TASA 2001 Conference, The University of Sydney, 13-15 December 2001
Boys, Masculinity and Television Violence: What is the
difference between superheroes and football heroes?
Angela Cowan
University of Newcastle
Abstract
Television violence teaches young boys that masculinity is associated with aggression. Cartoons,
superhero programs, films and movies are said to contain inappropriate messages about masculinity and
teach boys that powerful males solve conflict with physical and verbal aggression. Popular superheroes
are identified as inappropriate role models as they behave aggressively. Interestingly television, sporting
heroes especially rugby league players, are also popular with many boys in Australia. However, the
impact televised sporting violence has on boys is a neglected area of research. In Australian culture
rugby league is an aggressive, yet popular, male dominated sport that receives wide television coverage.
Players express masculinity in play through speed, ball skills and aggression. This paper poses a
question. Considering the impact television violence has on young boys’ construction of gender identity,
who should Australians be more worried about: rugby league heroes or superheroes?
Studies indicate that televised violence impacts negatively on young boys’ construction of
gender identity. Their focus is on messages that influence boys by associating masculinity with
power, aggression and violence. Television programs including cartoons, superhero programs
and movies are said to provide children with socially undesirable images of aggressive
hegemonic masculine attitudes and behaviour (Berry and Asamen 1993; Levin and CarlssonPaige 1994). Superheroes stand accused of teaching children aggressive behaviours and
attitudes (Matillo and Nesbitt 1995). Educators maintain that very young children are picking
up on the message that men in western society use violence in social situations. Observations of
children’s pretend play reveal that boys as young as three copy the actions of men who behave
badly (MacNaughton 1994; Butterworth 1991). Further evidence suggests that children who
watch violence on television tend to act aggressively with peers and become desensitised to
violence in real life situations (Hughes 1996). This paper explores the way sporting violence in
rugby league influences their understanding of masculinity.
Young boys enjoy incorporating discursive material from television superhero programs into
their play (Greenberg 1995:60-1). In the view of educationalists aiming to promote prosocial,
friendly, cooperative behaviours in young children, superheroes represent inappropriate ‘role
models’. Little boys are said to be the most adversely influenced because during play they
engage more frequently than girls, in this type of heroic-warrior behaviour (Boyatzis 1995;
Levin 1995). An associated concern is that superhero play results in children stifling their
creativity instead of exercising their imagination (Levin and Carlsson-Paige 1994).
In defence of television superheroes, some researchers claim that these programs do not
promote aggression, nor do they stifle creativity. Sutton-Smith (1988) maintains fantasy scripts
act as an inspirational source for children’s imaginative play. His studies indicate that children
do not ‘mindlessly imitate’ superheroes, rather, they consciously adapt selected elements of a
2
Angela Cowan
television script and incorporate it into their superhero play. Also, many teachers have
successfully employed superhero characters and scripts to promote imaginative play (Bauer and
Dettore1997; Goldstein 1995; Gronlund 1992). Researchers have found that heroes in
contemporary television programs tend to display more prosocial, cooperative behaviours than
heroes in the 1950s (Pena 1990:393). According to Goldstein (1995) creativity is ever present
and superhero programs actually stimulate creative play. Relative to little boys, he points out
that adults sometimes fail to distinguish between play fighting and purposeful aggression.
“We’re only playing” (pretending) is often the exasperated response from children when adults
stop what they perceive to be aggressive play.
In my own research of children’s play, I observed boys pretending to be superheroes. Typically
they would select one aspect of a superhero script, for example a rescue scene, modify the
original plot from say a teenager under threat and, instead, make the victim a helpless dog. The
children would jointly construct ‘a dog in distress’ scenario. In two years I did not observe boys
simply copying superhero actions, rather boys and girls selected discursive material from
superheros programs to create a new scenario. I did, however, see boys push, shout, hit and
argue with each other. Since some of these behaviours are manifested in sport, therefore an
examination of children’s reactions to that aggression seems wise.
A paradox exists in cultural concerns about television violence. Studies tend to focus on
cartoons and superhero programs yet overlook the notion that young boys are interpreting
messages about masculinity from aggressive sporting heroes. An important consideration is the
fact that televised sport is an integral part of Australian and American cultures (Seegrass 1997;
Wenn 1989). In western societies there are three types of sporting violence that players, officials
and the community are worried about: player aggression on the field; spectator aggression and
aggression toward referees from both players and spectators (Giulianotti 1999; Lewis 1982;
Main 1985; Riches 1986; Vamplew 1987). Less focus is given to the impact televised sporting
violence has on children, especially boys.
There is a body of research suggesting that masculine hegemony is reinforced in sport culture
and that boys copy physical and verbal aggression displayed by sporting heroes (Jackson 1999).
Sporting heroes who engage in aggressive actions demonstrate that western culture rewards men
who employ aggression to win (Nixon 1977; Cagnon 1996). One American study looking at the
ways young boys interpret television sporting violence report that aggression between male
players is perceived to be exciting. Also athletes who played despite painful injuries were being
portrayed as heroes. The researchers concluded that boys were being exposed to a masculinist
sporting culture where violence and danger are deemed both normal and desirable (Messner,
Hunt, Dunbar, Chen, Lapp and Miller 1999). Young boys are likely to model their behaviour
on the actions of popular television sporting heroes, especially those who act aggressively
(Gagnon 1996).
In Australian culture rugby league is a popular, male dominated, ball game. Extensive weekly
television coverage of major league games is testimony to this fact. Over the last few years there
has been an active push to change the culture of violence associated with rugby league. A code
of conduct provides guidelines for acceptable play behaviour. Penalties are being issued for
dangerous, aggressive play. This was exemplified recently when two players were banned from
playing with peers for two weeks; one for striking (hitting) and the other for a dangerous head
high tackle. Both players were negatively sanctioned for becoming too aggressive during play
(ABC News 1/8/01). In this sense children are confronted with conflicting norms which also
convey oppositional messages about what constitutes appropriate masculine behaviour.
Previous studies of Australian rugby league suggest that it is difficult to eliminate aggression
from a male dominated sport where the body is considered a weapon. In this game aggression
Boys, Masculinity and Television Violence:
3
is considered vital because speed, physical strength, teamwork and ball skills are deemed
essential for a win (Messner 1990; Bryson 1987). Rugby league is said to reflect the unequal
gender relations empowering men in the wider society. Employing Connell’s concept of
‘gender regime’, Hutchins and Mikosza (1998:246) outline how sport helps exalt aggressive
attitudes and behaviours linked to ‘hegemonic masculinity’.
The media helps convey the message that sport, power and status are primarily equated with
masculinity. Typically the language used in male dominated sport employs three central
metaphors associated with masculinity: sex, violence and the machine (Seegrave 1997:211).
When analysing violence it can be seen that the language of rugby league identifies ball play on
the rugby field with battle. This is exemplified by team names such as the knights, warriors,
raiders (Vikings). Other teams in the competition possess the fighting qualities of wild animals
such as panthers, tigers, dragons, sharks, eagles, roosters, bulldogs, cowboys, eels and broncos.
Here the social identity of rugby league players has been transformed, from ordinary men to
sporting heroes - defenders of the team totem. The idea that rugby players possess the powers
of wild animals may result in young boys identifying with sporting heroes.
Competitions between rugby sides, throughout July 2001, conveyed messages of symbolic
violence for example:
Hagan’s tough troops repel Warriors attack
They took no prisoners
Mad Dog slips leash four times to equal record
Sharks sink boot into Roosters
Dragons fired up to regain respect
Warriors depleted for crucial encounter
Roosters in danger
Mad Dog implores Knights to go mental
Symbolic violence is embedded in team names, in the language used to describe games and in
the bravado of play where sizing up the other team, expressions and gestures, convey the
players’ desire to defeat the opposition.
Toughness and masculinity in Australian rugby league are epitomised in the heroic action of
sick and injured players. As injured Cowboy player John Buttigieg explained: “ I first hurt it
[my shoulder] a few months ago, but I kept playing ...” (League Week 2001:24). Another
league player recovering after a serious virus infection was applauded when he: “... pulled
himself out of a hospital bed to help Penrith to their upset win over the Roosters ...” The team
manager was reported saying: “Full credit to him ... he could have dropped the bundle ... He
could have said, ‘stuff you, I’m crook.’ But he wanted to play.” (League Week 2001:10).
Rugby league is part of a subculture that normalises and legitimates actions and attitudes
equated with male toughness. This message is widely circulated in Australian culture to adults
and children.
Studies indicate that young children and adolescents are more inclined to copy aggressive acts
displayed by sporting heroes if those actions have been rewarded (Messner, Hunt, Dunbar,
Chen, Lapp and Miller 1999). When estimating the likelihood that boys will imitate television
violence the degree of reality must be considered. According to Jackson (1990:2) this measure
represents two factors that induce children to copy aggressive behaviours: 1) if they have
watched other humans using violence and 2) when children find themselves in similar social
situations. Given that rugby league has real men playing the same game as many young boys,
one can only speculate whether or not boys imitate aggressive play.
4
Angela Cowan
A comparison of attitudes and behaviours displayed by television sporting heroes and
superheroes proves interesting. There are similarities between sporting heroes and superheroes.
Both:
1. work cooperatively in a team to defeat a pretend enemy
2. employ physical strategies to outwit their enemy
3. return to fight another day
4. are defenders
5. always aim to win
In this sense footballers, like superheroes, could be considered to be on a moral quest, the
difference being that sporting heroes protect their totem from evil forces. Evidence of these
totems is widely displayed on flags, banners and clothing worn by spectators. People living in a
geographical location often identify with their rugby team’s totem, for instance Newcastle
people identify with the symbol of the knight.
My observations of children’s play indicate that children interpreted superhero programs as
moral tales. Superheroes such as the Mighty Morphin Power Rangers were very popular.
During play the children I observed would pretend to be superheroes on a moral quest to save
little puppies, babies or helpless adults. The children interpreted the superhero plot as a
situation where innocent people or animals were being victimised by an evil being. In this
situation the superhero becomes the saviour (Cowan 2000:196). Likewise, players in a rugby
team become the saviours when they reinforce their town’s reputation and group identity
through winning. Hence the saying: ‘Winners are grinners’.
Research on rugby league subculture provides insights into the link between television violence,
boys and gender. Aggression in the male sport of rugby league is socially sanctioned and
institutionalised in beliefs about masculinity. Sporting violence becomes normalised because it
is taken for granted that men are physically, stronger, tougher and faster than women (Hutchins
and Mikosza1998: 250). If researchers fail to question this gender privileging belief, it might be
difficult to recognise that television sporting violence will continue to legitimate this form of
male power.
When boys’ interpretations of aggression are looked at in terms of lived experiences, insight
ensues. As Connell (1990:94) points out Australia, like other western cultures, maintains a
‘gender order’ where ‘hegemonic masculinity’ is entrenched and positively sanctioned.
Consequently, sportsmen, playing a game like rugby league, are expected to exhibit aggression,
strength and power. Their sporting prowess and all that entails is valued. It seems more
feasible to look more widely at men’s behaviours and attitudes, normally taken for granted, that
influence the construction of boy’s gender identity.
Social scientists, educators and parents continue to be concerned about the impact television
violence is having on children, especially young boys. Male superheroes, real and animated, are
still considered poor role models who promote violence as a way to solve conflict.
Consequently, educators tend to discourage superhero play. Advice is given to teachers on
‘living with superheroes’ especially strategies for discouraging aggressive play so it does not
impair development of young boys’ prosocial skills. However, there does not seem to be any
articles with advice on ‘how to interpret the actions of rugby league heroes’ and associated
hegemonic attitudes that young boys may express. In fact it almost seems laughable in
Australia to suggest that such advice would be needed. Herein lies the problem, aggressive
expressions of masculinity in a sport such as rugby league seem normal - part of a tough game.
Some researchers may argue that no real link exists between television violence, boys,
masculinity and sport. From such a position it seems reasonable to separate research into the
Boys, Masculinity and Television Violence:
5
broad categories of sporting violence and television violence. Research into violence in sport
centres more on the problems surrounding aggression between players and violent spectators,
areas of sport that certainly require ongoing investigation.
The actions of television characters such as superheroes are interpreted as interfering with social
emotional factors associated with formation of gender identity at an early age. Interestingly,
what is being overlooked is the idea that little boys watching televised sporting violence are
learning behaviours identified with masculine hegemony in the wider society.
Bibliography
Bauer, K. and E. Dettore (1997) Superhero Play: What’s a Teacher to Do? Early Childhood Education
Journal 25 (1): 17-21.
Berry, G. and J. Asamen (1993) Children and Television; Images in a Changing Sociocultural World
Sage Publications: London.
Boyatzis C., G. Matillo and K. Nesbitt (1995) Effects of the Mighty Morphin Power Rangers on
Children’s Aggression with Peers Child Study Journal 25 (1): 44-55.
Bryson, L. (1987) Sport and the Maintenance of Masculine Hegemony Women’s Studies International
Forum 10 (4): 349-360.
Butterworth, D. (1991) Gender Equity in Early Childhood: The State of Play Australian Journal of Early
Childhood 16 (4):3-9.
Connell, R.W. (1987) Gender and Power: Society, the Person and Sexual Politics Sydney: Allen and
Unwin.
Connell, R.W. (1989) Cool Guys, Swots and Wimps: the Interplay of Masculinity and Education Oxford
Review of Education 15:291-303.
Connell, R.W. (1995) Masculinities Sydney: Allen & Unwin.
Cowan, A. (2000) Playing with Culture: Children, Culture and Their Social World unpublished PhD
thesis Department of Sociology, University of Newcastle NSW.
Gagnon, N. (1996) Sport Culture and Violence Against Women: At the Heart of a Social Controversy
Loisir & Societe-Society and Leisure (19) 2: 507-535.
Giulianotti, R. (1999) Football: A Sociology of the Global Game Oxford UK: Blackwell.
Goldstein, J. (ed) (1983) Sports Violence New York: Springer-Verlag.
Hutchins, B. and J. Mikosza (1998) Australian Rugby League and Violence 1970 to 1995: A Case Study
in the Maintenance of Masculine Hegemony Journal of Sociology 34 (3): 246-263.
6
Angela Cowan
Jackson, S. (1999) Sport, Violence, and Advertising in the Global Economy Working Paper
www.hmse.memphis.edu/WPSLC/sjackson.htm.: 1-14.
League Week (2001) July 26th Sydney: ACP Publishing.
Levin, D. and Carlsson-Paige, N. (1994) Developmentally Appropriate Television: Putting Children First
Young Children 49: 38-44.
Lewis, J. (1982) Fan Violence: An American Social Problem Research in Social Problems and Public
Policy 2:175-206.
MacNaughton, G. (1994) “You can be dad”: Gender and Power in Domestic Discourses and Fantasy Play
within Early Childhood Australian Research in Early Childhood Education 1: 93-101.
Main, J. (1985) Sport Cops a Bloody Nose Your Sport October.
Messner, M., D. Hunt, M. Dunbar, P. Chen, J. Lapp, P. Miller (1999) Boys to Men: Sports Media.
Messages about Masculinity: A National Poll of Children, Focus Groups, and Content Analysis
of Sports Programs and Commercials. Menlo Park, Los Angeles, CA: Family Foundation.
Nixon, H. (1997) Gender, Sport and Aggressive Behavior Outside Journal of Sport & Social Issues 21
(4): 379-391.
Riches, D. (1986) The Anthropology of Violence Oxford UK: Blackwell.
Seegrave, J. (1997) A Matter of Life and Death: Some Thoughts on the Language of Sport Journal of
Sport & Social Issues 21 (2): 211-220.
Vaplew, W. (1987) Violence in Australian Sport: Some Possible Strategies NPRU Review 3 (1).
Wenn, B. (1989) Violence Today No 4: Violence in Sport Canberra: Australian Institute of Criminology.