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This is the published version of a paper published in Acta Borealia.
Citation for the original published paper (version of record):
Bergman, I., Edlund, L-E. (2016)
Birkarlar and Sámi - inter-cultural contacts beyond state control: reconsidering the standing of
external tradesmen (birkarlar) in medieval Sámi societies.
Acta Borealia, 33(1): 52-80
http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08003831.2016.1154676
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ACTA BOREALIA, 2016
VOL. 33, NO. 1, 52–80
http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08003831.2016.1154676
Birkarlar and Sámi – inter-cultural contacts beyond state
control: reconsidering the standing of external tradesmen
(birkarlar) in medieval Sámi societies
Ingela Bergmana and Lars-Erik Edlundb
The Institute for Sub-arctic Landscape Research, INSARC, Arjeplog, Sweden; bDepartment of Language
Studies, Umeå university, Umeå, Sweden
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a
ABSTRACT
ARTICLE HISTORY
It is not until the fourteenth century that written records offer a
glimpse into the coastal societies of Northern Sweden. Records
include references to a social stratum referred to as the
birkarlar, who were tradesmen engaged in trading with the
Sámi. The origin of the birkarlar, their prominent status and
the meaning of the term, is an enigma that has been much
disputed among scholars although there is consensus about
the economic and fiscal supremacy of birkarlar vis-á-vis the
Sámi. However, the paradox of tradesmen employing force
against their most important circle of suppliers and customers
remains a puzzle. The birkarla institution is analyzed by means
of alternative reading of historical records from the perspective
of the indigenous Sámi and coastal farming communities. The
postulated animosity between Sámi and the birkarlar is
critically examined in light of the social and economic context
of interior and coastal communities during the Late Iron Age
and Early Medieval period, and in relation to historically known
Sámi kinship relationships and marriage traditions. Data are
analyzed with regard to demography and social structure, and
from a landscape perspective including the logistics and
practicalities of inter-cultural contact. Analyses corroborate that
birkarlar were deeply rooted in the coastal communities and
fully involved in the regular subsistence activities. They were
representatives given a commission of trust and contacts
between the birkarlar and the Sámi were characterized by
mutuality and inter-dependence.
Received 11 May 2015
Accepted 11 January 2016
KEYWORDS
Birkarl; Sámi; coastal
communities; northern
Sweden; trade; tally sticks
Introduction
The Sámi of northern Fennoscandia are mentioned in early historical records dating
to the first centuries AD (Collinder 1953; Hætta 1980; Hansen and Olsen 2004, 45–51),
revealing that there was a population in the north that was well distinguished from
CONTACT Ingela Bergman
[email protected]
© 2016 The Author(s). Published by Taylor & Francis
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(http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/), which permits non-commercial re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any
medium, provided the original work is properly cited, and is not altered, transformed, or built upon in any way.
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53
the Nordic societies of Norway and Sweden. However, very little is known about the
cultural affinity of the indigenous coastal population of northernmost Sweden. In
contrast to the very extensive archaeological material in the interior, archaeological
remains in coastal areas dating to the Late Iron Age and Early Mediaeval times are
sparse and inconclusive. It is not until the fourteenth century that written records
offer a glimpse into the coastal societies, including mention of a very limited social
stratum referred to as the birkarlar. Information is meagre, revealing only that birkarlar were tradesmen with the exclusive right (granted by the Swedish King) to trade
with the Sámi. During the course of the sixteenth century, the standing of the birkarlar was progressively reduced, and eventually the birkarla organization ceased to
exist.
The origin of the birkarlar, their prominent status and the meaning of the term, is an
enigma that has occupied scholars for centuries (cf. e.g. Nordlander 1906; Jaakkola
1924; Schybergson 1935; Steckzén 1964; Collinder 1965, 1–21; Dahlgren 1965;
Fjellström 1965, 42–56; Favorin 1968; Friberg 1983, 186–196; Sundström 1984,
138–144; Söderlind 1986; Vahtola 1987; Wallerström 1995, 239–264; Mäntylä 1998,
334–336), leading to a wide range of theories. Even though the social status and
descent of the birkarlar is much disputed, there is consensus about their economic
and fiscal supremacy vis-á-vis the Sámi, as manifested by the birkarla power of taxation
and their tough tax enforcement (Luukko 1956a, 1956b, 1956c; Olofsson 1962, 137–291;
Hederyd 1985, 74–76; Sundström 1993, 80; www.samer.se/4541). From a Sámi perspective, the birkarlar are strongly associated with greed and the violent exercise of
power (cf. Svonni 2008). The oppression of the Sámi by the birkarlar is firmly internalized
as part of Sámi historiography and has become an axiom embraced by both
scholars and the general public, reproduced in folklore and literature (cf. Rosendahl
1964; Hederyd 1985, 74–76, 2003; Svonni 2008) and including the puzzling paradox
of tradesmen employing force against their most important circle of suppliers and
customers.
In this paper we analyse the birkarla institution by deconstructing the predominant
(colonial) central power discourse and, instead, reading historical records from the perspective of the indigenous Sámi and coastal farming communities. The postulated animosity between Sámi and the birkarlar is critically examined in light of the social and
economic context of interior and coastal communities during the Late Iron Age and
Early Medieval period, and in relation to historically known Sámi kinship relationships
and marriage traditions. The study draws on archaeological data and on a variety of historical sources including taxation records and other cameral records, judicial records,
royal instructions and correspondence, most of which date to the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Data are compiled and analysed with regard to demography and
social structure, and from a landscape perspective, including subsistence strategies
and the logistics and practicalities of inter-cultural contact. These are aspects largely
overlooked in previous research and, therefore, may add new and significant
knowledge.
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I. BERGMAN AND L.-E. EDLUND
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The historical and geographical setting
Numerous finds of foreign provenance demonstrate an extensive trading network
during the Late Iron Age, connecting northern Fennoscandia with commercial
centers such as Novgorod and Visby and later with the powerful Hanseatic League
(Serning 1956, 1960; Zachrisson 1976, 1984; Fjellström 1986, 59–67; Malmer and
Malmer 2005; Bergman 2007). Some of the Sámi sacrificial sites in the interior of northern Sweden dating to AD 800–1300 include coins from Germany, Denmark, Norway,
England and even the Caliphate (Jammer et al. 1956, 185–222; Malmer and Malmer
2005), giving a good picture of the widespread connections of the Sámi societies.
The huge number of foreign objects suggests an organized network with well-arranged
chains of middle men. The birkarla institution probably evolved during this period,
although it is not until the beginning of the fourteenth century that birkarlar are first
mentioned in historical records. In AD 1328 the Swedish King, Magnus Eriksson, stipulated the right by tradition of birkarlar to trade with the Sámi (Svenskt diplomatarium 4:
73 nr 2676; Vahtola 1991, 219). Thirty years later, in 1358, these privileges were corroborated by his son Erik Magnusson, who refers to previous confirmations made by his
father’s forefathers, thereby dating the birkarla institution back to at least the thirteenth
century.
Records from the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries offer quite detailed
information about the birkarla domain covering most of northern Fennoscandia including the Torne, Kemi and Lule and Pite lappmarker1 (administrative units corresponding
to indigenous Sámi territories) and reaching as far as the North Atlantic and the Barents
Sea (Figure 1). Birkarlar from the Luleå and Piteå parishes were traveling to the Atlantic
coast on a regular basis to trade with the Sámi and collect taxes on behalf of the
Swedish King, and similarly birkarlar from the Torneå and Kemi areas travelled to the
coastal areas of the Barents Sea. Trading enterprises also included groups other than
the Sámi and there were regular markets, for instance at Varanger, attended by merchants from far and near (cf. Nordlander 1906, 220–232; Fellman 1910, 299–308;
Hoppe 1945, 62–64; Hansen 1984).
Managing this vast catchment area presupposed established social networks and
efficient communication logistics. Contact between birkarlar and the societies of the
interior would have been frequent, resulting in reciprocal practices. Accordingly, the
role and significance of the birkarlar in relation to Sámi societies is best understood
by studying the socio-economic settings and the practicalities of contact.
The social and economic setting
There are only a few complete records listing all birkarlar for each region and year; these
relate to 1553, 1580, 1590 and 1606–1607. In addition, there is a list dating to 1577 covering Pite lappmark. There are also a number of fiscal accounts and registers of
members of the district courts from the period 1539 to 1617, including occasional
and fragmentary information on birkarlar. The 1553 record was compiled on the initiative of the Swedish King, Gustav Vasa, who was striving for total control over the profitable trade with the Sámi. The listing of birkarlar was an attempt to garner information
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Figure 1. Map showing the central settlement areas and trading districts of the sixteenth-century
birkarlar.
about the number of birkarlar, their identity, home village and sphere of power. Thus,
the 1553 register records an organization that was still largely self-governed and exhibiting original traits, while subsequent records reflect the successive subordination to
the Swedish Crown. There are a number of birkarla registers dating from 1607 to
1620, however, during this period the birkarlar were totally integrated into the
Swedish fiscal and administrative system. The record of 1620 marks the end of the birkarla organization and there is no mention of birkarlar in official registers after that.
By putting together all accessible first-hand information on birkarlar for the period
1539–1615, and analysing it from the perspective of their contemporary socio-economic context, a picture appears that significantly adds to that presented in previous
studies.
The sixteenth-century birkarlar were farmers living in coastal villages beside the Gulf
of Bothnia from Bureå in the south to Torneå in the north (Figure 2). During the final
stage of the birkarla period, at the beginning of the seventeenth century, there were
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I. BERGMAN AND L.-E. EDLUND
Figure 2. Map showing the home villages of birkarlar during the period 1553–1606.
birkarlar living in Kemi (20 km east of Torneå) and active within the Kemi lappmark. The
Torneå lappmark was the most extensive, bordering the domain of Russian merchants
in the east.
It is interesting to note that the birkarla trading network cut across many linguistic
borders, embracing speakers of Sámi, Finnish, Swedish and Norwegian dialects. In
the sixteenth century fiscal records for the Torneå parish, village names and lake
names are generally written in their Finnish form (cf. Wahlberg 1963 passim; Pellijeff
1992, 1996 passim; Nylund Torstensson 1973, passim, 1977, 71–84). The Finnish
language area along the Torne River shows, in an interresting way, connections with
various parts of the Finnish speaking-area and illuminates long-distance influences
over time, highlighted by the analysis of place-names (Vahtola 1980) and with the
help of geolinguistic evidence (e.g. Winsa 1991, 1994, 1996). In the Kalix River area,
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as well as in Luleå and Piteå, Swedish dialects originating in different parts of the North
Germanic area are spoken among the coastal population but the place-names also indicate prehistoric presence of Finnish and Sámi speaking peoples. For the dialects
compare, for example, Pihl (1924), Rutberg (1924), Dahlstedt (1956, 9–46), Edlund
(2001, 34–44) and for the place-names Wahlberg (1969, 84–97 et passim), Pellijeff
(1973, 53–55, 1980a passim, 1980b, 87–90, 1982, 1985, 1987, 1988, 1990 passim),
Edlund (1988, 35–60, 1989 passim, 1991, 25–48, 1994, 243–258, 2005, 41–52) and
Edlund et al. (in press), Korhonen (2009, 202–234), Bergman (2010 passim). Thus,
there is good reason to believe that a multilingual competence could be found
among the coastal populations in older times (cf. Edlund 1989, 165–168, 1997), as is
the case in more recent times (Collinder 1926, 120–126; Källskog 1992, 33–34). Even
in the Torne, Lule and Pite lappmarker it is possible that such multilingual competence
was a reality. A multilingual situation is, after all, the rule rather than the exception
within the language communities of the world. It is likewise possible that pidgin varieties and other simplified varieties of the languages in this northern area have been
used over time, as was the so-called Borgarmålet, used in the eighteenth century in
the southern parts of the Swedish Lappmark (Högström [1747] 1980, 77; Collinder
1970, 156–157; Dahlstedt 1982, 20–24; Edlund 2009, 155–157; Kuzmenko 2009, 123–
132), or Russenorsk, used in the nineteenth century in Northern Norway (Dahlstedt
1982, 20–24; Broch and Jahr 1984, passim; Jahr 2005, 1538–1542). A later phenomenon
is, in contrast, the standard variety of Swedish (boksvenska) used to facilitate contacts
between different linguistic groups, known from the eighteenth century (Linnæus
[1732] 2003, 53; cf. Dahlstedt 1978, 56–57; Widmark 1991, 170–171 et passim; Edlund
2009, 150–151). Regarding the language(s) used when birkarlar met with the Sámi,
there is no explicit information to be gained from written records, as far as we know.
However, as demonstrated here, it is obvious that this area was a multilingual
melting pot with Sámi, Finnish, Swedish and Norwegian dialects as well as simplified
languages like Borgarmålet. The linguistic evidence that can be drawn from the personal names (surnames, by-names) in the written sources are in many ways more questionable, due to the source material; they are, therefore, not further discussed here.
Taxation records show that the birkarlar were among the wealthiest landowners,
although not necessarily the absolute richest, in their respective village, owning large
areas of arable and pasture land and large stocks of cattle. However, in terms of
capital assets they were certainly in a class by themselves (Älvsborgs lösen 1571). By
comparing the 1553 list of birkarlar with records of individuals paying taxes for
fishing in interior lakes and seal hunters (Landskapshandlingar, Västerbotten 1553,
1555, 1557) it is evident that the birkarlar were fully involved in the everyday subsistence activities of sixteenth century farmers in the north, including cultivation and
cattle herding, hunting and fishing. In addition, the birkarlar owned quite significant
numbers of reindeer as beasts of draught (Bergman, Zackrisson, and Östlund 2014, 49).
Just like many other farmers, the birkarlar were engaged in the regular marketing of
domestic surplus production (Sw. landsköp) mainly limited to the rural market (Friberg
1983, 186–193; Nordlander [1892] 1990, 317–320). In taking part in this local trade, they
were obviously not holding the status of a birkarl. According to taxation records,
the same person could be listed both as a birkarl and as a rural tradesman
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I. BERGMAN AND L.-E. EDLUND
(Sw. landsköpman) in the same year, paying separate taxes for his activities. A document
describing the court session held in Torneå in 1420, mentions how all of the peasants
who were lappefarar (meaning people traveling to the Sámi (lapps)), and all of the birkarlar made complaints about tradesmen from Finnish Tavastia (fi. Häme) encroaching
on their trade with the Sámi (Nordlander 1906, 224). This implies that not only birkarlar,
but also ordinary peasant farmers, were trading with the Sámi. Thus, although the term
birkarl is associated with trading activities, it is by no means simply the equivalent to
tradesman.
Birkarlar are never mentioned by their title in the regular sixteenth-century census
registers, church records of tithes, or in the registers of fishermen and seal hunters. The
sole context in which the concept occurs on a regular basis is in connection with
the annual assessment of the so-called birkarletaxa, that is, the fixed fee claimed by
the King as a rate of interest for giving birkarlar the privilege of trading with the
Sámi (Nordlander 1906, 226–233). From 1554 onwards the birkarlar were assigned
the collection of taxes from the Sámi on behalf of the King under the supervision of
the King’s bailiffs (Nordlander 1906, 227–232; Olofsson 1962, 242, 266). Considering
that craftsmen were recorded by their name and profession, for example Olof smed
(Olof the smith), Hans skomakare (Hans the shoemaker) and Måns skräddare (Måns
the tailor), it is noteworthy that no one is mentioned by his status as a birkarl. The
fifteenth and sixteenth century Tänkeböcker (the city registers of the Stockholm city
and court protocols) and Jordeböcker (taxation records), frequently report on tradesmen
from the Gulf of Bothnia coming to Stockholm to trade, however, there is no mentioning of birkarlar in that context (Olofsson 1962, 221). A number of records dating to the
late sixteenth century mention that birkarlar from Torneå were engaged by the Swedish
King for their expertise in connection with boundary disputes between the Swedish
Crown and neighbouring states in the Barents region, specifically Russia (cf. Handlingar
rörande Skandinaviens historia 29 1858, 149–155; Fellman 1915, 65–70). Otherwise, birkarlar are referred to in written records only on occasion, in their role as lay assessors at
district-court sessions held in Sámi villages or in cases where they were fined for
adultery with Sámi women. Thus, birkarlar are only referred to by their title in situations
involving Sámi one way or another. So, who were ascribed the birkarla status and what
did the position actually imply?
Private operators or representatives?
Although there are many different theories about the descent of the birkarlar and the
origin of their organization (cf. Steckzén 1964, 15–54; Söderlind 1986, 86–112; Vahtola
1987, 324–333; Wallerström 1995, 239–246, for reviews) there is consensus about the
incentives for their trading activities. According to the prevailing view, birkarlar were
private entrepreneurs acting only for their own gain and profit. They were ascribed
social and political power by virtue of their wealth and prestige (cf. Fjellström 1965,
42–56). However, this understanding of birkarlar and their social role is based on
written information filtered and weighed through the eyes of their main opponent,
that is, the Swedish Crown, rather than on structural analyses of factual data. By matching the birkarla registers of the period 1553–1606 to regular census records accounting
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for the number of taxpaying Sámi in each of the lappmarker and peasants in the coastal
villages, the structure of the birkarla organization emerges. First, the number of birkarlar
within and between each lappmark is quite consistent over the years (Table 1) and, correspondingly, there are a consistent number of Sámi taxpayers within and between the
lappmarker (Table 2). The median number of Sámi taxpayers per birkarl varies between
6.5 and 9 (Table 3). These figures correspond to the number of households in a Sámi
sijdda, that is, groups forming the basic social units within Sámi society (see Manker
1953, 13–17; Odner 1983, 82–83; Mulk 1994, 10–14; Bergman et al. 2008, for a discussion
of the sijdda concept). The number of peasants liable to pay taxes according to the socalled bågamantal (i.e. every man who could handle a bow, Sw. båge) per birkarl is
equally consistent within and between the parishes, and also over time (Table 4).
The median number of peasants per birkarl varies between 17.9 and 27.1 (Table 5).
Finally the ratio of peasants vs. Sámi taxpayers ranges from 2.5 to 3.2 (Table 6).
Table 1. The number of birkarlar in each lappmark (Landskapshandlingar, Västerbottens handlingar
1553–1606).
Lappmark
1553
Torne
Lule
Pite
Ume
Summary
19
15
16a
1577
1580
1590
1606
m=
18
15
12
17
24
21
25b
20
16.25
18.4
44
70
22
17
16
14
69
50
54.65
a
Two of which living in Bureå in the parish of Skellefteå.
b
Fourteen birkarlar were living in the parish of Skellefteå.
Table 2. The number of taxpayers in each lappmark (Landskapshandlingar, Västerbottens
handlingar 1553 and Norrlands lappmarker 1577–1606).
Lappmark
1553
1577
1580
1590
1606
m=
Torne
Lule
Pite
91
112
106
128
110
120
144
122
118
152
145
144
178
193
186
138.6
136.4
134.8
Table 3. Ratio number of Sámi taxpayers per birkarl.
Parish
1553
1577
1580
1590
1606
m=
Torne
Lule
Pite
5.1
7.5
6.6
X
X
6.6
9.6
10.2
6.9
6.3
6.9
5.8
8.1
11.4
11.6
7.3
9
6.5
Table 4. The number of taxpayers (bågamantalet) in Torneå, Lule and Pite parishes
(Landskapshandlingar, Västerbottens handlingar 1553–1606).
Parish
1553
1577
1580
1590
1606
m=
Torne
349
378
366
376
497
393.2
408a
415a
470a
361a
421.4
Lule
453a
308b
305b
332b
269c
320.2
Pite
387b
a
Excluding the villages of Måttsund and Ersnäs in Nederluleå parish.
b
Including the villages of Måttsund and Ersnäs in Nederluleå parish, and the Bureå village in Skellefteå parish.
c
Including the villages of Måttsund and Ersnäs in Nederluleå parish.
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I. BERGMAN AND L.-E. EDLUND
Table 5. Index showing number of peasant taxpayers per birkarl.
Parish
1553
1577
1580
1590
1606
m=
Torne
Lule
Pite
18.4
30.2
24.2
X
X
17.1
24.4
34.6
17.9
15.7
22.4
13.3
22.6
21.2
16.8
20.3
27.1
17.9
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Table 6. Index showing number of peasant taxpayers per Sámi taxpayers.
Parish
1553
1577
1580
1590
1606
m=
Torne
Lule
Pite
3.8
4.0
3.7
3.0
3.7
2.6
2.5
3.4
2.6
2.5
3.2
2.3
2.8
1.9
1.4
2.9
3.2
2.5
Table 7. Number of farmsteads in 1543 in the Torneå, Lule and Pite parishes (Nordlander 1990, 274–
286) and Sámi taxpayers of 1553 in the related laplands (Landskapshandlingar, Västerbottens
handlingar 1553).
Parish
1543
1553
Index
Torne
287
91
3.2
102
3.4
Lule
378a
106
2.9
Pite
308b
a
Excluding the villages of Måttsund and Ersnäs in the Luleå parish (−30).
b
Including the villages of Måttsund and Ersnäs in the Luleå parish, and the Bureå village in Skellefteå parish (30 + 4).
Comparing the number of farmsteads according to the 1543 taxation and property
records (Jordaboken) with the number of Sámi taxpayers the ratio is equally consistent,
ranging from 2.9 to 3.4 (Table 7). Altogether, demographic analyses of the relationship
between birkarlar, Sámi and coastal farmers reveal a strikingly consistent pattern,
suggesting there was a particular social and economic framework defining the
sphere of action of the birkarlar (Figure 3). Was there an actual association administering
the trading activities of the birkarlar? If so, what were the structural features characterizing this organization?
Rules of engagement
A document describing the district court session held in Piteå in 1424 gives quite
detailed information about the structure and practicalities of the birkarla activities. A
number of birkarlar complained that there had been great disagreement among
them concerning shares and taxes in the lappmarker. They now asked for an agreement
to be reached and urged all of the birkarlar to hold to the old rights and rules dictating
that any birkarl who provided a Sámi, his wife, children or servants with items such as
reindeer, nets, food, an axe, a kettle and a pot and any other items the Sámi would need
to sustain themselves and thereby saving the Sámi from hunger and poverty, he (i.e. the
birkarl) then had the right to trade with and collect taxes from that Sámi for the next
three years without interference from the regular birkarl. However, when three years
had passed, the Sámi would return to the proper shareholder (Erik Nordberg, unpublished transcription, see also Nordlander 1906, 222). Apparently, there was an ethical
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Figure 3. Figure showing the socio-economic structure of the birkarla organization.
codex regulating their internal affairs within and between the different lappmarker and
also their relationships with the Sámi. The court document of 1424 confirms that birkarlar from different lappmarker joined together on certain occasions to settle the rights
and rules and to distribute shares among them. A note in a court record dating to
1546 mentioning the theft of a kettle from the “house of the guild” (see Landskapshandlingar, Västerbotten 1546) suggests there was a actually an association of birkarlar
(Nordlander [1892] 1990, 353). The very precise territorial division between birkarlar
of different lappmarker is illuminated by a document dating to 1562 listing complaints
made by the birkarlar of Pite lappmark about birkarlar from the neighbouring Lule lappmark who were intruding and stealing from the Sámi (Nordlander 1906, 247).
Joint actions by the birkarla community as a whole are corroborated by a document
dating to 1528, which tells of a delegation of two birkarlar, representing all birkarlar of
Torne, Lule and Pite lappmarker, who met with King Gustav Vasa to negotiate about the
value of the Kings interest in the trade (Nordlander 1906, 226). Other records refer to
birkarlar taking collective actions within the local arena. For instance, in 1498, the birkarlar of Pite and Lule lappmark jointly lodged a complaint to the King about bailiffs interfering with their trade (Fellman 1915, 10–11).
Occasionally, records mention details presenting a glimpse of the organizational features. There is a passage in the so-called Sumlen (1600–1601) by the Swedish antiquarian Johannes Bureus (1568–1652), stating that the King’s bailiff was not allowed to
collect taxes unless all birkarlar sitting around him had properly counted and approved
the tax (Bureus 1886, 223). In addition, there is information suggesting that birkarlar
joined and travelled together to meet with the Sámi. In a letter dating to 1595, the clergyman Andreas Nicolai, who was on a mission on behalf of the Swedish King, complained that he had been in Torneå for 14 days waiting for the birkarlar to come
back from their winter journey, thereby implying that they were traveling together.
In 1575, the court session of the Semisjaur Sámi village community was attended by
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I. BERGMAN AND L.-E. EDLUND
12 birkarlar from Pite lappmark and 12 Sámi, all acting as lay assessors. In other words,
nearly all birkarlar active in Pite lappmark were in the same place at the same time. This
strongly points to common logistics and joint travels.
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The Birkarla–Sámi trade: events or process?
The most tangible proof of birkarlar acting within the framework of a distinct and wellorganized association is their joint payment of the annual fee to the King. According to
a fiscal record dating to 1528, there had been a fixed fee for each of the lappmarker that
had remained the same over the years (Nordlander 1906, 226; Steckzén 1964, 281;
Söderlind 1986, 93). From 1554 onwards the Sámi were directly subordinate to the
King, paying taxes based on the number of taxpayers and their payment capacity, in
a similar way to the coastal farmers. This meant that Sámi and peasant taxes were
dynamic and could vary from one year to the next. However, the birkarlar were still
obliged to pay a settled fee over a period of more than 50 years, thereafter they paid
taxes in the form of tithes and duty. During the period 1554–1606, the King kept
detailed records of the taxpaying capacity of the Sámi and the farmers with regard
to number of reindeer and stock, the number of furs of squirrel, marten, fox etc, crop
harvest, seal catch and fishing hauls, specifically of salmon, perch, pike and herring.
In addition, the peasant tradesmen paid taxes based on their profits (Landskapshandlingar, Västerbotten 1554–1606). So, how come the birkarla fee remained fixed and settled?
The only plausible explanation to this puzzling circumstance is that the birkarla trade
with the Sámi included actions beyond the scope and control of the King. In contrast to
the trade managed by individual peasant tradesmen, characterized by a straight
buyer–seller relationship and immediate transactions between the parties, the birkarla–Sámi trade included communities rather than individuals, and long-term
exchange relationships based on shares, stakes and credits. Peasant tradesmen
mainly marketed their surplus production of crops, stock and butter, while the birkarla–Sámi trade also included commodities of foreign provenience, such as copper
vessels, iron kettles and various other iron objects, hemp and frieze fabric (Landskapshandlingar, Västerbotten 1553; Nordlander 1906, 222; Fellman 1915, 22; Hoppe 1945,
60). The strict division between the birkarla and peasant tradesmen is illustrated by
a complaint made by birkarlar that as soon as they bought some fish from the Sámi,
they were called landsköpare (i.e. peasant tradesman) and had to pay taxes as such
(Nordlander 1906, 240–241).
Written records provide evidence of an intricate and complex exchange system
based on shares. In addition to birkarlar having shares of their own (cf. Nordlander
1906, 235; Fellman 1915, 7–8) there were ordinary farmers who received shares from
the birkarla–Sámi trade equating to an agreed amount of money; for instance Mrs
Karin Jakobsdotter (born around 1485) from Piteå owned five shares in the Sámi
trade, and her daughter three (Sikeborg 1996, 267). Their shares were probably acquired
through inheritance. Another record tells of the birkarla taxes for Pite lappmark being
paid by all farmers together in the year 1554 (Landskapshandlingar, Västerbotten
1554; Nordlander 1906, 227) again suggesting that farmers were involved in the Sámi
trade with birkarlar acting as agents. The mode of the procedure is revealed in a
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verdict at the court session held in Piteå in 1539. Jon Ersson was fined for not having
paid the birkarlar for their trade with the Sámi on his behalf. He had been in debt to
the birkarlar for four years (Landskapshandlingar, Västerbotten 1539). This implies a
system where farmers were placing orders with the birkarlar based on the size of a
settled share, much like buying through a mail-order firm. Holding shares meant
having the right to participate in the trade, but also included the obligation to put
up investment capital. In this context, the birkarlar played a central role as creditors,
with the financial capacity to pay expenses on behalf of the Sámi on the one hand
and the peasant shareholders on the other (as in the case of Jon Ersson above). The purchasing power and delivery capacity of the parties set a natural limit to the turnover and
to the number of shares in each lappmark. Therefore, shares were much coveted and
carefully administered.
Considering that birkarlar performed the function of a banking institution, crucial to
the transaction system as a whole, it is not surprising that some regulation to secure
stability was imposed at the district court session in Piteå in 1424 (above), stating
that no birkarl owning less than one share should have the right to trade with the
Sámi (Nordberg, unpublished transcription, see also Nordlander 1906, 222).
The very complicated procedure of exchanging goods, settling debits and credits,
administering orders and so on included many aspects, with the birkarlar acting as
bank, bookkeeper, haulier and entrepreneur. Supply of goods from the Sámi areas
remained unknown to the farmer shareholder, and vice versa, until the actual transactions took place. In case of supply, demand and solvency getting out of balance,
transactions would have been settled the following year(s). Indeed, trade and transaction cycles would have covered three years minimum as suggested by the birkarla
regulations of 1424 (above) and the legal case of Jon Ersson (above) who had been
in debt to the birkarlar for four years. Instead of consisting of a number of instant transactions and single events, the birkarla–Sámi trade formed a continuous process. It
would have been impossible for the Swedish authorities to identify the outcome of
the trade at any given point in time and this explains why the King settled for a
fixed fee.
Archaeological finds of standard weights and balances in Sámi contexts (Serning
1956, 132; Hedman 2003, 161–162), in addition to the huge number of foreign
objects, provide evidence for trading networks involving parties in full agreement
about the measurement of value at the time and corroborate the active role of the
Sámi in trading transactions as early as the Viking Age. There is no information on
how the trade was organized. Written records describe trading activities only from
the perspective of the Church and the Swedish Crown and in this context the Sámi
are totally objectified as a group. However, the complex relationships between the
trading parties, including accounts of shares, debts and credits and the logistics
involved in arranging meetings, presupposes the integration of trade in the socioeconomic organization and the annual subsistence cycle. There is a passage in a text
describing conditions in northern Sweden during the early sixteenth century which
says that the Sámi had certain people acting as managers (Sw. föreståndare) called birkarlar, whom they jointly elected and obeyed (Olaus Magnus [1555] 1982, 181). The
passage indicates that the relationship between Sámi and birkarlar was similar to
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I. BERGMAN AND L.-E. EDLUND
that of farmers and birkarlar and if the term manager is replaced by agent it makes complete sense. In addition, the consistent demographic relationship between Sámi and birkarlar (above) suggests that trade was organized on the sijdda level and thus structured
in a similar way as it was among the coastal communities.
Birk and the structure of trading networks
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Credit and debit
We suggest that the term birkarl is best understood in the linguistic context of the
extensive trading networks connecting northern Scandinavia with the European
market during the Iron Age and Early mediaeval periods. For deducing the trading
and transaction practices, the information given by the sixteenth century priest of
the Torne and Kemi lappmarker, Johannes Jonæ Tornæus, provides a sound point of
departure. He tells how the burghers had to credit the Sámi in one year to be repaid
by them in the subsequent year. This procedure continued until one party was
unable to pay or when one or more of the parties passed away (Tornæus [1653]
1900, 62–64). Tornæus continues: If they are unable to write, they have a tally stick
[…] on which they carve as many notches […] as they owe and carve their mark in
it. They then split it in two parts and give one half to the creditor, keeping the other
half themselves (translation according to Grandell 1989, 13). It is obvious that the
tally stick was essential for keeping records. This was emphasized by a legal case at
the beginning of the eighteenth century explicitly demonstrating their significance: A
court record describing a session in Torneå in 1718, tells how the district court judge,
Samuel Krook, claimed that Nils Niva had not paid him for 60 alnar of frieze cloth,
whereupon Nils Niva showed his “Kill Kulla elr Karfståck,” that is, his tally stick, to the
court with notes and notches proving that he had, in fact, paid. The court instructed
Samuel Krook to produce evidence against Nils Niva, however, he could not do so
(Bucht 2014, 77). This specific case verifies the legal significance attached to tally
sticks (cf. Leem 1870; 238 according to Solem [1933] 1970, 244).
Tally sticks and trade
A number of studies have addressed the role of tally sticks (Grandell 1944, 182–184,
1986, 121–127, 1989 passim; Alinei 1960, 191, 197; Hémardinquer 1963, 143–148;
Arnould 1966, 98–101; Baxter 1989; Kuchenbuch 1999, 303–325, 2006, 114 with ref.
in note 1, et passim; Wedell 2011, 185, 212, 241–242, 259, 272–277 with ref. passim).
There were various types of tally stick: simple, split, triple and fork shaped. Grandell
(1989, 1) argues that the split tally was the most commonly used:
It was cut in two pieces, each of the same shape, and was used in business transactions
between two parties to a contract, e.g. seller and buyer, creditor and debtor, employer
and employee. It was used for the most part in credit transactions in the days when
paper was still unknown and even much later when people were still illiterate.
The simplicity and exactness of tally sticks serving as mnemonic accounting devices
made them highly useful in societies without systems of writing, or, as put by
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Figure 4. A tally stick used by Lars Erik Ruong, Arjeplog, in 1984 in accounting sold reindeer. Scale
1:1. Photo, Silvermuseet.
Kuchenbuch (1999, 319), “Kerbhölzer fungieren als mnemopraktische, zeitüberbrückende Alltagswerkzeuge im Umgang mit Maß und Zahl, und was sie bewahren, versprechen und garantieren, steht nicht im Zeichen des Gewinns, sondern des Ausgleichs.”
There are finds, written accounts and also terminologies from various periods and
places providing evidence of the widespread use of tally sticks. For example, in
Odensvi in the Swedish province of Småland, they were used in connection with deliveries of charcoal to ironworks (Grandell 1986, 122–123) and in Viney in Switzerland
tally sticks were used to settle affairs between wine-growers and the estate owners in
connection with grape harvesting (Grandell 1986, 122). In 1186, the English royal treasurer, Bishop Richard, writes about how notches were cut into the split tally sticks used
by the Crown in loan transactions (Grandell 1986, 123, 1989, 10–11; Baxter 1989; Kuchenbuch 1999, 314). In addition, tally sticks have been used far outside the European cultural
sphere, for example in China (Grandell 1989, 2–4; cf. Baxter 1989, 47) and among Samoyedic peoples and Mansi people (Solem [1933] 1970, 244). Indeed, tally sticks were used by
reindeer herders until the 1980s in accounting the number of sold reindeer (Figure 4).
The Finnish pirkka, Russian bírka and Swedish birkarl
European languages include different words for tally stick: Italian taglia, French taille,
Swedish karvstock, German Kerbstock or Kerbholz, Greek sýmbolon and so on. The
Finnish word is pirkka (Lönnrot 1866–1880, 2, 212, 1886, 128), a word very likely corresponding to the Russian bírka. The etymology of the Russian word is disputed (cf. Preobrazjenskij 1958, 26; Šanskij 1965, 122–123; Vasmer 1976, 87, the latter resume the
etymological discussion as “Schwierig,” cf. Wallerström 1995, 261–262).
Considering the fact that the use of pirkka in Finnish dialects exhibits a south-eastern
distribution, it is tempting to interpret the word as a loanword from the Russian bírka
(SKES 3: 574; SSA 2, 373; Plöger 1973, 132; and, for ethnological similarities between
bírka and pirkka, see Aspelin 1888, 128–132). From the perspective of linguistic geography, it may seem problematic that the word pirkka is not represented in dialects and
areas bordering the geographical sphere of the birkarlar. However, it has been
pointed out that the oldest linguistic stratum of the Finnish dialects in the Gällivare
and Torne areas of northern Sweden could be Karelian in origin (Winsa 1991, 209–
213, et passim, cf. map 17, 22, 37 and 38, et passim; cf. Winsa 1994, 257–271, 1996,
613–623). The connection between Karelia and northern Sweden is corroborated by
the archaeological record, including a huge number of artefacts of Karelian provenance
(Serning 1960; Zachrisson 1984; Bergman, Zackrisson, and Östlund 2014).
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Thus, the assumption that there may be a connection between pirkka and birkarl is
quite plausible and we propose that birkarl should be interpreted in the context of a
northern economic sphere including extensive trading networks, well-developed
credit systems and efficient accountancy techniques. The interpretation is, however,
not entirely new; it is touched on by, for example, Granfelt (1929, 61–62) and Grandell
(1986, 126–127), and in some way also implied by Wiklund (1947, 35) when he discusses
the place-name Pirkkala (cf. Wallerström 1995, 261–262). In our contribution, however,
the linguistic interpretation is put within a broader historical context. The role of birkarlar as representatives given a mission of trust and also performing the function of a
banking institution, makes the interpretation of birk meaning “tally stick” all the more
probable. The tally sticks of farmers and Sámi involved in a trading network were
entrusted to their birkarl.
The Birkarlar and the Sámi
Confrontation
The reputation of birkarlar as brutal enforcers of power against the Sámi is manifest.
However, upon examining written records covering the period 1539–1606, another
picture emerges. During this period the Sámi had quite a strong standing vis-á-vis
the Swedish Crown, providers as they were of sought-after commodities (Fjellström
1986, 63–67, 501). They were familiar with, and made use of, the Swedish judicial
system to call attention to unsatisfactory states of things, either at court sessions or
in letters to the King (Fellman 1915; Solem [1933] 1970, 82). For instance, in 1559
there were complaints about bailiffs and birkarlar selling commodities to the Sámi at
a higher price than they had to pay in Norway (Fellman 1915, 23). There are no complaints from the Sámi about birkarlar being unjust and brutal in general, but there
are three men who stand out in this respect: Jöns Jonsson, Oluff Amundsson and
Nils Orawain (Fi. Oravainen; cf. Hederyd 1991, 239), all of them birkarlar and bailiffs in
the Torne lappmark. In 1559, the Sámi complained that Jöns Jonsson took furs
without paying and used reindeer for transportation without compensating the
owner. The Sámi also accused him of accountancy crimes including, among other
things, giving false information to the King about the number of Sámi taxpayers.
Oluff Amundsson was appointed bailiff in 1555 and in 1562 the district court judge
informed the King that Oluff Amundsson’s toughness in exercising his commission
was driving both farmers and Sámi away to Russia (Fellman 1915, 23–28). Nils
Orawain/Oravainen was the most infamous of them all and in 1594 the birkarlar and
the Sámi of the Torne lappmark jointly urged the King to remove him from office
(Fellman 1912, 337–339, 1915, 35–62).
The only documented case of physical violence being exercised by a birkarl dates to
1547, when Hindrik Nilsson from Torne lappmark was fined 8 mark for beating a Sámi
(… “hade slagit een lap i lapmarkenn,” Landskapshandlingar, Västerbotten 1547). The
fact that the case was brought to justice and that the fine was quite high in relation
to the general level of fines shows that this was considered serious. In view of the
long history of the birkarla trade, and the huge number of birkarlar involved over
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67
time, the aforementioned cases stand out as exceptions. Correspondingly, there are
only a few cases of birkarlar having brought Sámi to court (Nordlander 1906, 247).
However, it should be underlined that there were most certainly a number of unrecorded cases not taken to court.
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Co-operation and common interests
Information on the extent and character of contact between the birkarlar and the Sámi
is very sparse, but there are notes here and there outlining a pattern characterized by
co-operation rather than confrontation between the parties. In a document dating to
c.1520–1530 and providing information about the fishing in major rivers and
streams, it is noted that birkarlar were fishing in the river Åbyälven on behalf of the
Sámi (Berggren 1995, 51–52), implying an agreement between the parties where the
birkarlar protected the rights of the Sámi vis-à-vis the Swedish Crown. Another
example of birkarlar acting in favor of Sámi interests appears in a letter to King
Gustav Vasa in 1544, which contains complaints about birkarlar preventing poor
farmers from settling in the lappmarker (Fellman 1915, 14–15; Nordlander 1906, 236).
In all probability the opposition to settlement was primarily motivated by self-interest,
however the Sámi nevertheless benefited from this engagement. In addition to the
common action requesting that Nils Orawain/ Oravainen be removed from office
(above), the birkarlar and Sámi of Lule lappmark jointly took action in 1606, requesting
that Herr Lars from Torneå be removed as their priest since he was too weak to travel to
the lappmarker and too old to conduct his duties (Nordberg 1973, 27). On the part of the
Crown, birkarlar and Sámi were treated alike with respect to taxation of reindeer and
their commitment to transport timber in connection with the building of churches at
the beginning of the seventeenth century (Nordlander 1906, 243; Fellman 1915, 118;
Nordberg 1973, 23–41).
In the past, Swedish court sessions included a panel of 12 lay assessors representing
the general public. Accordingly, when sessions were held in Sámi territory the panel
included Sámi representatives (Fellman 1912, LVI–LIX; Solem [1933] 1970, 82;
Korpijaakko-Labba 1994, 110–114). In 1589 it was proposed (by the Crown) that birkarlar
should attend court sessions among the Sámi on a regular basis (Nordlander 1906, 249),
but it is not confirmed that this actually became common practice. However, the panels
for the court sessions of 1575 and 1586 in the Pite lappmark, both included birkarlar
along with Sámi assessors. In 1575 the panel included as many as 24 lay assessors;
12 Sámi and 12 birkarlar. This extraordinary arrangement was probably the result of
the gravity of the cases brought to justice, as a way of bringing about as fair a trial
as possible for the two men who were facing charges of theft and subsequently sentenced to death (Landskapshandlingar, Norrlands lappmarker 1583). In 1586, a birkarl
was charged with adultery with a Sámi woman. The panel of six Sámi and six birkarlar
imposed a minor fine on the birkarl “since he was a poor man” (Landskapshandlingar,
Norrlands lappmarker 1587).
During the course of the sixteenth century, the Swedish Crown progressively
increased its judicial and cameral control of the northern areas; however, the Sámi–
birkarla trade remained a constant thorn in the Crown’s side. In a final attempt at
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I. BERGMAN AND L.-E. EDLUND
breaking the birkarla influence, King Karl IX imposed a number of regulations at the end
of the sixteenth and beginning of the seventeenth centuries dictating the conditions of
their activities on Sámi ground. There was a fixed number of birkarlar allowed for each
lappmark and bargaining was only allowed in certain places at certain times of the year
(Handlingar rörande Skandinaviens historia 29 1858, 167, 197, 252–255; Fellman 1915,
92–93, 118). It was stipulated that the bailiff should have priority for 14 days to purchase
and collect taxes and until then the birkarlar and Sámi were strictly forbidden to trade
(Handlingar rörande Skandinaviens historia 29 1858, 266; Fellman 1915, 128). In fact,
there was a death penalty for those traveling around among the Sámi at other times
of the year (Fellman 1915, 128). Instead of having their camp sites “here and there,”
the birkarlar were instructed to build their booths and cabins at assigned marketplaces.
Each cabin should house two birkarlar (three in Kemi lappmark) and there had to be
windows in the cabins (Handlingar rörande Skandinaviens historia 29 1858, 184–187,
255; Fellman 1915, 153–154).
The birkarlar were forbidden to trade with the Sámi at night behind closed doors, or
even worse, “running at night from one Lap to another” (our translation) (Fellman 1910,
461). Reading between the lines suggests that Sámi and birkarlar were meeting at times
and in places of their own choice throughout the sixteenth century, under the radar of
the bailiffs. Eventually, when the Crown enforced all its powers to impose total control
over the trade, the Sámi and the birkarlar nevertheless sneaked away during the night
to bargain on their own terms.
Family relations
In court protocols from the sixteenth century, adultery is a frequent theme and the
coastal parishes of northern Norrland were no exception (Sandström 2003). In fact,
adultery dominates the cases brought to justice. Penalties were strictly regulated
depending on whether the parties were married (to other spouses), whether or not
they were related and, if so, the degree of kinship. There are a number of cases including peasant farmers, most of them birkarlar, having had illegitimate relations with Sámi
women (Table 8). Obviously this phenomenon presented a very particular problem and
at the beginning of the seventeenth century the Crown enforced strict regulations in an
attempt to put an end to this kind of relationship. In 1599, the King criticized the fact
that birkarlar, married and unmarried, had mistresses in the lappmarker as well as at
home, thus committing adultery. In addition, he criticized the Sámi for giving away
their daughters as mistresses to birkarlar and then, after eight or nine years, taking
their “damaged” (Sw. skämde) daughters back and marrying them to a Sámi. Therefore,
the King decreed that unmarried birkarlar were forbidden to travel and trade in the
lappmarker (Handlingar rörande Skandinaviens historia 29 1858, 168–169; Fellman
1915, 85–88). Four years later another decree refers to the abominable conduct of
married birkarlar having Sámi mistresses and, even worse, buying the daughters of
the Sámi, sleeping first with one and then another in apparent adultery. Therefore,
every birkarl being convicted of adultery was to be decapitated. In addition, Sámi
selling their daughters should be sentenced to death, without mercy (Handlingar
rörande Skandinaviens historia 29 1858, 175–176). There is no mistaking the King’s
Name and parish
Village
1539
1546
1547
1549
1553
1563
1564
1572
1574
1583
1586
1587
1589
1590
1592
Torne sn
Marcus
Hindrik Laffuesson
David
Måns
Mickel Jönsson
Jöns
Erik Packan*
Nils Olofsson
Olaff Anundsson
Olaff Hindersson
Lars Nilsson
Jöns Nilsson
Hindrik Larsson
Jöns Persson*
Erik Klockare*
Olaff Jönsson
Jöns (*)
Per Ersson*
Hendrik
Nils*
Suensaara
6 mk
4 mk
Juoksengi
Juoksengi
Kuivakangas
Peckula
Vojakkala
Niemisel
Armasaar
Niemisel
Matterengi
Niemisel
Vojakkala
Björkön
?
Kuivakylä
Armasaar
Alkula
Juoksengi
Kuivakangas
6 mk
6 mk
6 mk
6 mk
6
6
6
6
mk
mk
mk
mk
6 mk
6 mk
6 mk
4 mk
6 mk
7 mk
6 mk
6 mk
8 mk
8 mk
6 mk
15 mk
5 mk
15 mk
96 mk
30 mk
54 mk
30 mk
15 dr
5 dr
40 dr
(Continued )
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Table 8. Persons fined for adultery with Sámi women and years of court sessions. Figures refer to the amount of fines in daler (dr) or mark (mk). Persons not
being registered as birkarlar in any records are marked by *.
69
Name and parish
Village
1539
Björsbyn
Måttsund
Måttsund
Rutvik
Antnäs
Alvik
Rutvik
Antnäs
Ersnäs
Antnäs
Björsbyn
Björsbyn
Sunderbyn
Sunderbyn
6 mk
12 mk
12 mk
5 mk
5 mk
4 ½ mk
5 mk
5 mk
5 mk
5 mk
4 ½ mk
4 mk
1546
1547
1549
1553
1563
1564
1572
1574
1583
1586
1587
1589
1590
Lule sn
Jöns Olsson
Larens Dauidsson
Jon Persson
Ture (Ersson)
Nils Andersson
Olle Jönsson
Mågens Olsson
Larens Jönsson
Anders Mågsson
Larens Siuerdsson
Nills Larsson
Pål Larsson
Nils Ingevualsson
Oloff Nilsson*
100 mk
100 mk
Pite sn
Per Larsson*
Jöns i Hellan*
Lasse Olsson*
Nils Larsson
Mårten Pedersson
Öjebyn
Öjebyn
Porsnäs
Sikfors
6 mk
8 mk
5 mk
10 dr
8 dr, 10 öre, 16 örtug
1592
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Table 8. Continued.
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indignation over the birkarla conduct. Adultery was common among the population in
general, but the King acted thus only in the case of birkarla–Sámi relations. Why?
Considering the strong interests in northern trade, there is reason to believe that
there were economic reasons for his actions, rather than moral concerns. Also, in his
ambition to strengthen the political position of the Swedish Crown, the King challenged
the powerful birkarlar with all the means at his disposal.
At first glance, the information on the buying and selling of Sámi women (above)
implies utmost ruthlessness towards Sámi in general and Sámi women in particular.
However, the description is from the perspective of outsiders unfamiliar with indigenous traditions. If, instead, the information is interpreted from a Sámi perspective, it
suggests that both parties indeed were acting in accordance with the Sámi rudá tradition, that is, the very strict rules of courting and proposing (Nordberg 1948).
Kinship relationships were (are) fundamental to Sámi societies (see Bergman et al.
2008 for a discussion on Sámi kinship relations) and marriages were preceded by intricate procedures of exchanging gifts between the suitor and his future parents-in-law
and, in fact, the whole family of the bride. It was customary that gifts of proposal
amounted to a significant number of silver objects in addition to woollen cloth,
kettles, reindeer and so on, and the suitor and his family expected equally valuable
gifts in return. The gifts, referred to as rudá, were carefully negotiated between the
parties and negotiations could last for 2–6 years. Eventually, if the rudá was agreed
upon, the couple married. In case of disagreement, the marriage was called off followed
by painstaking deliberations on how the rudá should be returned and also how the
costs involved in the courting enterprise should be repaid to the suitor. If negotiations
failed they often ended up in court. The rudá tradition was practiced across the entire
Sámi settlement area, Sápmi, indicating its ancient origin and vital social significance.
Considering the fact that marriages not only involved the spouses, but their entire
families, as well as having an effect on the sijdda composition, working teams and
the management of reindeer herds, the social implications of marriages were indeed
significant. In the eyes of the Swedish officials and clergymen, the rudá tradition
appeared to be a transaction whereby brides were bought and sold, hence the indignation. During the seventeenth century, the clergy made huge efforts to stop the
rudá practice; however, it continued well into the nineteenth century (Nordberg
1948, 24–25). Put in this context, the accusations of birkarlar buying Sámi women actually confirm the profound understanding among the birkarlar, and acceptance, of the
conditions of rudá.
The issue of married birkarlar having mistresses in the lappmarker reflects the judicial
and religious values of the Crown and the Church, which did not necessarily coincide
with indigenous concepts. In other words, the birkarlar may have been married to
Sámi women according to Sámi traditions, although not formally registered by
Swedish authorities. In addition, the notion of mistresses should be interpreted from
the perspective of contemporary standards where frillor, that is, second wives,
formed part of the official social institution, having statuary rights and quite a high
ranking (Carlsson 1971, 195–197). Written records reveal that birkarlar and other
peasant farmers had frillor both from their own ranks as well as among Sámi women.
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I. BERGMAN AND L.-E. EDLUND
Family relationships between birkarlar and Sámi are confirmed by occasional reports.
In his report on the winter markets of 1615, the bailiff of Torne lappmark tells of a Sámi
who, when asked about the reason for not having delivered any fish, explained that he
had hidden the fish to give it to his relatives among the birkarlar (Wiklund 1909, 15). The
bailiff also writes that the Sámi of the Tingevara and Ruonala village communities were
very obstinate and unwilling to submit to the bailiff and had been since some birkarlar
had children and wives among the Sámi (Wiklund 1909, 23). This was the case with Nils
Orawain/Oravainen (above) who had a Sámi wife, named Inga Orawain/Oravainen. She
lived among her kin in the Tingevara village community in Torne lappmark. Nils
Orawain/Oravainen was obviously on excellent terms with Inga’s family and relatives,
acting jointly with them in matters concerning neighbouring Sámi communities
(Fellman 1915, 56). Inga Orawain/ Oravainen was certainly a woman of high status
and great power. A tax collection register from 1600 lists an enormous number of
silver objects among her belongings, making up more than 450 lod, that is, almost 6
kg (Fellman 1915, 79–82; Fjellström 1962, 56–57, 183, 223, 1986, 492–493). Nils
Orawain/ Oravainen seems to have had at least one wife besides Inga. A record
dating to 1597, the year of his death, mentions his wife Lucia S. (… “hustru Lucia
S. Nils Orauains effter leffuerska”) (Fellman 1915, 76). She was living in a village in
Tornedalen (www.matarengi-ff.se) and probably was not Sámi.
An interesting insight into the lifestyle of birkarlar is offered by a misprint in a censor
register from Pite lappmark. In the winter of 1597 the bailiff summoned the members of
the Laisbyn village community to pay their annual taxes. The taxpayers were listed by
name and their respective tax rate. One name, Zackrias, is ticked off with a note saying
“doesn’t count, is birkarl” (Sw. reknes intet är birkekarl) (Landskapshandlingar, Norrlands
lappmarker 1599). Apparently, the bailiff did not recognize Zackrias Olsson, who was a
birkarl from the Kopparnäs village in the parish of Piteå. This is quite remarkable as one
would expect the bailiff to be familiar with all the birkarlar in his district. Zackrias was
probably staying with the Sámi of Laisbyn and blending in well as one among
equals. That birkarlar were staying in the interior, taking part in everyday life, may be
suggested by a map dating to 1671 and enumerating interior Sámi taxation lands
(Norstedt 2011). One of the lands is called Börkel lyeden, implying that the land was
managed by a birkarl.
Kinship, competence and succession of Birkarlar
In line with the predominant view of birkarlar representing an exclusive elite, the succession of the birkarla status has generally been interpreted in terms of rights by birth
(cf. Nordlander 1906, 234; Steckzén 1964, 375–376; Hederyd 1985, 75; Wallerström 1995,
251). Indeed, there are a number of actual cases corroborating the suggestion that birkarlar were succeeded by their sons, or sometimes by their sons-in-law (Hederyd 1988,
26, 1991, 228–247; Lundström 2004, 49; Sandström 2011). Written records include formulations suggesting that the birkarla office was kept within families. Old customs and
rights of inheritance are called upon with reference to the sayings of a group’s forefathers (cf. Fellman 1915, 67–68). Obviously birkarlar held their office for long
periods, up to 30 and even 40 years, and when a birkarl got old and had no son or
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ACTA BOREALIA
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son-in-law to succeed him, he would sell his rights to some other rich farmer (cf.
Nordlander 1906, 96–97; Fellman 1910, 460–461). Comments on birkarlar traveling to
the lappmarker accompanied by their sons and sons-in-law, sometimes as many as
four and even five of them (Fellman 1910, 460–461), corroborate the character of a
family business. There were certainly economic incentives to keep the birkarla trade
within the family, with regard to profits and credit rating, but performing the work of
a birkarl would have demanded training and skills as well. Birkarlar from Torne lappmark
tell of how they had been in the lappmark every year since they were children (Fellman
1915, 67). This note is instructive in many ways. First, the sons of birkarlar accompanied
their fathers, learning about the routes and logistics involved in traveling to the interior.
Second, they were learning about the terms of bargaining and how to keep records of
debts and credits. Third, and perhaps most importantly, they became acquainted with
the Sámi trading parties and were acting in a multilingual environment (cf. above) and
possibly learned the Sámi language, at least to some extent. Meeting with the same
Sámi families and sijdda members year after year must have resulted in personal
relationships based on mutual understanding and trust and, in fact, even kinship. In
other words, each birkarl was affiliated to a group of Sámi (a sijdda) towards whom
he had certain obligations. It is in this context that the various notes on Sámi belonging
to birkarlar and birkarlar ruling over “their” Sámi, should be understood (cf. Nordlander
1906, 219–221, 226; Fellman 1915, XVII). In addition, this perspective sheds new light on
the agreement of 1424 (above) about the responsibilities of birkarlar in relation to the
Sámi, and on the information given by Olaus Magnus (above) that the Sámi elected birkarlar as their managers.
Conclusion
Thorough analyses of the social and economic context of the birkarlar corroborate their
deep roots in the coastal communities, fully integrated into the everyday life and subsistence activities of farmers, fishermen and hunters. Based on an oral tradition, finally
written down at the beginning of the seventeenth century, scholars have argued that
birkarlar were of Finnish descent (from the Pirkkala area), establishing themselves as a
foreign elite among the coastal farmers of northern Sweden (cf. Jaakkola 1924;
Fjellström 1965; Favorin 1968). In light of the results presented in this study,
however, this theory should be dismissed. Data strongly point to the birkarla organization having evolved on local ground as has been suggested by Hederyd (1991,
215–219). However, not in connection with the establishment of Swedish settlements
(generally referred to as the colonization initiative) but as an indigenous trading
network. By reading the information given in the fourtheenth-century records from
the perspective of the close Sámi–birkarla relations revealed in the present study, it
becomes clear that the inter-cultural relationships go further back in time, pre-dating
Swedish colonization. Extensive trading networks were established during the Viking
Age, possibly even earlier, as verified by the archaeological record (cf. Bergman, Zackrisson, and Östlund 2014).
Demographic statistics in combination with written information add a new aspect to
the birkarla tradesmen as representatives given a commission of trust. The birkarla
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74
I. BERGMAN AND L.-E. EDLUND
status applied only to enterprises involving the Sámi and was obviously not referred to
within the local arena. Holding the title of a birkarl was certainly prestigious, but the title
was not hereditary per se. Not all sons of a birkarlar became birkarlar themselves. First
and foremost, great demands were made on experience and skills, and the sons of birkarlar were trained from an early age. When a birkarl retired, his successor was recruited
from those well acquainted with the logistics and practicalities of traveling to the lappmarker. In addition, the close relationships between a birkarl and his Sámi trading partners would have been decisive and the Sámi obviously had a say in the appointment of
new birkarlar. Reading historical records in a different context and interpreting information from the perspective of Sámi kinship relations and marriage traditions, a new
picture emerges. Instead of the one-sided enforcement of power by the birkarlar and
the subordination of the Sámi, the inter-cultural relationships were characterized by
mutuality and inter-dependence.
The energetic efforts made by the Swedish Crown throughout the thirteenth, fourteenth, fifteenth and sixteenth centuries to obtain full control of the birkarlar seem
hugely exaggerated considering the small number of birkarlar, amounting to between
40 and 70. However, as representatives of an ancient, geographically extensive, welldeveloped and lucrative trading organization, they presented strong opponents to
the economic and political ambitions of the Crown. Eventually, the birkarlar submitted
and during the course of the seventeenth century the Sámi trade shifted to the hands
of the Swedish King. Some of the former birkarlar were engaged as bailiffs, exercising
the royal power in connection with taxation and implementing the political and territorial ambitions of the King. Thus the role of the birkarlar transformed from being entrepreneurs and representatives to the enforcers of the royal power. As such, the birkarlar
disappeared from the historical scene, leaving behind only a vile reputation.
Note
1. The trading territory of the birkarlar from the parishes of Torneå included a vast area incorporating the coastal areas of the Barents Sea and the North Atlantic. The Torne lappmark
proper included nine Sámi communities: Lulaby (from 1570 named Siggevare), Tingevare,
Rounala, Ingretsby (from 1570 named Suonttavaara), Kautokeino, Lapinjärvi, Aviovaara,
Tana and Utsjoki (Hederyd 1991, 255–256). Census registers are highly inconsistent in
the way the coastal areas are accounted for. For example, in 1553 the Varanger area is separated from the Torne lappmark, but in the register of 1580 it is included. In 1577 all coastal
communities are listed under the heading Westersiö lappemarker and in 1590 they are
referred to as Westersiö finner. The figures in Tables 2, 3, 6 and 7 include only taxpayers
within the Torne lappmark proper.
Acknowledgements
We are grateful to the linguists who have contributed to the etymological discussion of pirkka. We
thank the reviewers for inspiring comments and Sees-editing Ltd for improving the language.
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.
ACTA BOREALIA
75
Funding
This work was supported by the Swedish Foundation for Humanities and Social Sciences [grant no
M11–0361:1].
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