern of relationship known as social structure and an agreed form of regulatory mechanism. These regulatory or control mechanism work to facilitate normal function of society. The society functions through socially sanctioned procedures known as institutions. However the form and nature of a society changes over time and hence it is either altered or a new agreement 1 Professor and Chairman, IBRAD, Kolkata - 700 101. 682 S. B. Roy Assessment of the Functioning of Institutions: Criteria and Approaches is needed. The humans living in and around forest land uses the forest produces for their various needs. There may be different ways of getting the forest produces for their own needs and they may form a group following the socially approved procedure known as institution. Whenever there is less division of labour, and change is slower the human associations are less complex and they are more inclusive (.Mac Iver Et al, 1992) Primitive Society lack specific objective like JFMC or WUA and such society have limited functional character such focused economic or political agenda of development. To understand social institution, that means procedure and regulatory processes it is necessary to understand its nature like what kinds of groups, the reason for its emergence and the process of emergence of such groups. For example the forest users have a clear purpose and goal of forest conservation and use it on sustainable basis. It must be kept in mind that these social structures of relationship within group may be temporary and change over time. However, the society can be examined in various ways which causes a problem for understanding society as a process. A social structure is a result of observance of primary groups which form the structure. The social structures vary according to the nature of its content and selection of context used to differentiate and link the collectives that are created by individuals in society. This causes social structure such as ''Chipko Movement'' to be very versatile and different in each case due to its composition. The social process plays a key role in formation and changing social structure. Therefore the social structure and the procedure that means the institutions denote how society operates during a period of time. The social institutions would mean to explain why a certain kind of social structure evolved and the changes that would occur in the future. The social structure and social process depend upon the variable selection of their context and content. Therefore, we need to do different valuation in order to understand society as a group and institutions as regulatory controlled procedures, its origin and existence and degree of functioning. Emerging issues of sustainabilty The human activity potentially, affects the global ecology. Global warming, ozone depletion, soil erosion, deforestation, desertification and species extinctions are all indicators of the extent to which human activity is now altering the conditions for life on Earth. Current and projected human demands might exceed the mineral and biological flow rates that the planet can yield without adverse consequences, such as ecological, social or economic disruption. Keeping the long term run as the time framework, neither ecological nor economic sustainability can provide a complete specification. (Chopra, Kanchan, Et al 2000). Joint Forest Management In recent years the policies formed by the legislation has fasten the control of state over India's forests by giving support to the community resource rights and responsibility. National Forest Policy (1988) gave the rights to people to protect forests resources. June 1990 Joint forest management was initiated which gave a new positive side and a greater contribution to the protection of forests and given a responsibility and rights to village people to take care of the forest lands and areas (Poffenberger, Mark, Et al, 1996). 683 When a group or collection of individuals organises itself explicitly for the purpose of pursuing forest conservation on sustainable basis jointly with the Forest Department and share rights and responsibility and certain of its interests together in a co-operative way, an association programme is said to be Joint Forest Management. It has evolved to meet the needs of the people living in and around the forests. The success of Joint Forest Management programme from West Bengal and other parts of India has opened avenues to researchers from social sciences and management domain to learn the process of change, its enabling environment and the factors responsible for the new programme (Roy, 1993). The agencies have emerged, and continue to emerge, because of the necessity for human beings to live together under specified terms and conditions (Mukherjee, 1993). The genesis of Joint Forest Management (JFM) can be related to the birth of human association, which ultimately takes the shape of a social system. If we consider JFM as a system, it will have a process. As a manager if one desires to improve the system, one has to monitor the process through measurable, simple, practical and cost-effective indicators. It has been a challenging yet exciting task to develop indicators to monitor the activities of the human society, vis-à-vis ecological and economic aspects. The author will emphasize the indicators of the process of human society. Joint Forest Management involves management of a complex system where cultural, ecological and economic elements form a web of human and environment interaction. This web provides checks and balances of cultural values with ecological and economic implications governed by state bureaucratic and people institutions. Each system has components, which are interdependent and interrelated. Each component, say, social / bureaucratic, ecological and economic, is interwoven with the other in such a fashion that isolation of any hampers sustainable development. If we address ourselves separately to the problems of forest ecology, cultural and economic system, the solutions of forest conservation, improvement in economic condition of people and positive change in behaviour pattern of society become more difficult and the scope for improvement narrows down. Bilateral matching institutions No human society is imaginable without institutions and in every society some individuals are authorized to assume the responsibilities for supervising the observance of the norms, values and institutions. Gradually they become the governors and the rest are governed. With the passage of time the norms, values and procedures of the former develop into bureaucratic institutions. Simultaneously, the values and procedures of the latter crystallize into social institutions. The two sets of institutions diverge sometimes over how to achieve the similar ends, resulting in conflicts. Conflict is actually found between the bureaucratic institution of the Forest Department (FD) and the Forest Communities (FC) in India and elsewhere (Roy, 1992). The principle for the functioning of a system Every individual is product of biological and social process, the social relationship. It is shaped by the dos and don'ts of pre-established moves and strict monitoring mechanism. 684 S. B. Roy Assessment of the Functioning of Institutions: Criteria and Approaches The members of society are continuously changing. It is neither the beginning nor an end but a link in the process of change. The social institution grows and changes in accordance with the changing attitudes and interests of its members who form it. In order to monitor the process of a system one has to know the principle and theory behind the process for reasoning or actions. Here since three sub-systems namely, institutional / social system, ecological system and economic system, are involved, the principle for the functioning of all three sub-systems has to be understood in order to develop indicators. 2. Cohesiveness and collaborative learning is characterized by excitement and willingness to explore the ideas and insights of others in an atmosphere of mutual respect, encouragement and challenge. The members of the community demonstrate this competence by choosing one or more avenue to have some exciting activity such as music, literature, folk songs, folk tale, songs, visual art, etc. to create a forum of ''expression of talent and get recognition''. In reflecting upon their appreciation of the work, members will make explicit links to their own life experience with conservation. The cohesiveness of the social institutions or a group or association is not static it evolves sometimes expressing solidarity or faces contradiction causing conflict. While we consider society as organic body Herbert Spencer pointed out that one great difference when he said that society has no “Common Sensorium”, no central organ of perception or of thought, like that of organic body where the brain and nervous system controls / guides the whole body. In the society or JFMC the individuals who think and feel and communicates based on his / her perception. This may be contradictory to one another. Therefore in JFMC some kind of competence and understanding is needed among collaboration, cooperation, and strategies of group dynamics. The JFMC members have demonstrated this competence by working with each others to develop common understandings around a shared agenda of forest conservation that leads to an assessable outcome. 3. Designated roles and responsibility with regulatory mechanism for corrective actions: The members not only facilitate the institutionalization of norms (Laws) but also enforcement of laws is important. This helps in adjudication of conflict, preparing the members for occupational roles and evaluating and selecting competent individuals. Collaborative working is characterized by trust and willingness to share responsibility, explore the ideas and insights of others and delegate power in an atmosphere of mutual respect, encouragement, and challenge. 4. The effective institution will have its member with competency to communicate and build capacity and skills to manage the natural resources and plan for conservation of the natural resources and identify areas for growth. 5. The JFMC members are able to identify the forest conservation related activities which facilitate their sustainable livelihood. From the awareness of transferable strengths and areas in need of development, the members developed strategic goals and may be able to demonstrate planned outcome. The development of innovative ideas and fresh approaches to problems of livelihood, however, the practice of creativity is no less integral a component of the social issues. In any field of human endeavor, the creative process requires ability to question accepted and “acceptable” ways of perceiving and thinking, as well as a willingness to forge connections and refine knowledge through doubt, curiosity and imagination. 6. Integrated Development: the members of JFMC demonstrate this competence by applying principles of negotiation, mediation or interpersonal communication to involve different line departments. Members need to articulate and attract the other sectors for employing a given approach and develop integrated Microplan. Members of the community can demonstrate this competence by actively pursuing knowledge The principles of systemic approach can be listed in the following manner l The first of these principles is interdependence. All members of an ecological community are interconnected in vast and intricate network of relationships, the web of life. l Success of whole community depends on the success of its individual members, while the success of each member depends on the success of the community as a whole. l Understanding ecological interdependence means understanding relationships. It requires the shifts of perception that are characteristic of systems thinking - from the parts to the whole, from objects to relationships, from contents to patterns (Capra, 1996). A sustainable human community is aware of the multiple relationships among its members. l 685 Linear chains of cause and effect exist very rarely in ecosystems (Clayton and Radcliffe, 1996). Thus a disturbance will not be limited to a single effect but is likely to spread out in ever-widening patterns. It may even be amplified by interdependent feedback loops, which may completely obscure the original source of the disturbance. Criteria for monitoring the functioning of institution A thing is judged through the standards set or we can say based upon certain criteria. One will appreciate that the success of Joint Forest Management depends upon functioning of three interrelated sub-systems, namely Institutional (which includes both the community as well as the functioning of forest department organization), Ecological system (which includes the geophysical activity together with forestry activity) and finally the economic system as a complex whole. Keeping this in mind for monitoring of the Joint Forest Management programme, the principles of social system, ecological system and economic system together with sustainability as a whole would help developing criteria and indicators. Monitoring of Social Institutions at the Community Level For the community level one has to study and intervene at the social system following sequential steps such as identifying the: 1. Clarity on the objective such as why they are conserving forest and focus on the deliverables, which can be demonstrated for verifiable improvement to reflect the success. 686 7. Assessment of the Functioning of Institutions: Criteria and Approaches S. B. Roy 687 that will contribute to answers for sustainable livelihood, balancing the steps of conservation and harvesting the natural resource for their benefit. ROY, S. B. 1992. Bilateral Matching Institutions; in Experiences from Participatory Forest Management. New Delhi, Inter India Publication. Socialization through transmitting culture: Culture is used here in the anthropological sense and is defined as an integrated system of learned behavior patterns that are characteristic of the members of a given society, experience, abilities and pride that have contributed to success in the past and reflect on past learning experiences. It can also illustrate how one's emotions, attitudes, values and behaviors can promote and/or inhibit learning from shared cultural behavior. ROY S. B. (1992). Bilateral Matching Institutions: An illustration in forest conservation, Journal of the Indian Anthropological Society 27: 253-262. Conclusion Developing criteria and approaches for assessing the functioning of social institutions has been important, challenging and not yet implemented universally. It is obvious that all the criteria may not be useful at all the levels, universally. It is of utmost importance that unless and until the users are involved as partners of assessment and do not appreciate its importance it will remain confined to an academic exercise only. Acknowledgement: The author is grateful to Dr. Raktima Mukhopadhyay, Dr. Damayanti Mukhopadhyay and Mr. Pinaki Deb of IBRAD for going through the paper and suggesting necessary inputs. Referneces CAPRA FRITJOF, 1996, The Web of Life - A New Synthesis of Mind and Matter. London, Harper Collins Publishers. CHOPRA KANCHAN, GOPAL K. KADEKODI, 2000, Operationalising Sustainable Development. New Delhi, SAGE Publication. CLAYTON, ANTHONY M H, NICHOLAS J RADCLIFFE, 1996, Sustainability A Systems Approach. London, Earthscan Publications Ltd. MAC IVER R. M., CHARLES H. PAGE, 1992, Society - An Introductory Analysis. S. G. Wasani for Macmillan India Limited. MUKHERJEE RAMKRISHNA, 1991, Society Culture Development. New Delhi, SAGE Publication. MUKHERJEE, RAMKRISHNA, 1993, Systemic Sociology. New Delhi, SAGE Publication. POFFENBERGER MARK, BETSY MCGEAN, 1996, Village Voices, Forest Choices - Joint Forest Management in India. Neil O'Brien, Calcutta, Oxford University Press. ROY, S. B. 1993. Forest Protection Committees in West Bengal. Economic and Political Weekly. Vol.XXVII No.29. pp.1528-1530. ROY S. B. (1996). Social Indications towards institutionalization of Development Programme: A case study from Joint Forest Management. South Asian Anthropologist 17 (2): 81-87 Authors' address: Professor S. B. Roy, Chairman, Indian Institute of Bio-Social Research and Development, Prafulla Kanan, V.I.P. Road, Kestopur, Kolkata-700101. Phone: 033-66210/320; e-mail: [email protected] 688 Jr. Anth. Survey of India, 61(2) & 62(1) : (689-695), 2012-2013 Comparison of Mandibular Arch Chords in Cleft Palate Patients Dr. Suja Ani1 ABSTRACT Mandibular arch chords are computed for unilateral cleft patients, with the cleft in the maxilla. The mandibular dental arch chord dimensions in maxillary unilateral cleft are different, in the cleft and non cleft sides of the cleft sample, and also, from that of the normals. Whether these are statistically significant or not, is also discussed here. INTRODUCTION Management of the cleft patients requires a multidisciplinary approach; most of the cases reporting to the department of orthodontics with cleft palate have arch chord problems, which is one of the primary concerns for an orthodontist. There is a scarcity of literature on arch chord dimensions of cleft patients in our population. So, an attempt is made here to determine the arch chords in unilateral cleft palate patients. When there is a unilateral cleft in the maxilla, there may be a difference in the mandibular arch chord dimensions in the cleft and non cleft sides. Background/Rationale: The arch chord dimensions of the cleft palate patients are not that widely studied. Hence this study is undertaken on the arch chord dimensions of the cleft patients, in the Department of Orthodontics, Government Dental College, Thiruvananthapuram. Materials and methods: This study was carried out during the period from January 2012 to March 2012, in the Department of Orthodontics, Government Dental College, Thiruvananthapuram. Twenty plaster study models, of unilateral cleft patients who reported for treatment in the department of Orthodontics, Dental College, Thiruvananthapuram, were taken up for analysis.(see Fig A,B,C,D) The criteria for selection of the study casts included unilateral 1G MDS, PhD (orthodontics) Dept: of Orthodontics, Govt: Dental College, Thiruvananthapuram 690 Comparison of Mandibular Arch Chords in Cleft Palate Patients cleft palate with presence of most of the permanent teeth except 3rd molar. These were the study casts of patients who had undergone surgical repair of the cleft palate at the specified required age and who belonged to Kerala (a state located in South India) by birth and domicile. The arch dimensions were taken using digital vernier callipers, in millimeters. Standardisation of the readings was done. The dimensions taken for this study were Mandibular Arch Chord (MDAC) on the cleft and noncleft sides. MDAC was measured from the interincisal midline at the labial interpapillary process, to the distobuccal aspects of the mandibular first molar. No reading was taken when a tooth was missing or unerupted. No substitution was made for missing and/ or unerupted tooth as it may give false reading. The mean ages of the cleft patients were 16.5 years. There were 7 males and 13 females. The data was analysed statistically using the SPSS software. The mean and the standard deviations for the mandibular arch chord dimensions were calculated. Whether there is any statistically significant difference between the mean values observed for males and females were also analysed. Comparison of the mandibular arch chord values of the cleft sample with that of the normals was done; Normals refer to normal population values obtained from an earlier study1 conducted in the department of orthodontics, Govt: Dental College, Thiruvananthapuram, the mean age of the normal sample being 19.4 for the sample designated as T1 sample and 34.4 for the sample designated as T2 sample in that study; and the sample number being 15. 691 Dr. Suja Ani Results: Table 1: Mean and SD of arch dimensions for 'cleft and non cleft sides' of the cleft sample and the normals parameter MDAC in mm cleft side Non cleft side Category N mean sd Cleft sample 15 40.80 1.61 Normal 15 41.16 1.69 Cleft sample 16 40.19 2.77 Normal 15 41.16 1.69 t p 0.59 0.560 1.168 0.252 The average MDAC in the cleft side of the cleft sample was 40.80±1.61mm and that among the normals was 41.16± 1.69 mm. The observed difference was statistically not significant (p>.05). The average MDAC in the non cleft side of the cleft sample was 40.19± 2.77 mm, and that among the normals was 41.16± 1.69mm. The observed difference was statistically not significant (p>.05). (Table 1). Table 2: Genderwise comparison among the cleft parameter MDAC in mm cleft side Non cleft side Category N mean sd Male 5 41.18 2.07 Female 10 40.62 1.41 Male 5 41.13 1.36 Female 11 39.76 3.18 t p 0.624 0.544 0.909 0.379 The average MDAC among the males in the cleft side of the cleft sample was 41.18±2.07mm, and that among the females was 40.62± 1.41mm. The observed difference was statistically not significant (p>05). The average MDAC among the males in the non cleft side of the cleft sample was 41.13± 1.36mm, and that among the females was 39.76±3.18 mm. The observed difference was statistically not significant (p>.05) (Table 2). 692 Comparison of Mandibular Arch Chords in Cleft Palate Patients Table 5: Comparison of MDAC among cleft males Table 3: Comparison between cleft and normal among males parameter parameter MDAC in mm Category N mean sd t cleft side Cleft sample 5 41.18 2.07 Normal 10 41.26 1.84 Non cleft side Cleft sample 5 41.13 1.36 Normal 10 41.26 1.84 693 Dr. Suja Ani p 0.079 0.938 0.142 0.889 Among the males, there was no statistically significant difference in MDAC between the cleft sample and the normals, either on the cleft side or on the non cleft side. The average MDAC among males for the cleft side of the cleft sample was 41.18±2.07mm, and that among the males of the normals was 41.26± 1.84 mm. The observed difference was statistically significant (p>.05). MDAC in mm N mean sd t p cleft side 5 41.18 2.07 Non cleft side 5 41.13 1.36 0.092 0.931 t p 0.888 0.389 Table 6: Comparison of MDAC among cleft females parameter MDAC in mm N mean sd cleft side 10 40.62 1.41 Non cleft side 10 39.70 3.35 The average MXAC among males for the non cleft side of the cleft sample was 41.13± 1.36 mm, and that among the males of the normals was 41.26 ± 1.84 mm. The observed difference was statistically not significant (p>.05) (Table 3). Table 7. Comparison of MDAC in the cleft total population Table 4: Comparison between cleft and normals among Females parameter MDAC in mm parameter MDAC in mm Category cleft side Non cleft side N mean sd Cleft sample 10 40.62 1.41 Normal 5 40.96 1.50 Cleft sample 11 39.76 3.18 Normal 5 40.96 1.50 t N mean sd t p cleft side 15 40.80 1.61 0.888 0.389 Non cleft side 15 40.18 2.87 p 0.430 0.674 0.789 0.443 Among the females also, there was no statistically significant difference in MDAC between the cleft sample and the normals, either on the cleft side or on the non cleft side. A comparison of the MDAC among the cleft males showed no statistically significant difference (p>.05) between the cleft and non cleft sides (Table 5). MDAC among the cleft females showed no statistically significant difference (p>.05) (Table 6). Comparison of the MDAC in the cleft total population also showed no statistically significant difference (p>.05) between the cleft and non cleft sides (Table 7). The average MDAC for the cleft side among females of the cleft sample were 40.62±1.41 mm and that among the females of the normals was 40.96 ± 1.50 mm. The observed difference was statistically not significant (p>.05). The average MDAC among females for the non cleft side of the cleft sample were 39.76± 3.18mm, and that among the females of the normals was 40.96± 1.50 mm. The observed difference was statistically not significant (p>.05) (Table 4). Discussion The study sample included patients who had undergone surgical intervention. Literature2 has shown that, 'even with the conservative non traumatic surgical techniques, early 694 Comparison of Mandibular Arch Chords in Cleft Palate Patients repairing surgeries induce changes in the upper dental arch morphological characteristics in patients with cleft lip and palate'. This is not reflected in the mandibular arch chord measurements, as seen in the results of this study (Tables 1-4). Analysis of the mandibular arch chords showed that there are no significant differences in MDAC between the cleft sample and the normals either on the cleft side or on the non cleft side (Table 1). Comparison between the cleft group and the normal among males showed no significant difference in MDAC, Comparison between the cleft group and the normal among females also showed no significant difference in MDAC (Table 3, 4). Genderwise comparison among the cleft sample showed no statistically significant change between the males and females in MDAC (Table 2), either on both the cleft side or on the non cleft side. A comparison of the MDAC among the cleft males showed no statistically significant difference (p>.05) between the cleft and non cleft sides. That among the females and in the total population also did not show any difference. (Table 5, 6, 7). Conclusion 1. The mandibular dental arch chord dimensions in maxillary unilateral cleft sample are not different from that of the normals , both in the cleft and the non cleft sides. 2. In the cleft sample, the mean for MXAC for the males for the cleft and non cleft sides were 41.18±2.07 and 41.13±1.36 respectively; for the females was 40.62±1.41 and 39.70±3.35 respectively; and for the total population was 40.80±1.61 and 40.18±2.87 respectively. 3. The mean MDAC did not show any statistically significant difference between the males and females. 4. In the cleft sample, the mean MDAC did not show any statistically significant difference in the males, between the cleft and noncleft sides. In the cleft sample, the mean MDAC did not show any statistically significant difference in the females, between the cleft and noncleft sides. 5. On comparison between cleft side and normal among males, there was no significant difference between males of the cleft and the normal populations in both, the cleft and noncleft sides. 6. On comparison between cleft and normals among females, there was no significant difference between females of the cleft and the normal populations in MDAC both for the cleft and noncleft sides. Dr. Suja Ani 695 References 1. A fifteen year longitudinal study on the craniofacial and dental changes in Kerala population with normal occlusion. Dr Suja Ani G. Dissertation submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Dental Surgery in Orthodontics in the University of Kerala November 1997 (unpublished). 2. Omar Gabriel da Silva Filho, Fabricio Monteiro de Castro Machado, Adriana Coelho de Andrade, José Alberto de Souza Freitas, Samir E. Bishara (1998). Upper dental arch morphology of adult unoperated complete bilateral cleft lip and palate. American Journal of Orthodontics & Dentofacial Orthopedics Volume 114, Issue 2 , Pages 154161, August Brief Communication: 696 Jr. Anth. Survey of India, 61(2) & 62(1) : (697-717), 2012-2013 Economic Profile of Oraon : A case study of forest village Aheri Das1 ABSTRACT People, whether the primitive or the advanced, need one another as well as resources from the wider world in order to maintain livelihood. Yet, no obvious schema of social organisation that all societies are obliged to follow is observed. Particular societies in particular environments, design their livelihood differently. They utilise the natural and human resources available to them by their own cultural means. These cultural means are the best adaptive mode for their survival. So, it can be said that, making of one’s living is culturally defined in particular manner. In this context, an attempt has been made to conceptualize the economic phenomena of a tribal village, situated at Lataguri, near the Gorumara National Park of the Duars region of northern part of West Bengal. In present treatise, an attempt has been made to describe the economic processes in minute detail of the Oraons living in a forest village at Lataguri. INTRODUCTION A given economy is the end result of a process that involves its technological evolution, history and social organization, as well as its geography, natural resource endowment, and ecology, as main factors. These factors give context, content, and set the conditions and parameters in which an economy functions. An economic system operates in an area on the basis of the availability of economic inputs like land, labour, capital, forest etc. which are socially regulated in production, exchange, distribution of goods and services of that area. There are various types of major economic activities among numerous tribal communities of India. It varies from food gathering stage through agriculture to handicrafts, etc.The Oraon as well as other tribal communities are depended on more than one major economic activities. The changing features in the sphere of economy have been the object of study in this discourse. To investigate this hypothesis an Oraon dominated village has been selected from North Bengal. Intensive fieldwork along with household census, case histories, etc. has been conducted to generate information in this regard. 1Junior Research Fellow Anthropological Survey of India. 698 Economic Profile of Oraon : A case study of forest village Aheri Das 699 The people and their background The agricultural systems main operations of Saraswti Banabasti In the heart of middle India, more than 30 scheduled tribes inhabit the plateau of Chotanagpur. The Oraons are one of well-known tribes of Chotanagpur. Though the Oraons in course of evolution are said to have passed through hunting stage, they latter developed settled agricultural economy and elaborate cultural complex. They also claimed the honour of having introduced the use of regular plough cultivation into the Chotanagpur plateau for the first time. The elements of the Oraon livelihood can be viewed from different behavioural aspects which are manifested through various cultural phenomena. These elements can be categorized in three broad sections. The first is the cultural patterning of livelihood, the second is ecology and third is the changes in cultural patterning in temporal and spatial references. It is generally an ethnographic work, where the recorder tries to keep her in describing the economic pattern of the Oraon. The villagers of Sraswati Banabasti are mainly settled agriculturists and their main subsistence pattern is based on cultivation. But the other economic pursuits of the Oraons are as labourer of tea garden. Both substantial economy and formal economy exist there simultaneously. They also engage in various types of services of work. Some of them engage in Government official work or business or some small works. In Saraswati Bana Basti, they practice their traditional economy i.e. agriculture. It is done in a small scale. It is because they could not have large opening of land due to prohibition of deforestation and forest policy. They use primitive technology. Cultivation is started from the month of Baisakh (April-May) and they harvest their crops during the months of Bhadro-Aswin (September- October). The Oraons are widely migrated tribes. This tribe has gradually migrated from the Western coast of India. Some of the elders point to Gujarat as the starting point of migration, by other the Konkan is considered as the cradle of the race, and thence, it is supposedly, is derived the name khurnkh, by which they invariably call themselves. The Oraons appear to have been assigned to them as a nickname, possibly with reference to their many migrations and proneness to roam. Being migrated from this part they come to the Kaimur hill and the plateau of Rohtas in Shahabad. Driven from Rohtas by the Muhamadans, the tribe went up to Son in Palamue, and turning eastward along the Koel took possession of the northwestern portion of Chotanagpur plateau. They further migrated to the districts of Jalpaiguri, Midnapur, 24-Parganas of West Bengal during the late 18th century to early 19th century. The Oraons who are migrated to the northern part of West Bengal, mainly engaged as the labourer in the tea gardens. Some of them also maintain their own traditional economical pursuits of agriculture. So considering the above part we come to know that the Oraons have a very clear migratory history of their own. So, it is very clear to conclude that the different ecological settings and new mode of economy have influenced on their lifestyle, belief pattern and socialcultural life of the same tribe. Saraswati Banabasti is located in eastern Himalayas sub mountain Terai belt with the ecology of rolling forests and riverine grasslands of Dooars. It is situated near the Lataguri area beside Nowera river. There are some rumours about the historical background of the name of the village Saraswati Banabasti. Formerly the village was known as Gerebill. According to some villagers, once upon a time, the whole area was covered with dense forest. In the British period, there was a big pond and there was a Meter Gage Railway line beside the pond and Nowera river. This railway line was locally known as ‘Newra line’. A severe train accident took place in this area and the train sank completely in the water of the pond with its passengers and goods containers. After that event this place was known as “Gerebill”. This pond has transformed into a patch of land after a long time. But human living started after the declaration of this forest area as National Park. The forest department adopted it as a forest village and renamed it as “Saraswati Banabasti” later on. Types of paddy : Kalo Nunia, Tulaipangi, Sada Nunia, B.R.- bell, etc. B.R-11 and B.R.50 are most popular because it takes little time to grow. Principal Economy : Cultivation / Agriculture Categories of land i) Types of land on the basis of altitude: The area belongs within the Terai sub-mountain region. For this reason a huge difference is noticed in the altitude of the land. On the basis of the altitude of the land the cultivated land is divided into two categories. The upper most land is called as Danga Jami. The altitude of the Danga land is highest of all. Water cannot stage on this type of land. The soil of Danga land is dry and dusty. The low lands are called as Doholal land. Here the capacity of holding water is very high. The soil of Dohola land is wet and muddy. ii) Types of land on the basis of fertility: The fertility of these lands is not very well. The quality of soil is mainly sticky–muddy. They divided these lands into two types such as fertile and less–fertile according to their own perceptions. iii) Possession of lands: On the basis of possession of the land, these are of three types such as (a) Own : Who have own land. (b) Share holder :Who get a portion of grain. Technology or process of paddy cultivation A. Preparation of nursery bed or seedbed: i) Selection of land and amount of land: According to my informant Mr.Ram Nath Oraon, they mainly used the Danga Jami (upper most land) for seedbed or nursery bed. But for those who have no Danga jami, they select ¼ of the total land as seedbed or nursery bed of the paddy. ii) Ploughing : They plough their cultivable land for 4-6 times, two times east to west in direction and two times from north to south direction. They plough it to opposite direction. The man who has Danga Jami he has to plough 8-10 times. But som time they plough it for 12 times. 700 Economic Profile of Oraon : A case study of forest village ii) ii) a. Fitting of implement : They use various implements to plough the land. Those are langal and joyat or joyan. Joyat is fitted with two oxen. It is fitted horizontally parallel to the ground. The langal is fitted with joyat. It touches the ground making and angle of 45 Degree. b. Manipulation : The farmer holds the grip of the langal into his left hand and pushes the iron shoe of the langal into the ground. During the ploughing oxen are moved forward and the farmer hit on the back of the oxen with a long stick. ii) c. Ceremonies and taboos : They performed a special ceremony before beginning of first paddy cultivation. In this ceremony they used to wear new cloths after bathing. iii) Leveling iii) a. Time – Leveling is done after ploughing. They leveled land for 2 times. iii) b.Direction – It is directed from east to west and north to south. iii) c. Implement – They use an implement to level the surface of the ground is known as moi ( leveller) . It looks like a ladder. iii) d. Fitting of the implement – They attached the moi to the Joyal with a rope and ride on a moi (leveler) for extra weight. iii) e. Manipulation – During leveling of the ground they used to ride on the moi with adequate weight and drive the oxen beating with a wooden stick. iii) f. Ceremonies and taboo – There is no ceremony. But there is a taboo performed by them. The pregnant women are not allowed to see or enter in the field. There is a rumour that if they enter in the field then their baby will be affected by hysteria. iv) Manuring l Various types of manure : They mainly used cow dung, khol, and bone dust like bio manure. They manure their field at least for three times. v) Irrigational facility : – Irrigation is a great problem of this area. Irrigation facility is not present. They have to depend on the rain water. vi) Sowing of seeds vi) a. Treatment – They use DDT to treat seeds. There is no treatment if seeds are attacked by bug. vi) b. Amount – They use 10– 15 gm. of pesticides or insecticide for per 40 Kg. of seeds. Aheri Das 701 vi) c. Person involved – One person is involved to sowing of seeds. B. Preparation of Mainland i) Time – From the month of Baisak (April – May) they start to prepare mainland by adding manure in the paddy field along with the operation of ploughing. ii) Procedure – They mainly use bio manure. Sometime they add nitrate, urea, and potash manure bought from the market. At first they clean up the field, and then they ploughed the field. Firstly they prepared the Dohola land or low land. They fill up the land with water and then the main cultivative land. If this land is very muddy (locally called as leowa) then it is started to plough in the month of Jaisthya (June-July) for 4-6 consecutive ploughing. This type the of main land plough for 4-6 Chash. The procedure of their ploughing is followed for two times from one direction of the field to another. Then they level it for one time. This process is continuing for 4-6 times. After that they remain the land as it is for 7-14 days. Then after a rainfall they start to spread seeds in the field. The same processes are used to prepare high land. In the low land when water was soaked the muddy surface is prepared for the cultivation. After germination of seeds the seedlings are transplanted to main land. They mainly use the Danga Jami for seedbed or nursery bed, which is locally called as Bichon bari. C. Transplantation : When the crop seedlings are about 4" to 5" long then the seedlings are transplanted from seed bed to proper main land. At first seedlings are plucked up from the land and then it is bunched. This bunches are taken to the field and then this seedlings are replanted in the main cultivable land. Then the main land is filled up with water below knee height. It takes 25 – 30 days to transplant from a seedbed. Height of seedbed varies with the species of the seedbed. But the small saplings are of 6". The large saplings are of 1ft. i) Direction – There is no any specific direction for transplantation. ii) Gap between two bunches of seedlings – Gap between two bunches of seedlings are in case of hybrid paddy are kept 1.5" apart and local paddy are kept 5" to 10" apart. iii) Ceremonies and taboo – Ceremony relating to transplantation is known as Ban Gari Puja. At the month of Asar–Sraban (July–August) this ceremony is performed. The intention of this worship is for good production of paddy and to protect their crop evil eyes. In this ceremony they worship using flowers, fruits, leaves, and vermilion. Initially at the middle portion of the field is coated with mud. Then a flag of red and white pieces of clothes are placed in that place. Then this place is smear with vermilion. After that a pigeon or a hen is sacrificed on that particular place. After that firstly, five bunches are planted together. Then they plant seedlings throughout the paddy field. There is no taboo regarding this ceremony. 702 Economic Profile of Oraon : A case study of forest village D. Weeding i) Time – It is done before preparation of the main land for once in a month. ii) Person involved – Mainly one person is involved . But in case of large field three or four persons are involved in this work. Male and females both are allowed to weeds the paddy field. But the females are very efficient in this type of work. Procedure – After transplantation they pluck up the unwanted weeds by hands. If the root portions of the paddy plant become dry or do not able to get much of water, then there is a possibility of growing weeds. E. Watching : They themselves watch their paddy fields. At night they watch from them machan (watch-tower) to save their crops from elephants. They also use bow and arrow made of bamboo to protect the infiltration of elephant in their paddy field. A kind of battery searchlight is used to protect from the taskers and dantals. They are used to fence their entire village boundary by battery power fencing. F. Use of pesticide or insecticide i) Time – They use pesticides or insecticides 2 - 3 times during cultivation. ii) Amount – In one hector of cultivable land, 100 gm of pesticide or insecticide are used. iii) Various types of pesticides or insecticide – DDT iv) Person involve – Usually one or two person are involved. v) Manipulation – Pesticides are sprayed all over the cultivable land. G. Harvesting : Harvesting is started by them in the month of Aghrayan (November-December). For this work male and females both are engaged for each type of cultivable land. H. I. Aheri Das sides do it. After that they boiled the grains and leave it or spread it on the courtyard to dry. After few days when the crops become well dried they carefully clean it. Then it is threshed three times by one woman and another woman also do the vice versa. The soft portion of the grains are flown away, the fresh grains are dropped down. They use husking liver (Denki) for husking the paddy. Recently, they also husk the paddy from Lataguri Husking Mill. It takes Rs. 12 /- for husking per mon of paddy. J. Labour : The person who have a large amount of cultivable land they need labour for work. The landless persons mainly work as labour. This is known as hajira khata. Both males and females work as hajira. Males can perform every kind of work in the agricultural field. But females’ performances are restricted mainly in weeding and husking activities. The rate of hajira is Rs. 40 /- per day with a launch. Sometimes, the males take rice grains as their remuneration instead of money for conducting their work. Females are mainly taken rice grain in exchange of their labour. K. Production : The production is not always same in all cultivable lands. It mainly depends on the quality of soil of the land. More or less, the land of 5 bigha can able to produce 1 mon of paddy, i.e. 390 kg. L. Storing : They store the produced grains in a bamboo basket which is locally called as dhaki. They store total amount of paddy for a year on a wooden platform locally known as pohal-punji. It is a wooden self-like structure. M. Difficulties relating to cultivation : Mahakal (elephants) creates problems during cultivation season. Elephants eat their ripe paddy entering into the paddy field. Sometimes they enter in their village and even try to find out the hidden paddy. They face irrigation problem during agricultural season due to scarcity of water. N. Solution according to them : They protect their grain in various ways. They watch the total area from the machan. They use power fencing and battery light for watching. A pole is horizontally placed at the entrance of the village with two vertical poles. If elephant crosses that place then at first the horizontal pole breaks down. After hearing the sound of the breaking down of the horizontal pole, they become aware. O. Capital : Paddy is mainly produced for using in consumption purpose of whole year. If there is any surplus then they sell it in the market. From this surplus some paddy are preserves as seeds for future cultivation. Almost all villagers are maintained subsistence economic pattern. But some rich persons of the village who have a big amount of land possession they are able to produced good quantity of paddy. But this kind of production is occurred in small scale. In that case they buy the seeds from the market. Transportation from paddy field to courtyard (Khamar) : As the fields are situated at the adjacent area of the houses, the family members themselves carry the paddy straw from the field to their houses. The harvested paddy are bunched up separately and brought to the courtyard (Khamar) from paddy field. Threshing and winnowing : When the crops are mature they cut the crops and make a bunch of it. After that they bring it to their own houses. This is held in the month of Aghrayan (November- December) . Then they thresh the paddy straw. This activity is done on a threshing board or on a bench. This process is locally known as marai. Firstly the grains are placed on a solid platform and then beaten with a thick stick. Two persons from opposite 703 704 Economic Profile of Oraon : A case study of forest village P. Mesurement : They use basket for the measurement of rice grains. The measuring unit is don. There are three size of dons. Among these three types of dons the capacity of the big sized don is 16 kg. Medium sized don carries 14kg of rice grain and small sized don carries 12kg of rice grain. Paila is another measuring pot of paddy. It is a smaller unit of measuring. 1 Paila = 1kg or 1/2 kg. Sometime especially in case of the ceremonial purpose, a kind of square shaped basket is used. It is locally called as nachua. It is also of different in size. Instruments used in Agriculture Mainly manual instruments are used for agriculture. These instruments are mainly wooden made and some instruments have iron blade or ends for smoother used. The following instruments are used for agriculture :– 1. Plough :- The plough is locally termed as Langol. The holding handle is known as Hata and the long handle is known as Ish. In the junction of Hata and Ish a piece of wood is fixed up for make proper angle is known as Pat. It use for supporting purpose. The lower part of the Hata is known as Sukhdhani. The lower most iron made blade is known as Phal. In the point where the Phal is fitted with the Shukhdhani is known as the Dasi. At the back of the Sukhdhani there is also a piece of wood fixed with Sukhdhani. 2. Joyat :- It is a long wooden piece. It fixed up on the shoulder of the Buffaloes. It has two-piece of wood at the two sides, which is locally known as Shal. At the middle notch of the Joyal a rope is fitted with buffelow's neck. It is known as Andh. There are two holes at the two sides of the end of the Joyat. It used to attach rope with buffalo's neck. 3. Leveler : This instrument is locally known as Moi. This instrument looks as the ladder. The upper part of Moi is known as the Sukhdahni. The lower handle is known as Ish there are few notches at the anterior part for fixed up rope. This instrument is fully made by wood. These three main instruments are used for cultivation. Beside these there are other instruments, which are used for cultivation. 4. Hoe : It is locally called as Kodal. It is looked like the English alphabet "L ". The upper handle is made with wood and the lower part or blade is made by iron. It is used for crashing the hard soil chang. 5. Sickle : It is a cutting implement. It used to cut crops. It has two parts. One is made by wood. It is wooden handle. The other part is made with iron. It is half circle in shape. The concave edge is sharp and other convex edge is heavy and thick. Some time the concave edge is serrated. It is locally known as Dao. The other two types of implements are Dheki (Haskin lever) and Janta. Janta is used for grinding purpose. Tea Gardening The Oraons work as daily labour (jhorni) in the tea gardens as subsidiary occupation to support their livelihood. They have adopted this new mode of economy due to easy Aheri Das 705 availability of work in tea garden. They also work of plucking and pruning of tealeaves from the tree gardens. The plucking of tealeaves is mainly done by females and the pruning is done by the males. Tea pollens are collected from tea flower, which is another mode of subsidiary economy. After collections of tea seeds, they sell it to nursery and the tea flower is used as food. Land : Mainly dry lands are used for tea gardening. The tea gardens must be sloping land for drains out the water. Digging channels in between the tea plants in rows for which the water can drain out and the soil become dry quickly. To increase the fertility of land firstly, the land is kept as usual for 4 to 5 years. After some time a type of grassy plant is planted which is locally called Ghera Ghash, for increasing of the fertility of land. Previously the fencing of the tea gardens are done by cupper wire. But sometimes the thieves steal the said copper wire of the boundary. For this reason, presently, boundaries are open without any fencing. Labour : The labours of the tea garden usually called as jharani which means a person who engage in the activity of pruning of tealeaves. Preferable Labour : The females are preferred for the work of jharani. Because it is a time consuming work and requires patience. Yet, some males also work at tea gardens, but they are more engage in the works of Chilling and Forking than Plucking and Pruning. Selection of Labour : In case of the working in the tea estate or big tea garden, the labourers are selected by a middle man who is locally called as Baidar or Sardar. Those Baidar works under the managers of big tea gardens. They select the labour and get a commission for this selection or for helping to get this kind of jobs. But the selection of labourers totally depends on the wish of these Baidar. So, it is difficult to get a job in the big tea garden without help of this middleman. On the other hand, it is comparatively easy to get job in local or small tea garden, because there is no such impact of Baidar. The labourer directly contact with the proprietors (Malik) of the garden. The labourers are known as Hajira. The females mainly work in the local tea garden. In some areas there are many villages whose inhabitants are depending too much on tea garden activities. It is reported that the entire lands previously belonged to the local tribal community. If someone donates land to the Government for development purpose, his family members can claim to get a job to tea garden. There is system that two labourers jobs are allotted for per family and these jobs are transferred through generation after generation. For example Monoram Ekka (32 yrs) and his brother Manuel Ekka (30 yrs) previously lived at Newra Nuddy Estate. His father also lived there. Their father and mother also got job of labour at Newra Bagan Tea Garden. After their retirement those two jobs were transferred to next generation. Now two their sons have get that jobs and their wives are engaging as labour in Newra Bagan Tea garden. Their other brothers are engaging in agriculture in Saraswati Banabasti and have been living here. Rate of Labour mode of payments : The rate of salary of the labour is Rs. 550/- per 25 days. They have to pluck 23 Kg. o f tealeaves per day. If they pluck more than 23Kg., then they get Rs. 2/- as per extra plucking. This extra plucking is known as O.T (Over 706 Economic Profile of Oraon : A case study of forest village Aheri Das Time). In case of private garden the salary is Rs. 30/- per day and they have to pluck 1000 leaves. But the rate of O.T is same. Seasonal Labour Pattern : Though entire year is the time of leaves plucking; yet the best season for tealeaves plucking is the time before monsoon and the winter season. They mainly work throughout the year in tea garden. It is used for crashing the hard soil chang. It is also used for the ‘forking of the soil’. To cut grass in the Tea Garden, it is also used. It is called chilling. Digging of channel, cleaning of garden are the other purpose for using Jagrua. 2. Chopper : The local term of chopper is Kolomduri. It is a large thick and heavey knife, shaped almost like a falchion with a wooden handle. It is of 3 Types: (i) Hawaii kolom (Big in size) , (ii) Kolomduri (Medium in size), (iii) Katari (Small in size). (i) “Hawaii Kolom” is used for the leveling of the upper portion of the tea plants. (ii) “Kolom duri” is used for pruning and L.P. (iii) “Katari” is used for cutting of the tree and center-out of the tree. 3. Spray Machine : It is used for spraying pesticides and vitamin (Foliose) and hormon. 4. Fregration : It is the method of giving water on tea plants. For fregration the following implements are used. Procedure of tea gardening They use dry land for tea gardening. The land must be slanting down wards. They perform two type of work at the tea garden. l i) Pruning : It is the method by which they trim by lopping off the superfluous parts of the tea plants. By which they give a good shape of the tree. In this method they also follow to pluck dry leaves from the tree. This method of works is locally called as Jharni. The males generally do pruning. This method is also done in two ways : L.P : After the plantation of tea tree and when it begins to grow at 12 to14 inches in height, at that time this type of pruning is done for giving a good shape of the tree. This process is adopted to resist the tea plant for not grow up too much. ii) L.O.S : The portion where L.P was done previously, after 3 to 4 years when the tree grows at 16 to18 inches, then L.O.S method is used. Whenever these methods are used, hormones are also given on the cutting parts of the tree. l Plucking : Plucking is the work of picking of tea-leaves. Though they pluck tealeaves throughout the year, but the best season of plucking is winter season and before the onset of monsoon. The first season of tealeaves plucking is started from the beginning of the Bengali month of Fhalgun, (February – March). They also pluck leaves, which is called as Holud Pata, that means yellow leaves. Old leaves are not plucked. They pluck leaves throughout the year, but in that case they take an interval of 10 to 12 days between plucking of tea-leaves. Because, at that time the rate of growth of new leave decreases. In the winter season they also pluck the flowers of tea. They used it as food for eating. They also sell it in market. They also sell some flowers at V.P. Nursery. The nursery process it for preparing seedlings for future tea plants. The fertilizers and pesticides are sprayed on the tea plants by the jhorni or hajiras. l Collection of tea leaves : The total amount of plucked tea leaves are collected together at first. Then the cars of company collect those leaves. Then it is measured and transported to factory. In case of private garden the labourers are transported to scheduled places as directed by the Maliks. Then the leaves are transported to factory for necessary processing. i) Pump Machine, ii) P.V.C pipe, iii) Washer, iv) L & T Pipe (To connect two pipes) v) Putul (Water can with a porous spout for spraying water to Tea plants), (vi) Jam socket (T closed the end of the pipe) 5. Net : It is locally called as Jholi. It is used for plucking tealeaves. It is manipulated from the head and it hangs along the backside of the tea plucker. Its length is 50cm and breadth is 64cm. 6. Bucket : It is a kind of special shaped basket. It is locally called as Deko. It is quadrilateral in shape. It is used to keep the plucked tealeaves. It is tied in the body of the tea plucker. It is 23 inches long in height. The thickness of lower part is 20.3 inches and upper part is 32.3 inches. 7. Tripol : It is piece of plastic cloth. It is 42 inches long in length and height is 33 inches. It is used for protection to leach. Other Economic pursuits of the villagers Besides agriculture and tea garden’s works, there are various types of economic pursuits of the villagers. Though the village economy is centering around agriculture and tea garden works, there are other means of earning their subsistence. These are as follows : 1. Technology of Tea Garden : Implements used and manipulations 1. Hoe : The local term of Hoe is Jagrua. It is looked like the English alphabet ‘L’. The upper handle is made with wood and the lower part or blade is made by iron. 707 Fishing : Fishing is popular habit of among the villagers. But mainly they use those fishes for their own consumptions. They used to catch the fishes from nearby ponds or Newra river. If excess amount of fishes are collected beyond the consumption then they take the excess fishes into the markets for selling. Generally 708 Economic Profile of Oraon : A case study of forest village they catch various types of fishes, among which are – Puti (Puntius guganio), Tangra (Batasio batasio), Taki (Channa punctata), Chang, Dirka (Esomus danricus), Berili (Barilius barila) etc. They catch fishes with the help of Chhip (fishing rod) and fishing net. They also collect snails from the ponds. 2. 3. 4. 5. Cultivation of various vegetables plants : Most of the villagers cultivate vegetables in a piece of small lands around their houses, such as Rai (Mustard), Begun (Brinjal), Shim (Lentils), etc. In case of dal (Lentils) they make macha (a upword structure prepared with the rope and bamboo stripes). They make the seedling of the vegetables themselves. At first the seeds of the ripen and mature fruits are dried and tied in the cloth. After digging a small part of the field the seeds are spreaded and covered by straw. When the seedlings germinate, then they use to take out and planted in the other land. In case of Begun (Bringal), it takes one and half month for the preparation of seedlings, and in case of Rai it takes three days and in case of mustard it also takes three days only. For healthy seedling, they plant the seeds at a distance of six inches. In case of seedling, they sell it at Rs. 10/- 15/- per Poua (250 gram). Fodder Plantation : Fodder plantation is the method of preparing food process for wild animals of the forest. Many people work in this project, which have been initiated by the Forest Department. The people who are engaged in fodder plantation, this work is under the wild life. As for example Panduii is the fodder of elephant. Besides, these, for afforestation project; the Forest Department has taken some measures like plantation of Sal (Sorea robusta), Segun (Tectona grandis), and Eucalyptus (Eucaliptus marginata) etc. Work under Forest Department : Every year the Forest Department allot work to the village people on contact basis. The natures of works are digging the ponds, cleaning and mending the roads, cleaning of forest etc. These works are allotted by the Department in daily rated basis. This process is known as Hajira. During the year 1970 and onward the rate of this Hajira was at a rate of Rs. 3/- per day. But presently, the rate of Hajira have been increased to Rs. 65/- to 71/- per day. These types of works are contractual in nature. The activities of the Forest Department also includes the Territorial management, Wildlife, MAP, Sylviculture and Corporation. The other permanent natures of employment of the Department in the post of Supervisor, Manager, Clerk etc. The salary in the post of clerk is Rs. 5000/- with facility of Provident Fund and Gratuity. If any accident occurs, employees can get refundable loan facilities. Forest Guide : Many of them work as forest guide. In this case they get Rs. 60/for 1-6 persons and Rs. 120/- for 7-12 persons from the Forest Department. Additional income for the forest guide depends on how much one can impress the tourists. They get most of the extra income duringthe festive season of Durga Puja and x-mass season during December. Aheri Das 709 6. Business : There is very small wooden shop in the village Saraswati Bana Basti. The proprietor of the shop is Mr. Ranajit Oraon. He used to buy commodities from local Moulani Hatt at Lataguri. Although it is a grocer shop, some stationery goods like exercise book, pencil, lozenge, bidi, gutka, etc are also kept in the shop. Muri (puffed rice), biscuit, rice grain, oil, spices, etc are also available there. But the rate of selling of rice is lesser. Because most of the village people produce these rice grain in their own field. Mr. Ranjit Oraon, the proprietor of the shop does not buy the rice grain from the bazar ( market) for selling. Because he has agricultural field and he sells the rice grains from his surplus productions. He informed that he earns averagely Rs.500/- to Rs.800/- per month from his shop. All of the villagers buy goods from his shop. Formerly the villagers go to market to buy the commodities but easy availability at the shop and for convenience they buy the essential commodities from this shop. 7. Work at the Resorts at Lataguri : In the off-season of paddy cultivation, they work as Hajira in the local resorts. The works are included in weeding ceremony, digging of ponds, tree gardening and tree plantation, thatching of roofs, etc. They get Rs. 60/= to Rs. 70/- per day and get the free lunch from resorts. Some of boys and girls work as servant and maidservant in the resorts. They get Rs. 800/- to Rs.1000/-per month. 8. Hunting : Formally hunting was very popular among them. But after the formulation of forest policy and various type of prohibition introduce by Forest Department, the hunting activities are not encouraged now. But some ritualistic hunting are practiced there. During Oraon marriage ceremony, a ritualistic hunting is necessary for them. They use bow and arrow made by bamboo as hunting implement. 9. Gathering : They collect various things from forest. Some leaves and shrubs, medicinal plants are collected from the forest Females mainly collect mushroom from forest and woods. These woods are used as fuel for cookery. These woods are locally called khori. Some eatable flowers are also collected from the forest. Some of them collect honey from the forest. 10. Alcoholic Beve0rage (Hanria) : Hanria or rice bear preparation is another economic pursuits for them. All most every family prepares hanria. Hanria is used for both drinking for them and also for selling in the market. Hanria (Rice bear) is the favorite drink of the Oraons. Rice bear is one of the sacred thing in their life. Any ceremonies or at any stage of their life hanria is a part of rituals. l Procedure of Hanria (rice bear) Preparation : At first 1 kg. of sedhdho chal (Boiled Rice) and 1 kg. of Atap Chal (plain Rice) is use to mixed. Then an earthen gagri (earthen pot) with full of water in it, is placed over a burning hearth. When water become sufficiently heated, mohua (Madhuca longifolia) is put into it and, a little later 1 kg. Sedhdho Chal (Boiled Rice) and 1 kg. of Atap Chal (plain Rice) 710 Economic Profile of Oraon : A case study of forest village is added to mix up. When the mixture of rice is sufficiently boiled (dar-sijha), the water in the pot has dried up. Then the pot is taken down from over the hearth and left to cool down. The contents of the vessel are spreaded out on a sheet of plastic paper on the floor of courtyard. Because it need cool and shabby atmosphere. They had done it in their kitchen. When the contents are totally cooled down the roots of vegetable and Bakhor (roots) are mixed with it. These Bakhor (roots) are purchased from the market @ Rs.50/- per 60 tablets. After the use of the earthen pot, the inside of the jar is now thoroughly rinsed and dried over the hearth. Then the contents spread out on the plastic sheet and mixed with Bakhor (roots) and roots are put into pot, and stowed away. In summer, it takes about three or four days, and in winter about a week to produce fermentation. When it is desired to use it, water is poured into the jar and mixed well with the contents by pouring the contents. According to them from 5 kg. of boiled rice is prepared from 2 kg of rise grains. and from this 5 kg boiled rise 10 kg. of rice bear is fermented (approx). l Marketing of hanria : The female members of the family mainly make rice bear or hanria. Usually hanria is prepared in almost all families of the area. Hanria is sold in the market per glass at Rs.3/-. According to them Hanria makes the body cool. They are very much fond of hanria. They also take smoke, gutka and also some time-imported liquor. Distribution of other products The villagers maintain the pattern of subsistence economy. They produce mainly for their consumption purpose. After consumption the surplus Hanria is sold in the market. They directly sell this surplus Hanria to the market. Some rich persons who hold large quantity of lands, used to cultivate good quality of rice grain. In that case the selling price of that rice grain naturally high. So the local people are not be able to purchase such good quality of rice grain. Therefore through the middleman, that kind of rice grains are sold in big market. It may be Malbazar or Mainaguri. This middleman is known as Aratdar or Jotdar. In case of cultivated vegetables, they sell in the market. After catching fishes, or collecting snails the excess portion of that items are also sold in the market for their earning. Everyday hanria is sold in market. Females prepare muri (puffed rice) from rice grain and send it to the Ranjit Oraon’s shop for selling at a rate of Rs.12/- per kg. For preparation of rice grain for Muri they make the rice grain, boiled double time and then dried in the sum. This type of rice grains cost at Rs. 10/- to 12/- per kg. Some time they take charge for making Muri for others. It may cost of Rs. 5/- to Rs.6/- per Ser. Some time the villagers use to sell green tea leaves directly in the market. At the time of plucking the tea leaves from tea garden, some extra leaves are been collected and that tea leaves are not been accounted to usual collection for garden authorities. For this direct selling in the market, an amount of commission is paid to the Market Babasayik Samity. Aheri Das 711 Market : The main markets are at Lataguri Bazar and Moulali Hatt of Lataguri. But some time they also go to Mutudi Boro Hatt at Malbazar for selling their product. Though there is no such market near to their settlement, yet the villagers go to Maulani Hatt for selling their surplus commodities, which set on in every Wednesday. There are two types of shop : a) Permanent and b) Non permanent. There is a committee at Mutuli Boro Hatt. They look after the rate of various products and check it. The permanent shop have to pay Rs 50/- Rs 80/- per 6 month and non permanent shop owner have to pay 50 paisa per day to this community. The community also tests the Palla (weight machine) for every month. They also control lataguri bazaar and Moulani hatt. Maulani hatt is a very small market. There are 10 to 12 shops and all are non-permanent. Role of Middle Man : Mainly the role of middleman is very few in their economic life. But in case of production of good quality of rice grain they have to go to the middleman to sell their product. The middleman is known as aratdar or jotdar.There are another type of middleman who is know as baidar. They are also known as sardar. In case of the labour work of tea estate or big tea garden they have to depends on these baidars. These baidars work under the managers of big tea gardens. They select the labour and get a commission for this selection from both sides i.c. the owner and the labours. Barter System : Barter system is also found, but in rudimentary form. There are some economic relations of exchange, which are seemed to be as barter system. For example some time they present their excess milk to their neighbour then the neighbour give them paddy in exchange of milk. Some time they take the extra plough from a neighbour. After the ploughing at the end of the production they are used to return some portion of rice grains in exchange of using of the plough. Some time they work as lobourer for their neighbour’s land according to some terms and conditions. That said neighbour would work in another term. Lending: Some time it is noticed that a rich man lend money or some commodities to a poor person. The person return the money when he is able to pay that, in that case, the rich man do not charge any interest. This is just for helping the poor. Again the poor may give some portion of rice grain or other commodities like produced vegetables or fish, to the lender as gift. In this way lending system perform in a good adjustment. Some time one villager lends some rice for his consumption. He returns it after his production of paddy and returns the said rice grains to the lender. It is to mind that the process of lending is not treated as profession. Economic Symbiosis with other communities : Any economic symbiosis is not found now. But previously they have a prominent economic symbiosis with other two communities, known as Gauria and Mahli. Banna or Khoda (a type of tattooing) is one of the main identity marks of Oraon females. Banna or Khoda means curved tattoo for the body adornment. This work of tattooing on the body is done by the Gauaria community. They curve it on the body during rice-feeding ceremony of an Oraon baby. In exchange for this nature of work, Gauria people take some portion of rice throughout the year. But 192 of F) In respect 3 2.75% 109 8 7.34% 14 12.84% In respect of A) In respect of F) 30 27.52% 112 (92.56% 121 (63.02% Total - 3 - 11 3 - 27 58 - 64 - 57 80+ 54 75 - 79 - - - - - - - - - - - - 65 - 69 70 - 74 - - - - - - - - - - - 55 - 59 60 - 64 2 1 3 2 2 50 - 54 5 - - 2 - 4 4 - 8 6 4 - 8 6 5 40 - 44 45 - 49 - - 1 - 6 5 6 4 6 7 7 4 8 6 30 - 34 35 - 39 - 1 2 1 - 3 4 6 15 11 10 8 17 11 10 20 - 24 25 - 29 (100%) 11 10.10% 3 - 5 6 - 8 - - - - - - - 1 - - - - 1 - - 1 - 1 - - - - - 1 1 1 1 2 1 3 2 5 1 - - - - - - 2 3 2 - 1 4 - 15 3 - 15 - 9 10 - 14 15 - 19 - - - - - - - - - - - 0-4 5-9 M F M F M F M F B A M 55 43 39.45% 17 30.90% 8 14.55% 14 25.45% 16 29.10% 71 (36.98% - 22 49 - 14 2 - 6 8 - 1 7 - 8 9 - 42 1 - - - 1 - 1 - - 1 - - - - - - - - - - - - 1 3 2 1 1 - - - - - - - - - - - - 5 7 1 2 2 - 14 - - 1 - 2 - 1 - - 1 - 2 5 - - - 10 15 - - 2 - 1 1 3 2 - 1 1 3 - 1 6 3 - 1 - - 18 28 - - 4 2 - 2 2 - 1 2 3 1 1 1 5 11 3 - - - 24 18 5 - 13 - 4 - - - - - - 2 - - 12 - - - 27 20 6 9 18 14 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - F M F M F M F M F M F M F - F F M F M Total Total non Labour force E Household work Business Labour Agriculture Household work Service Business Labour Agricultural Tea garden Land : Land is treated as one of their main capital. Most of the villagers have their own lands. They used to cultivate in their lands. But the landless villagers depend on sharecropping and seasonal labour with some conditions took their livelihood. Agriculture Capital investment : For cultivation of paddy they do not buy seeds from other source. Theyare used to preserve grains for using as seeds for future season. They buy only insecticides with their appliances, which are necessary for cultivation. So investment capital is small in nature. In case of production of good quality rice grains they buy seeds from Metuli hatt at Malbazar. Total working labour Person In case of marketing hanria (rice bear), both males and females sell hanria in the market. Total working labour force In case of tea gardening the females mainly work as plucker and pruner. But a few numbers of males have seen to do such works. Males are engaged in the tea plantation, L.P and L.O.S. Age Group Sex wise Labour Service : There exist the pattern of sex wise labour service system. It is very clearly denoted about the works of males and female’s in separate modifications. The males have to do the work of plugging, tending, pending of seeds in cultivation; cutting woods; fishing, marketing etc. The females have to do works like cooking, nursing of the children, fetching of water and tea plucking. But in case of cultivation both the males and females have engaged for performing the job with utmost support except some prohibition in cultivation process like plugging, pending of seed etc. Even the females have no right to touch the implements of the agriculture or to enter the cultivator lands. Subsidiary Occupation D Division of Labour : The division of labour is a systematic pattern of the community. Mainly the males are engaged to the out side works like cultivation, or any other professions and the females are engaged in all kind of household works. But due to paucity of money the females also have to engage in the cultivation, tea gardening works, etc. for their extra income for economic support to the family. Primary Occupation C presently this practice becomes ritualistic in nature and they give money or any gift. They have also economic symbiosis with Mahli community. They play Madal, Dhak, Dhamsha (Musical Instrument made of leather) and flute in their Parab (occasional religious ceremony) and Sadhi (marriage ceremony) in exchange for this performance they use to take rice grains through out the year. 713 Aheri Das (100%) Economic Profile of Oraon : A case study of forest village Table 1 : Distribution of Population on the Basis of Occupation of Saraswati bana Basti 712 714 Economic Profile of Oraon : A case study of forest village OCCUPATIONAL PROFILE The economy of the villagers has got multifaceted characters of which the households are the main productive units and the members directly involved in the agricultural operation irrespective of age and sex. Fig: 1. Population Distibution of Saraswati Banabasti on the basis of Total working labour force and Total working person Aheri Das 715 The villegers of Sraswati Bana Basti are mainly settled agriculturist and their main subsistence pattern is based on cultivation. But, simultaneously they work as tea garden labour as a means of other economic pursued. They also engage in various types of services for work. Some of them are engaged as Government official or business or some small works. In Saraswati Banabasti they practice their traditional economy i.e. agriculture. It is done in a small scale. It is because they could not have large opening of land due to prohibition of deforestation and forest policy. Table No. 1 and Fig: 2 shows that total 30 person take agriculture as primary occupation where as 17 person take agriculture as subsidiary occupation. Another mode of economy adopted by them in which they work as day labuorer in tea garden. They adopt this new mode of economy due to easy availability of work in tea garden. They work as day labours locally called as jhorni. They do the work of plucking and pruning. Females are more suitable as Jhorni. Males usually do the work of pruning. Tea pollens are collected from tea flower. It is another mode of subsidiary economy. After collections of tea seeds they sell it to nursery and the tea flower is used as food. The rate of salary of the labour is Rs. 550/- per 25 days. They have to pluck 23 Kg. of tealeaves per day. If they pluck more than 23Kg., then they get Rs. 2/- as extra plucking. This extra plucking is known as O.T. (Over Time). In case of private garden the salary is Rs. 30/- per day and they have to pluck 1000 leaves. But the rate of O.T. is same. Table No. 1 (Fig : 1) shows distribution of village population based on occupation. The total working labour force of the Saraswati Bana Basti is 121 (63.02% in respect of total population) of which 57 are male and 64 are female. But the actual number of working persons is 112 (92.56% in respect of total working labour force), which comprises of 54 male and 58 female. The non-labour force of the village is 71 (36.98% in respect of total population), of which 49 are male and 22 female. Fig: 3. Primary Occupation of Saraswati Banabasti on the basis of Sex Fig: 2.Occupational status of Saraswati Banabasti The Fig: 3 , shows that most of the females are attached with the household works. Male individuals choose agriculture as their primary occupation. It is also seen that females choose business as a primary occupation and the proportion of male and female is equal here. Individuals attached with tea garden works as their primary occupation are all females. Very less number of people chooses service as a primary occupation. As a secondary occupation day labour and agriculture is pre-dominant. 716 Economic Profile of Oraon : A case study of forest village Aheri Das 717 Discussion and conclusion Dalton, E. T. 1978. Indian Studies: Past & Present. Calcutta: Firma K.L. Mukhioadhyay. This article has touched upon the econimic profile of the Oraons residing in a forest village at Lataguri in North Bengal. The agricultural system of the Oraons has been discussed emphasizing on the categories of land, technological aspects of paddy cultivation, instruments used in agriculture etc. besides tea gardening another mode of economic activity has also been discussed in this discourse. The procedure and technology of the tea gardening with the technique and implements utilized in the process have been vividly described here. Ghosh, A. 2003. History and Culture of the Oraon Tribe. New Delhi: Mohit Publications. It has been observed that the economic condition of the Oraons has got multifaceted characters. Their main subsistence pattern is based on agriculture but many among them irrespective of age and sex work as tea garden labourers. It has also been observed that their agricultural based economy is gradually changing its characters due various external factors. Internally their subsistence pattern is based on the cultivation of various vegetables plants, fodder plantation, hunting, gathering, etc., besides agriculture. They also earn their livelihood working under forest department as contract labourer, forest guide, etc. Acknowledgement It is impossible to thank all the people who were responsible for helping during the course of this work. I would like to convey thanks to Mr. Arnab Das (Lecturer, University Of Calcutta), my Supervisor, for guiding me through the course of fieldwork and for allowing me to materialize the whole work. I would like to convey my special thanks to Dr. Kakali Chakrabarty (Superintendent Anthropologist, Anthropological Survey of India, E.R.C,) for extending her support. I am also grateful to Dr. D. N. Pandey (Senior Ecologist of Anthropological Survey of India), Dr. Amitava Sarkar (Superintendent Anthropologist, Anthropological Survey of India) for giving encouragement to prepare this research paper. Last but not the least my appreciation goes to all of the persons who have extended their cooperation to me before and after The fieldwork, I would like to thank Mr. Debu Mukhopadhyay and his family for informing me about the forest villages of Garumara . Mr.Kausik Bahattacherya’s help and cooperation in this regards is acknowledged from the core of my heart . References Das, A. 2007. The Oraon in the Forest and in the City: A Study on the People in Two Settlements. Unpublished M. Sc. dissertation (Part II), submitted to the Department of Anthropology, University of Calcutta. Dalton, E. T. 1872. (Reprinted in 1960 & 1973). Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal. Calcutta: Government Printing Press. Rishley, H. H. 1891. The Tribes and Castes of Bengal. Calcutta : Bengal Secretariat Press. (Reprinted in 1981 Calcutta: Firma Mukhopadhyay) Vol. II. Roy, S. C. 1915. The Oraons of Chota Nagpur their History, Economic Life and Social Organisation. Ranchi: Man in India office. Roy, S. C. 1928. (Reprinted in 1972). Oraon Religion and customs. Ranchi: Man in India Office. Roy, S. C. 1985. Oraon Religion and Custom. Delhi: Gian Publishing House. Singh, K.S. 1985. Tribal Society in India: An Anthropo-historical Perspective. Delhi: Manohar Publications. Spradley, J. & Mc Curdy, D. W. 1996. Conformity and Conflict : Readings in Cultural Anthropology. New York : Longman. (9th Edition). Brief Communication: 718 Jr. Anth. Survey of India, 61(2) & 62(1) : (719-725), 2012-2013 Importance of Clans in Marriage Alliances: some observation on Mahali Rapti Pan1 ABSTRACT An attempt has been made in this paper to deal with the inter-relationships between marriage rules and the clans. It has been observed that clans of the Mahali society are endogamous in nature but its sub-clans are exogamous in nature. It is generally found that clans are mainly exogamous in nature. In earlier times, it was found that the clans of the Mahali society were exogamous in natures which were considered during marriage alliances but due to the shortage of the bride among them, the Mahali society has modified some of their rules wherein they practice clan endogamy but exogamy is practiced at the sub-clan level. In this way they are trying to maintain their traditional rule of clan exogamy. INTRODUCTION Marriage is socially recognized bonding between two adult individuals. It is being performed according to certain rules and norms of the society which varies from one society to another. Clan is a social grouping which is exogamous in nature and the members of a certain clan believe that they are descendent from a common animate or inanimate ancestor. In this discourse we have tried to show an inter-relationship between marriage practices and the clans of the Mahali society which shows some changing features from their traditional practices. The Mahalis are broadly banded as an artisan tribe. They are originally from Chotonagpur plateau area of Jharjhand. They had migrated to the various districts of West Bengal, mainly Darjeeling, Jalpaiguri, Malda, Birbhum, Burdwan, Purulia,Bankura, Midnapur, North 24 Parganas and South 24 Parganas. The present study was carried out among the Mahali tribe of Ampukurdanga, Dighi para and Sahajapur. Ampukurdanga and Dighi para are situated on the bank of the river Kopai. These hamlets are lying within Gopinathpur mouja under Sorpolahena Albandha Gram Panchayet of Birbhum district, West Bengal. Dighi para is adjacent to the Ampukurdanga. 1Junior Research Fellow Eastern Regional Centre Anthropological Survey of India 720 Importance of Clans in Marriage Alliances: some observation on Mahali Rapti Pan 721 These hamlets are located at north-west of Bolpur town. The main road of the hamlet is running from Bolpur to Sainthia. Railway track passes by the side of the hamlets. These hamlets are surrounded by a number of villages inhabited by the both Hindus and Santhals. Sarbanandapur, Kelherpur, Debenandapur on the east, Darpashita on the north, Mohisdal on the south and Kasba on the west. Among them Mahisdal is a Santhal village. In Ampukurdanga 20 Santhal families live with Mahali people. The third hamlet is Sahajapur of Sian village under the Sian Muluk Gram Panchayat. This hamlet is situated near the Sian Hospital or Bolpur Sub divisional Hospital. On the north of this hamlet Simet hamlet is situated, on the east Mohonpur, on the west Baidhyanathpur and on the south Jodupur village is situated. In thishamlet, 15 Santhal households are present. as an important landmark in their life as it makes an alliance between the two families and also gives a confirmation of the marriage. MARRIAGE PRACTICES IN MAHALI SOCIETY If the boy forcibly gives vermillion on the forehead of the girl, then it is called aurapar. In this case, if a man gives vermillion on the forehead of the girl, she automatically becomes the wife of that man. If she doesn’t stay with him, then she becomes a divorcee. If a young man and a girl have sexual intercourse and that man afterwards is unwilling to marry her then the girl forces the man to get married. If the man agrees then the marriage takes place but if that man refuses to marry her then a village council decides what to do. They usually fix a fine and collect that fine from the father of that young man and give it to the girl. According to Mahalis, marriage is an indispensable act of life and a landmark of adulthood. Wife is very essential in their life, because a wife will give children, will rear the child, take care of old parents of the family, cook food and maintain their household. By marriage, one can get the authority to do sex with his or her spouse. In Mahali terminology, marriage is called as ‘bapla’, the groom is called ‘jamai’ and bride is called as ‘bahu’. They believe that Falgun( February- March), Baisakh (April- May), Jaistha (May- June)and Ashar (June- July)of the Bengali calendar are the auspicious months for the marriage. The elder son can’t marry in the month of Jaistha. According to Mahali, the month of Paus (December- January), Bhadra (August- September) and Chaitra (March- April) of the Bengali calendar are inauspicious months for marriage. They believe that if any marriage occurs in those months, then divorce will takes place. Most of the Mahali marriages are arranged by the parents and close relatives. In this case, parents choose the spouse for their daughter or son. This type of marriage is known as ‘bapla’ and usually the groom’s family approaches the bride’s family. In this case, I must mention that, some members of the kin groups or some of the villagers act as a ‘raiber’ (Marriage Broker). If girl’s family approves the alliance then the broker approaches the groom’s family and fixes a date for visiting the girl’s house. On that day, the groom’s family members along with their ‘Majhi Haram’ (village headman) visit the bride’s house. When they reach the bride’s house, father or elder brother of the bride receives them warmly. Members of the bride’s family lay a mat in their courtyard as sitting arrangement for groom’s family and also arrange a feast for them by sacrificing a goat in their honour. By this way bride’s family members show their respect to the groom’s family. During this visit, the groom’s family members want to see the bride and they take her out of her hut; the bride washes the feet of the guests and offers water to them. If they like the bride, then they fix the amount of bride prize (bapla gonong). It varies from 12 to 16 rupees and in addition four saris (women’s cloth), two for the bride, one for bride’s mother and one for the grandmother. One can give more saris according to their economic condition. Belief behind this is that, by bridal prize grooms family buys the bride from her family, so that bride’s family would have no right on her anymore. And the husband gets supreme right on his wife, like exclusive right of sex, right of fathering her children etc. by the payment of bridal prize. Once bridal prize is paid by the groom’s family member to the bride’s family, it can be said that the marriage is final. The payment of bridal price serves Age of Marriage: After starting menstruation a girl obtains the right for marriage. Generally the girls marry between the age of 14-20 years and boys between18-25. It indicates that child marriage commonly is practiced by the Mahalis. Types of Marriage: Sometimes bride and groom run away from their house to some place, there the boy apply vermillion on the forehead of the bride and get married. In such a situation, the parents of the bride meet with the parents of the groom. If both the family agrees then the parents of the groom accept their marriage by giving the bridal prize. In Mahali terminology, this type of marriage is known as angir. If the bride resides with her own parents along with her husband and children, then groom is known as ghar jawie or resident son-in-law. In the village Ampukurdanga and Moholipara I found two cases of such ghar jawie. Bride’s father keeps his son-in-law in his house if he has no male child. Here the son-in-law’s primary duty is to look after his parentsin-law. In this case no bridal price is paid by the house of son-in-law. But in Mahali society, practice of ghar jawie is considered as derogatory on behalf of the groom. Mahali people believe in monogamy system of marriage. But in one case I found that husband remarried in presence of his first wife and in another case, the wife got married in presence of her previous husband. But they don’t live together. After remarriage, they go to the some other place and maintain their separate households. Mahalis prefer second marriage only after the death of the spouse. In Mahali terminology, this remarriage is known as sanga. Sororate is commonly practiced among the Mahali society. If a woman is barren or dies then the man marries his wife’s sister. If his wife has no sister then one of her close relative is arranged for the marriage. In this case a man prefers his wife’s maternal uncle’s daughter. In such type of marriage they always prefer younger sister rather than the older one. In this case the bridal prize is lower than in case of other types of marriages. If a widow remarriage occurs, then have no right to take the vermilion on her forehead because his vermilion is for the name of her first husband, second husband can’t give the vermilion. If a widow marries a widower man who has children, then the person would have to declare that after his death his wife would become the successor to his properties rather than his children from his previous wife. This tradition insures a sort of social security for the widow woman. This phenomenon is called by Mahalis as jibon shatok. In past time, levirate is also commonly practiced but in present day it is not practiced among the Mahali society. 722 Importance of Clans in Marriage Alliances: some observation on Mahali Cross cousin marriage is strictly prohibited among the Mahali society. Sometimes marriage takes place by exchange, where a daughter is married off to a family in exchange for a daughter-in-law. This type of marriage is known as Jai Badal in Mahali terminology. But the Mahali people usually avoid this type of marriage because if their daughter-inlaw suffers from any harassment then their daughter would have to suffer from harassments in her in laws house. In the Mahali society, a man and woman can also live together without formally marrying each other. I met a woman, mother of three during my study whose name was Lakhshi Hemrom and she said that she was not quite happy in her relation with her husband, so she got herself divorced and came back to her parent’s house accompanied by her children. There she got acquainted with a married man named Bhanu. They started liking each other and lived together for around two years without getting married formally. Bhanu’s married wife used to live at a village near Guskara. But a few days ago Bhanu ran away from this woman I spoke to and she came to know that Bhanu went to Rajasthan, a state on the western part of the India where he has married another woman. Rapti Pan 723 Sub-clan:The Mahali have another kin group. This is the sub-clan, locally known as ‘khunt’. The ‘khunt’, in fact is a part of their clan. Kisku: Like, Choto Kisku, Baro Kisku and Khanger Kisku are the names of the khunt belonging to the clan Kisku. Status of Khanger Kisku is highest among the three sub-clans. Soren: Kashap Soren and Soren are two types of sub clans belonging to the clan Soren. Kashap Soren do not eat flesh of the tortoise but Soren can eat it. Hasda: Sada hasda, Kore hasda and Chilbinda Hasda are three types of ‘Khunt’ belonging to the clan Hasda. They believe status of Chilbinda Hasda is highest among these three subclans. Member of Sada Hasda do not eat flesh, or, white fowl and do not use necklace of white cowries. The members of Kore Hasda do not eat the flesh of goose. The members of Chilbinda Hasda respect the Eagle bird though their ancestors were traditionally eagle slayers. Hemrom: Gua Hemrom, Sada Hemrom are two types of ‘khunt’ or sub-clan of the clan Hemrom. Members of Gua hemrom do not eat areca nut. But the member of Sada Hemrom sub clan can eat nut. Status of Gua hemrom is higher than Sada Hemrom. TYPES OF CLANS IN MAHALI SOCIETY In contrast to lineage, clan consists of people supposed to be born as descendants from a far off mythological character. In tribal society, many of such clans are totemic in nature. Risley enlisted 34 clans of which 15 were totemic in nature. Each clan again is composed of several sub-clans or khunts. Mahali clans are totemic in nature. The names of the clan come from some local plants or animals. In this context, A.R.Redcliffe Brown said that “the special relation to totem emphasizes the unity and individuality of the clan. Thus an important function of the ritual attitude towards the totem is the expression and maintenance of the identity and solidarity of the social group concerned”. As, the members of a clan are supposed to be descended from a common ancestor, the members are brothers and sisters, for that reason usually marriage is not permitted among the same clan. After marriage, women adopt her husband’s clan. But, in case of death of husband, or divorce, she may revert to her original clan. But, her children retain the clan of their father. The following table shows the clan names and their associated totemic objects. Clan Name Totemic Object 1) Soren The constellation plediates 2) Murmu Shal fish 3) Tudu Ground rat 4) Hasda Wild goose 5) Hembrom Areca nut 6) Kisku Kingfisher 7) Mandi A kind of blue bird 8) Besra Hawk Mandi: Sada mandi and Mur mandi are two types of ‘khunt’, belonging to the clan Mandi. ‘Sada’ means white in English and the members of ‘Sada Mandi’ do not use vermillion during the worship as they are against its use. Sada Mandi people also do not use vermillion in any ceremony or worship, such as, to apply on any animal or bird before sacrifice or put vermillion on the ‘Khoar’ (a circle drawn of rice powder during worship). Besides this the members of Sada Mandi wear white cloths without turmeric during marriage. it is said that this custom has evolved over time after occurrence of some incidence in the past. It once happened that a member of the Mandi clan once forgot to bring vermillion during a ceremony for which some members were sent out to fetch for some vermillion. But this group failed to do so because due to heavy rain they were unable to cross the river and ultimately the ‘Khoar’ was made devoid of vermillion and a ‘Fowl’ was sacrificed without vermillion. After the incidence, this group started this custom of worshipping without vermillion. The Mur Mandi put on white wedding crown of thermocol during the marriage and also new cloths sprinkled with turmeric. But, both of the sub clans have a totemic object, i.e., a kind of blue bird called ‘Nilchakra’. They respect this bird immensely and whenever they see a dead ‘Nilchakra’ they observe the custom of pollution. Murmu: This is another clan and it has six sub-clans, such as, Sada Murmu, San Murmu, Ghancher Murmu, Boara murmur, Handi Murmu and Datela Murmu. Sada Murmu doesn’t use vermillion during any of their ceremony or sacrifice. San Murmu has derived their name from their ancient tradition of cutting meat and placing it on a San or grind stone. Members of Ghancher Murmu clan use vermillion in their worship and in their ceremonies. Members of the Boara Murmu clan derived their name from the fact that they don’t eat a certain kind of fish called ‘Boal’. People belonging to the Handi Murmu clan offer sacrifices of bear during the Baha festival and Sohrae festival. People of the Datela Murmu clan are called so as because they sacrifice castrated pigs in the name of God. 724 Importance of Clans in Marriage Alliances: some observation on Mahali Besra: Besra clan has got three subclans, namely, Besra, Sada Besra and Bitol Besra. People of Besra subclan use vermillion in their worship whereas Sada Besra person as previously does not do so. Bitol which literally means irregular came to identify a subclan as it is believed that once a man of Besra clan had an incestuous relation with his younger sister, his descendents later came to be known by that name. People of Besra clan respect Hawk and on seeing a dead hawk they mourn it by throwing their earthenwares and following pollution. Tudu : The clan of Tudu has got two sub-clans, Ciga Tudu and Datela Tudu. Both of these clans have a common totemic object i.e., rat, and so they refrain from killing and eating them. ‘Khunt’ or subclan is an exogamous group, the members of which claim to have been descended from a common stock. The division of a clan in such a manner is perhaps due to getting bride. I asked Samu Hasda that why they divide a clan in such a manner? He replied-“If the norm of not allowing any one to marry within his/or her own clan is strictly adhered to, it would have been very difficult to find out prospective bride/or bridegroom and once upon a time there occurred a crisis of brides and grooms. So, to avoid the impasse, the clan has been divided into various ‘khunts’ by its own members, to allow marriage of young boys and girls having a wider scope of choice.” Besides Samu Hasda some other members of the Mahali society have also expressed same views regarding clan and its divisions. Discussion Marriage is one of the most important social events in Mahali life. One of the important purposes of the marriage is to produce children. Clan is composed of several sub-clans in Mahali life. This sub-clan is totally exogamous in nature. For example Sada hasda, Kore hasda and Chilbinda hasda are three types of ‘khunt’ or sub clan belonging to the clan Hasda. Marriage cannot occur between Sada Hasda and Sada Hasda, but marriage can occur between Sada Hasda and Chilbinda Hasda or Sada Hasda and Kore Hasda. So, these ‘khunts’ are exogamous but clans are endogamous. There are so many cases in which marriage within the clan occur. Dilip Hasda married Sabita Hasda. Dilip Hasda belongs to the Sada Hasda and Sabita Hasda belongs to the Chilbinda Hasda. A Mahali can never marry in the ‘khunt’ of his mother though it is different from his own sub clan. However, though the Mahalis are broadly known as patrilineal, they are often found to maintain the lineage not only from father but also from mother. It is evident that, the caste based Hindu society has some influence among the tribal groups. The Mahalis generally prefer to find out their spouses from the out side of their own clans. But, if they do not find any suitable spouse from their own clan, then they are Rapti Pan 725 forced to choose their spouses from their sub-clan. In this way the Mahalis maintain their tradition of clan exogamy by choosing their spouses from the exogamous sub-clans. Refference 1) Singh, K.S. (1985). “Tribal Society in India: an Anthropo-historical Perspective”, Delhi, Manohar Publications. 2) Hutton, J.H. (1946), “Caste in India”, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. 726 Jr. Anth. Survey of India, 61(2) & 62(1) : (727-739), 2012-2013 Health profile of Gorkhas with special reference to Lifestyle vis-a-vis Hypertensive Condition in Village Karbari Grant of Dehradun, Uttarakhand: An overview Priyanka Singh,1 Jayanta Kumar Nayak,2 Ankita Rajpoot, 3 Tanisha Gairola3 and Lucy Pramanik3 ABSTRACT This paper aims to provide the health profile of Gorkhas inhabiting the Karbari Grant village of Dehradun and to evaluate the changing health status in general and hypertensive nature in particular with respect to change of lifestyle among them. Sample size comprises of 183 adult Gorkha individuals (69 males and 114 females) of Karbari Grant, dehradun. Four Anthropometric measurements viz., Stature, Weight, Waist and Hip circumference along with Blood Pressure were taken. Body Mass Index (BMI) and Waist Hip Ratio (WHR) were also calculated. Blood sample was collected from 100 Gorkha individuals and processed for haematoanalysis. It was observed that Gorkhas of the studied village are leading more sedentary lifestyle with rich oily food habits and in some cases with a combination of smoking and alcohol intake. It is thus, concluded that Blood Pressure (BP) and Body Mass Index (BMI) for Gorkhas are in borderline of high risk for metabolic disorders like hypertension and obesity. This study strongly supports that for evaluating hypertensive and obesity factors, WHR is much more valuable and a better predictor than only BMI. INTRODUCTION Health is an inevitable and important part of our life. It is the level of functional or metabolic efficiency of a living being. The World Health Organization (WHO) defined health as "a state of complete physical, mental, and social well-being and not merely the 1Post-Doctoral Fellow, 2Project Scientist, 3Project Research Assistant, Anthropological Survey of India, North- West Regional Centre, Dehradun, Uttarakhand 728 Health profile of Gorkhas with ...................Dehradun, Uttarakhand: An overview absence of disease or infirmity" (WHO, 1948, 2006). It is not just a state, but also "a resource for everyday life. It is a positive concept emphasizing social and personal resources, as well as physical capacities" (WHO, 1986). Every area of life has fundamentals, foundational principles upon which success or failure is largely determined. Health also has fundamentals, without which no amount of drugs, surgeries or acupuncture needles will ultimately succeed (Annemien et. al, 2003). The fundamental factors affecting health are economic (e.g. poverty, unemployment), environmental (e.g. poor housing, pollution), social (e.g. isolation), genetic (e.g. thalassemia), lifestyle (e.g. smoking, drinking) and education etc. These factors often cluster together producing inequalities in ill health and influencing the quality of life. Hypertension, one of the major risk factor of Cardio-vascular disease is estimated to cause 4.5% of current global disease burden. It is becoming an increasingly common health problem in our country too. This may be because of increasing longevity and prevalence of contributing factors such as obesity, physical inactivity and an unhealthy diet (http://www.nutritioncrashcourse.com). Various epidemiological studies (Dubey, 1954; Malhotra et al., 1999; Singh et al.,2000; WHO, 2001; Ahlawat et al.,2002; Gupta et al., 2002; Hazarika et al., 2002; Kutty et al., 2002; Gupta et al., 2004; Das et al., 2005;) carried out in different rural and urban parts of India, reported increasing trend in prevalence of hypertension for the last few decades in India. But no such study has been done so far on the Gorkha population of Dehradun. So the present study aims to provide the health profile of Gorkhas inhabiting the Karbari Grant village of Dehradun and to evaluate the changing health status in general and hypertensive nature in particular with respect to change of lifestyle among them. Priyanka Singh, Jayanta Kumar Nayak, Ankita Rajpoot, Tanisha Gairola and Lucy Pramanik 729 Procedure of blood sample collection Random blood sample was collected from 100 Gorkha individuals (Male-45, Female-55) following proper ethical guidelines and taking written consents from the individuals. Blood samples were collected in K2EDTA vacutainers. Within 24 hours, samples were processed in Medonic M-series Hematology System (Made in Stockholm, Sweden by Boule Medical AB) for detection of different parameters of blood cell, such as haemoglobin, RBC, WBC, Platelets, etc. By Tube method, blood groups of each individual were detected by using ABO and Rh blood group typing anti sera. Frequency of genes of ABO blood group in studied population was calculated following Bernstein's Method (Crow, 1993). Results and Discussion Life Style Habits Lifestyle habits are one of the important determinants of health (WHO). Figure 1 reflects the food consuming status of the studied population. It indicates that most of them are non-vegetarians as per their dietary practices. Most of the non-vegetarian food items they prepared with excess oil. Very small fraction (4.9%) of them was vegetarian. 4.90% Subjects and Methods Non-vegetarian The current study was a part of research project entitled 'An Extensive Study on Gorkha Population' carried out in the village Karbari Grant of Dehradun by the Anthropological Survey of India, North-West Regional Centre, Dehradun under the national project 'DNA Polymorphism of Contemporary Indian Population'. This study was conducted among the Gorkha community. Ethnically, Gorkhas are IndoTibeto-Mongolians and Rajputs (Brook and Morris, 1974)). They have mongoloid facial features like wide forehead, round face, high cheek bones and slit eyes (Byron, 1984). They are originally from Nepal. Gurkhas mainly follow Hinduism and are famous for their large knife called the kukri (khukuri). In this village, majority of Gorkha males were either retired army personnel or still working in the Indian army. Sample size comprises of 183 individuals (69 males and 114 females) aged above 18 years. Four Anthropometric measurements were taken viz., Stature, Weight, Waist and Hip circumference following Singh and Bhasin (1989). Blood Pressure was measured by Omron Digital Blood Pressure Monitor (Made in Tokyo,Japan). All measurements were taken following WHO (2003) and JNC (1997) Guidelines. The Body Mass Index (BMI) and Waist Hip Ratio (WHR) were calculated from the acquired data following WHO Guidelines (2008). All the statistical analysis was carried out by SPSS software (version 12). Information regarding diet, physical activity, smoking and alcohol were also recorded. Vegetarian 95.10% Fig. 1 Diet Figure 2 reflects the smoking habits among Gorkhas. It indicates that only 10% were smokers in habit. But when the smoking habit analysed separately among males and females it was found that less than 1% females were smokers in comparison to 27.54% males. 730 Health profile of Gorkhas with ...................Dehradun, Uttarakhand: An overview Priyanka Singh, Jayanta Kumar Nayak, Ankita Rajpoot, Tanisha Gairola and Lucy Pramanik 731 15.85% 10.03% Sedemtary Smokers 10.93% Moderate Heavy Non-smokers 73.22% 89.07% Fig. 2 Smoking Habits Fig. 4 Physical Activities Figure 3 highlights that overall 16% Gorkhas were alcoholic in nature but the Overall if glimpses put forth on the above four figures it reflects that Gorkhas of the studied village are leading more sedentary lifestyle with rich oily food habits and in some cases with a combination of smoking and alcohol intake. percentage is quite different among males (39%) and females (1.75%). Blood groups 15.85% Frequency of different blood groups among Gorkhas is highlighted in Table-1. Alcoholic Table:1 Frequency of different blood groups among Gorkhas (N=100) Non-alcoholic Blood Group Frequency (%) A 27 B 25 AB 36 O 11 Rh+ 93 Rh- 07 84.15% Fig. 3 Alcohol Intake Figure 4 indicates the physical activity pattern among the studied population. More than 73% Gorkhas were leading sedentary lifestyle whereas only 15.85% were heavy workers. 732 Health profile of Gorkhas with ...................Dehradun, Uttarakhand: An overview Blood group AB was found to be more frequent (nearly one third) in the studied Gorkh population followed by blood group A, B and O respectively. Rh+ Blood group was found in majority (93%) of Gorkhas. Only 7 individuals from the studied population have Rhblood group. 733 Priyanka Singh, Jayanta Kumar Nayak, Ankita Rajpoot, Tanisha Gairola and Lucy Pramanik 91% males and 78% females were found to be in normal reference range (3.5-10.0 ×109 ). But four males and twelve females were found to be suffering from leucocytosis (WBC count above upper limit). No individual was found to be suffering from leukopenia (WBC count below lower limit). Table - 2 depicts the frequency of genes for ABO blood group in studied Gorkha population. Table-2 Distribution of Gene frequencies for ABO blood group in Gorkhas (N=100) Table 3: Average Value of Complete Blood Count (CBC) among Gorkha males and females Sl. Allele Gene Frequency (%) No Male (N-45) Parameter Normal Above Below Normal normal normal % (N) % (N) % (N) Range* IA p- 40% IB q-27% IO r-33% Frequency of allele IA was found to be maximum (40%) followed by alleles IO (33%) and IB (27%) respectively. Female (N-55) Above Below normal normal % (N) % (N) % (N) 1 RBC (1012/L) 3.50-5.50 91.11 (41) 6.67 (03) 2.22 (01) 94.55 (52) - 5.45 (03) 2 WBC (109/L) 3.5-10.0 91.11 (41) 8.89 (04) - 78.18 (43) 21.82 (12) - 3 Platelet (109/L) 100-400 75.56 (34) - 24.44 (11) 76.36 (42) - 23.64 (13) 4 Hematocrit (%) 35-55 46.67 (21) - 53.33 (24) 10.91 (06) - 89.09 (49) 5 Haemoglobin 11.5-16.5 91.11 (41) 2.22 (01) 6.67 (03) 78.18 (43) - 21.82 (12) 75-100 60 (27) - 40 (18) 12.73 (07) - 87.27 (48) Complete Blood Count (CBC) of Gorkhas A complete blood count (CBC) gives important information about the kinds and numbers of cells in the blood, especially red blood cells, white blood cells and platelets. Table 3 highlights the results of CBC of Gorkha males and females. 7 Mean corpuscular volume (MCV) l l Red blood cell (RBC) count. In the current population the RBC count was found to be normal in nearly 95% females and 91% males (Table 3). Red blood cells carry oxygen from the lungs to the rest of the body and carbon dioxide back to the lungs so it can be exhaled. In three females and one male RBC count was found to be low (anemia i.e. the body may not be getting the oxygen it needs). If the count is too high (a condition called polycythemia), there is a chance that the red blood cells will clump together and block blood capillaries. Three males were reported to be polycythemic in present study. In females no such condition was observed. White blood cell (WBC, leukocyte) count- White blood cells are cells of the immune system involved in defending the body against both infectious disease and foreign materials. If an infection develops, white blood cells attack and destroy the bacteria, virus, or other organism causing it. White blood cells are bigger than red blood cells but fewer in number. When a person has a bacterial infection, the number of white cells rises very quickly. The number of white blood cells is used to find an infection. Among the present Gorkha studied population, WBC of nearly *As per Medonic M-series Hematology System used in laboratory l Hematocrit (HCT, packed cell volume, PCV). This test measures the amount of space (volume) red blood cells take up in the blood. The value is given as a percentage of red blood cells in a volume of blood. More than 50% of Gorkha males were reported with the Heamatocrit value below normal. Among females the condition was found to be more critical with nearly 89% of them having Heamatocrit percent below normal range. . A low haematocrit may be due to anaemia, blood loss, nutritional deficiency or rheumatoid arthritis. l Platelet-Platelets are one of the components of the blood along with white and red blood cells. Platelets play an important role in clotting and bleeding. Lower number of platelets than the normal range in the blood results in Thrombocytopenia (excessive bleeding after a cut or an injury resulting in hemorrhage and major blood loss). Nearly 25% males (N-11) and females (N-13) of studied Gorkha population were suffering from thrombocytopenia. 734 l Health profile of Gorkhas with ...................Dehradun, Uttarakhand: An overview Mean corpuscular volume (MCV) It measures the average red blood cell size. In the present Gorkha population, 18 males (40%) and 48 females (87.27%) were found to be suffering from microcytic anaemia (MCV below normal range). The most common cause of microcytic anemia is iron deficiency (due to inadequate dietary intake, gastrointestinal blood loss or menstrual blood loss). Macrocytic anemia (MCV above normal range) was not found among Gorkhas. l 735 Priyanka Singh, Jayanta Kumar Nayak, Ankita Rajpoot, Tanisha Gairola and Lucy Pramanik Table: 5 Mean and SD of Anthropometric Measurements in Gorkha Males and Females Sex Measurements Height (Cms) The concentration of haemoglobin measured in the blood can help diagnose anaemia, a condition caused by a deficiency of haemoglobin. The average Haemoglobin concentration among studied Gorkha males and females was found to be 14.06mm/Hg and 12.25mm/Hg respectively. Blood Pressure (mmHg) Systolic Diastolic BMI W/H Ratio Mean 162.73* 61.31* 138.97* 87.61* 23.08* 0.92* (N-69) SD 7.40 13.90 23.34 12.30 4.75 0.09 Female Mean 150.96 56.81 128.56 81.72 24.51 0.87 (N-114) SD 15.00 10.41 22.95 12.13 4.34 0.10 Male Haemoglobin concentration: Weight (Kg) * Gender wise statistically significant difference at p? 0.05 level Table-4 Haemoglobin concentration in Gorkha population Haemoglobin Concentration (mm/Hg) Male (N=45) No. % Normal range* (13.8-17.2) 25 55.56 Below normal 19 Above normal 01 Haemoglobin Concentration (mm/Hg) Table 6 highlights the observed percentage distribution of different categories of Blood Pressure as per WHO Guidelines (2003) and JNC VI criteria (1997). Female (N=55) No. % Normal range (12.1-15.1) 36 65.45 42.22 Below normal 19 34.55 2.22 Above normal - - Table: 6 Percent distribution of Blood Pressure among Gorkha Males and Females Blood Pressure (BP) Class* But as depicted from the Table 4 nearly 43% (N-19) males and 35% (N-19) females were found to be anaemic. Haemoglobin above normal range was reported only in one male but not among Gorkha females. Table 5 reflects the mean and standard deviation of various anthropometric and physiological parameters among Gorkha population. Gorkha males with average height 162.73cms and weight 61.31Kg (Table 5) were taller and heavier than their female counterpart with average height of 150.96 Cms and weight 56.81 Kg (Table 5). They were of lower medium statured as per Martin's Scale (Singh and Bhasin, 1989). All measurements exhibited statistically significant difference gender wise. High standard deviation signifies that values for most of the parameters show lot of variation. Female % % Systolic Diastolic (N-69) (N-114) 90 60 0 1.75 (02) Normal 90-120 60-80 18.84 (13) 44.74 (51) Pre-hypertension 121-139 80-89 36.23 (25) 20.18 (23) Hypertension Grade I 140-159 90-99 28.99 (20) 22.81 (26) Hypertension Grade II 160-179 100-109 10.14 (07) 7.89 (09) Hypertension Grade II >180 >110 5.80 (04) 2.63 (03) Hypotension * http://www.nlm.nih.gov/medlineplus/encyclopedia Range Male Classification of BP as per WHO Guidelines (2003) and JNC VI criteria (1997), N- Number of subjects 736 Health profile of Gorkhas with ...................Dehradun, Uttarakhand: An overview Priyanka Singh, Jayanta Kumar Nayak, Ankita Rajpoot, Tanisha Gairola and Lucy Pramanik 737 From the table it was observed that more than 81% of males and 53% of females were above normal range for blood pressure whereas nearly 45% males and 34% females were in the high risk of hypertension. Not a single male individual was found to be in hypotensive condition whereas 1.75% females were in the hypotensive zone. figure also reveal that as compared to other age groups SBP in the age group 41 to 50 years and 50- 60 years among women was higher than the men. This may be because in this age women pass through the menopause stage. After menopause there is fall in the levels of estrogen which is partly responsible for maintaining blood pressure. Blood pressure also varies with age and gender. Figure 5 and 6 highlights the variation of systolic and diastolic blood pressure with age among Gorkha males and females respectively. From Fig. 5 it was observed that average SBP increases with age among both males and females. When compared age group wise, average SBP for all age groups except the oldest age group (above 60 years) among males falls in the pre-hypertensive range. In older males (above 60 years) SBP was found to be highest falling in hypertensive zone of blood pressure. Among younger females (18-30 years) average SBP was found to be normal. Gorkhas exhibit the same trend of increase in Diastolic Blood pressure consistently with increasing age (Fig. 6) like the Systolic Blood Pressure (Fig. 5). Except younger women (age group18-30 years) and older men (above 60 years) average DBP falls in the prehypertensive range. Younger women had normal SBP and older men had been found to be in hypertensive range of blood pressure. 100 Diastolic Blood Pressure 90 180 Systolic Blood Pressure 160 140 120 100 Male 80 Female 80 70 60 50 DBP Male 40 DBP Female 30 20 10 0 18-24 yrs 60 25-40 yrs 41-50 yrs 50-60 yrs Above 60 yrs Age group 40 20 0 18-24 yrs 25-40 yrs 41-50 yrs 50-60 yrs Above 60 yrs Fig.6: Diastolic Blood pressure (DBP) variation with age among males and females Age group Fig.5: Systolic Blood pressure (SBP) variation with age among Gorkha males and females Chi square analysis between BP and dietary practices, physical activity and BP reflects strong statistically significant p value at 0.041and 0.015 level respectively. This result supports the hypothesis that there is strong correlation between lifestyle practices such as dietary habits and physical activity with BP. In middle aged women (31-50 years) SBP falls in pre-hypertension range. SBP was observed highest in the Hypertension range among older women (Above 60 years). This Table-7 indicates the percentage distribution of BMI among male and female Gorkhas. Nearly 31% males were found to be in overweight-obese range in comparison to 40% females in this range. But the interesting thing was that 20% males were in underweight 738 Health profile of Gorkhas with ...................Dehradun, Uttarakhand: An overview Priyanka Singh, Jayanta Kumar Nayak, Ankita Rajpoot, Tanisha Gairola and Lucy Pramanik Table: 7 Percent distribution of BMI among Gorkha Males and Females BMI* Male (69) 739 It is thus observed that the average value of Blood Pressure (BP) and Body Mass Index (BMI) for Gorkhas are in borderline of high risk for metabolic disorders like hypertension and obesity. It is also revealed from the above data that for evaluating hypertensive and obesity factors, WHR is much more valuable and a better predictor than only BMI. Female (114) No. % No. % <18.5 14.00 20.28 6.00 5.26 18.5-25 33.00 47.83 62.00 54.38 25-30 14.00 20.28 31.00 27.19 >30 8.00 11.59 15.00 13.16 * BMI range as per WHO guidelines (2008) BMI category whereas only 5% females were in this category. This result shows no clear cut chi square significance between BMI and BP. It indicates that only BMI is not a good indicator for assessing metabolic disorders like hypertension and obesity. Table 8 represents the frequency distribution of Waist-Hip ratio (WHR) among Gorkha males and females. It shows that above 60% of both males and females were overweight as per WHR cut off points which coincides with BP results. Table 8 Percent distribution of Waist-Hip Ratio (WHR) among Gorkha Males and Females CONCLUSION Health conditions regulate quality of life. In affluent society, though everything is easily accessible, but lack of health awareness on healthy lifestyles like decreased use of tobacco and drugs, regular physical activity, balanced nutritional intake, positive mental health etc. leads physiological risk factors. This research indicates that Gorkha of studied area are basically now leading sedentary life with rich oily food intake without proper health consciousness practices. The studied village is an Ex-servicemen army settlement area. Retiring from job in younger age (around 45yrs-50yrs), they lead sedentary lifestyle. But their style of food consuming not controlled and other family members are also associated with that practices. If such trend will be continued then there is the chance of having more and more incidence of physiological problems. It is the high time to provide them proper knowledge on good health. Regular health check-up camps are essential. In the studied area no playground or park facility is available. If these facilities will be provided, then they will be able to do some morning and evening exercises in open air space. In words of Sivananda, "Every human being is the author of his own health or disease". So focusing more on lifestyle issues and their relationships with functional health, it is suggested that Gorkha people can improve their health by exercise, maintaining a healthy body weight, limiting alcohol use, and avoiding sedentary life style. Acknowledgement WHR* Males (69) WHR* No. % < 0.95 21 30.43 > 0.95 48 69.57 Females (114) No. % <0.80 45 39.47 >0.80 69 60.53 * WHR range as per WHO guidelines (2008) The chi square p value between BP and WHR was statistically highly significant in Gorkhas (*p significant at 0.005). Significant association between BP and WHR was also observed among males (*p significant at 0.043) and females (*p significant at 0.032). In the population, Pearson correlation analysis between BP and WHR also indicate statistically significant level at 0.006. The Chi square analysis between BMI and WHR reflect highly significant p value at 0.000 levels in the studied population. Separately the Chi square analysis between BMI and WHR among males and females shows significant p value at 0.001 levels. In the population, very highly significant Pearson's correlation (pvalue-0.000) was also observed between BMI and WHR. Authors express deep sense of gratitude to all the subjects of Karbari grant village who gave their valuable time and blood. Authors wish to thank Dr. Vinod Kaul (Supt. Anthropologist & Head of Office), Dr. S.N.H. Rizwi (Anthropologist) and Dr. Harashavardhana (Anthropologist) of Anthropological Survey of India, North-West regional centre, Dehradun for their valuable supervision during the present study. 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Someone whispered from the back that it was Dr. Behura, who would also steer us in the stream of Social and Cultural Anthropology in the months to come. When days rolled by, I noticed him punctual to the class, delivering his lecture on the subject for the entire period with absolute authority, zest and passion, occasionally looking at his small notebook with an elastic string to close at the end of the consultation. In the first few classes I categorized him as a solemn and sober Professor without much of humor, and how gravely I was mistaken then, when I became closer to him in later years. In the final year of the M.Sc., Dr. Behura was given the responsibility of taking us to the month-long fieldwork in the Juang hills of Keonjhar. The routine was to be scrupulously followed, and he was not the person to endure any kind of irregularity. Dr. Behura with 744 A Tribute to Professor N. K. Behura Kamal K. Misra 745 Dr. Behera occupied the room between the boys' and the girls' dormitories in Janghira about my wife by name and the wellbeing of my children. His gesture was clear that his Ashram School, so that the fieldwork visit never looked like a picnic party. We had to mind worked more or less well, but not his body. I was told that when he couldn't write travel a few kilometers everyday for work and were locked in an evening class. Before himself, he had dictated several texts to his co-authors. retiring, we were to write and submit our daily field diaries for a meticulous examination by Dr. Behura. I was a little scared, lest there be no mistakes to be pointed out before classmates in the next evening session. Trepidation of being reprimanded in the evening class ended up with a detailed diary writing and therefore, going to bed late. In the first one or two days Dr. Behura noticed that we were getting late in the morning. A funny idea struck him. He asked the mess-in-charge, my friend Narusu, to buy a pair of domestic It was shocking news for me in the early morning of the 7th February 2013, when a friend revealed that Dr. Behura passed away the previous night. I couldn't believe myself and reconfirmed from another friend. That was the end of an era for us, his students, and many of his admirers. While remembering Dr. Behura, I pray God, let his soul rest in peace, and let his ungrudging love inspire others. fowls for a feast. I found it strange as I know very well that Dr. Behura had given up meat for long. When Narasu wanted to process the fowls for the evening dinner, Dr. Behura asked to hold on for a day, and instead instructed that the fowls be allowed to rest in one corner in the boys' dormitory due to the chilly winter months in Juang hills. It was very well planned. I laughed heartily for the clever deal. All of us had to get up at 4.00 AM from that day onwards for the rest of the fieldwork period without getting late. I had the privilege of being a colleague to Dr. Behura later. I could gauge his magnanimity when he started encouraging me to write joint papers and publish them in reputed professional journals in 1970s and 1980s. Dr. Behura used to thoroughly check the manuscripts before sending to the editors. I was not good in English. He advised me to keep a small dictionary on my bed side without fail and check the spelling or a synonym in case of any suspicion. Our joint publication started swelling, and in retrospect I realize that my writing skill and confidence developed only due to my association with Dr. Behura. Dr. Behura's book on Peasant Potters of Orissa was published at a time when I was a student in Delhi. Immediately after the publication of this master piece, I was told that it became a text book in some renowned Universities abroad. It rightly deserved recognition as it was very rich with ethnography collected when Dr. Behura was associated with Anthropological Survey of India. Dr. Behura's English was undoubtedly impeccable and his command over vernacular was equally immaculate. He wrote a series of books in Odia for the beginners in anthropology and general readers. More than his intellectual acumen, he was loved as a warm person. He was frank enough in narrating me about his hardships in childhood days and his yearning for knowledge that motivated him to join Bihar University, Ranchi for higher studies. He knew my entire family very well. I remember, when I met him last, he was on his wheel chair and enquired Kamal K. Misra, Director, Indira Gandhi Rashtriya Manav Sangrahalay, Bhopal and Anthropological Survey of India, Kolkata
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