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worker
A paper of Marxist polemic and Marxist unity
weekly
Killer cops: the cauldron
boils over. Jim Creegan
reports from the USA
No
1039 Leomar
ConejosThursday December 18 2014
n Irish mass protests
n Greek presidential poll
n Mike Macnair and strategy
n LRC London upset
Towards a Communist Party of the European Union
£1/€1.10
Neither
meek
nor mild
2
December 18 2014 1039 worker
weekly
letters

Letters may have been
shortened because of
space. Some names
may have been changed
Reckless
In his December 11 letter responding
to my recent article on migration,
comrade John Fisher asks me whether
I want London to “continue to be one
of the principal homes of choice for
international finance capital” and
might perhaps be “frightened” by
the thought of it ceasing to be so.
Similarly, the comrade wonders if
I agree with “the arguments of the
CBI” and therefore think it “would be
reckless, from a business perspective,
for Britain to leave the EU”.
You do not have to share the
“business perspective” of the CBI to
recognise that the prospect of a UK
exit from the European Union would
trigger a major flight of capital. As I said
in my original article, at the very least
we would see a 20% reduction in the
UK’s tax base - and you do not have to
be particularly imaginative to work out
how the government, Tory or Labour,
would react under such conditions: that
is, intensify austerity and in general
increase the attacks on the working class.
In that sense, pushing for a capitalist
Britain to leave the EU is “reckless” the fact that the CBI also says so, for its
own big-business reasons, does not make
it any less true. Our programme must be
for the international working class to
take power - for a workers’ Europe, in
the first instance.
In the same way, it is an elementary
communist principle to support the free
movement of labour - workers should
have the right to move around the
world as they please. More importantly,
communists fight to change the current
state of affairs, where we are divided up
on the basis of nationality - something
comrade Fisher appears to agree with
when he says that countries are a
“nonsense” and that communists should
be “urging their dissolution with some
alacrity”. The fact that Angela Merkel
supports the free movement of labour for
her own reasons is neither here nor there
- she wants to use it to undermine the
working class, whilst we want to unite
the working class. Two totally different
projects. Communists, after all, are not
obliged to put a minus sign where the
bourgeoisie puts a plus. We develop
our own independent working class
politics based upon our programmatic
understanding of the tasks before us.
The fact that London - or the City
- is one of the “principal homes” of
international capital does not exactly
fill me with joy. Then again, I am
hardly delighted by the knowledge
that finance capital operates from
Tokyo, New York and a whole host of
other centres. Communists struggle to
positively transcend capitalism over the
entire globe, not carve out little patches
or so-called ‘liberated zones’. Or, to put
it another way, finance capital does not
operate in North Korea - yet is hardly
a model we want to emulate: it is a
Stalinist hell-hole.
As for my comments on Norway, a
country I have never visited, they were
intended purely to highlight - or expose
- the faulty thinking of the Eurosceptics
in Britain, who try to use Norway as
an example of the way forward, when
actually it enthusiastically embraces
the same pro-capitalist agenda. On
the free movement of labour, it has a
bigger proportion of other EU nationals
in the country than Britain, for instance:
no country is an island. Whether antimigrant sentiment is on the rise or not in
Norway, as comrade Fisher mentions, is
an entirely different question.
Finally, the comrade thinks it would
be a good idea for the CPGB to “join
forces” with European United Left,
Nordic Green Left, European AntiCapitalist Left or the Party of the
European Left. Alas, the CPGB is a
small group, whose overriding priority
is to use the pages of the Weekly
Worker to fight for rapprochement and
left unity as part of the struggle for a
mass, internationalist Marxist party (as
opposed to a diffuse and ineffective
‘broad’ party). There is also the point that
all of these parliamentary blocs listed by
comrade Fisher are dominated to one
degree or another by social democratic
and reformist parties of various stripes,
the Nordic Green Left being a classic
example. Needless to say, this runs
contrary to what the CPGB stands for
- which is to organise the working class
on a global level and fight for extreme
democracy in all spheres of society. We
seek to expose each and every attempt
to manage a ‘fairer’ capitalism.
Eddie Ford
email
Blanket ban
To those who say that the Socialist
Party in England and Wales and Trade
Unionist and Socialist Coalition are
advocating border controls, couldn’t
they be accused instead of barking up
the wrong tree (‘Immigration controls
kill’, November 20)?
Jules Guesde and the French socialists
called for a prohibition on employers
hiring foreign workers at wages less than
those paid to French workers, so could
a compromise on the left be reached?
Instead of focusing on ‘the immigrants’,
why not focus on the employers hiring
specific groups of them?
Investopedia’s Kerri FivecoatCampbell wrote a recent article on the
five countries where it is hardest to obtain
citizenship (‘Five hardest countries for
getting citizenship’, December 11), and
lists Austria, Germany, Japan, Switzerland
and the United States. Referring to the
last one, she wrote: “Unless a person
is coming to the US through family or
an approved job, it is very difficult to
establish permanent residency.”
So as to help stop the downward
pressure on wages for ‘unskilled’
domestic labour, and perhaps create a
‘labour shortage’ to put upward pressure
on the precariat, why shouldn’t the left
call for a blanket ban on all employers
hiring ‘unskilled’ non-permanent
residents?
The economic effect would be the
same as that of right-populist antiimmigration planks. However, the
onus would be on those employers particularly petty bourgeois ones, who
snide about unskilled immigrants having
a better ‘work ethic’ than unskilled
citizens - not on the unskilled immigrants
themselves.
Nick Tan
email
Positive thinking
I read Eddie Ford’s piece in the Weekly
Worker (‘Chancellor’s book of doom’,
December 11) and understood his
demolition of Osborne’s plans and
even his sneering critique of James
Meadway’s economic alternative
reported in the “creaking” Morning Star.
So far so good, but where is Eddie’s
alternative for the left? By issuing a
statement that everything is bad and
the proposed solutions will not work,
he is creating a despairing position unless he believes that revolution is
imminent and the masses will rise up
and smash capitalism before the next
parliament.
If there was a positive suggestion
in the article, please share, as I have
missed it. I do not proclaim any
expertise in this area, so it is possible.
David Smith
email
Like an Egyptian
The choice of the name ‘Orion’ for the
latest Nasa spaceflight to test a capsule
for travel to Mars seems to reflect a
continued bizarre obsession within the
agency for the three ancient Egyptian
gods and goddesses: Osiris, Isis and
Horus (‘Mission Mars and the final
frontier’, December 11). Publicly, this
only shows up in its choice of repeating
blatant choices of simple mission patch
designs, but on examination we can see
most launches over the past 50 years
have ‘coincided’ with unusual stellar
alignments, usually involving one or
more of the stars, Sirius, Regulus and
Al Nitak (in the belt of Orion).
According to most Egyptian
mythologists, the star constellation of
Orion was the celestial representation
of the central figure of Egyptian
gods, the god of the underworld and
of ‘resurrection’, revered as Osiris.
The star Sirius was regarded as the
living embodiment of his wife and
sister, Isis, the goddess of life and
nurture, and Regulus, the blue-white
star at the start at the heart of the Leo
constellation, represented their son,
Horus, who avenged his father’s murder,
and became the first ‘man god’, from
whom all human pharaohs were said to
be descended. Horus, like the Apollo in
Greek mythology, was the Egyptian ‘god
of the sun’ and, curiously, also ruled over
Mars. The ancient Egyptians in fact used
the same name for both Mars and Horus,
to mean ‘Horus the red’.
Jack Conrad follows the standard
Nasa line that Mars is ‘dead’, with no
atmosphere, flora, fauna or running
water, and presumably there is little
point for the latest imperialist scramble
for new lands and territories. Yet for
billions of years and until very recently
in astronomical terms, Mars, together
with our Earth and Venus, occupied a
comfortable place in what is known as
the habitable zone of our solar system
and was warm, wet and hospitable, with
all the necessary conditions for life as
on Earth, until some cataclysmic event
or series of events 1.35 million years
ago, probably involving the destruction
of a whole existing planet, resulting in
today’s asteroid belt and stripping away
most of Mars’ atmosphere, wrecked
its magnetic field, and left half the
planet crated and unable to support any
advanced forms of life.
I think the stakes are immensely
greater than Jack believes. The very
powerful religious and cosmological
ideas set out in ancient Egyptian
funerary and rebirth texts and the socalled ‘hermetic’ writings - which
have subsequently been adopted by
Freemasonry and also informed the
occult roots of Nazism - express the
idea of the drawing down to Earth of
cosmic powers as an essential step in
humankind’s quest for the knowledge of
the divine and immortality of the soul.
Egypt was seen as “an image of heaven.
Or, more precisely, in Egypt all powers
which work and rule in heaven have
been transferred to earth below”.
Ancient Egyptians believed in
something called Zep Tipi, a ‘first time’,
when the ‘gods’ established their earthly
kingdom, a golden era of absolute
perfection, “before rage, clamour, strife
or uproar had come about. No death,
disease or disaster occurred in this
blissful epoch known as the time of
Osiris or the time of Horus.”
The ultimate aim of the ancient
Egyptian rituals was to equip the
initiate, the ‘Horus-King’, to make the
necessary journey ‘back’ in time to Zep
Tipi, and into a new cosmic kingdom
of Osiris, when sky and ground could
be reunited in perfect harmony. (There
is a possible parallel in Marxism, which
sees the role of the working class and the
revolutionary party as ultimately to bring
about a new golden age, a world of full
communism, going back to the ideals
and perfections of primitive communism
before society divided into classes, and
bringing these into modern times).
So what are such rituals and apparent
‘mumbo jumbo’ doing at the heart of
Nasa, a supposedly scientific endeavour
aimed at increasing knowledge for the
benefit of all humankind? Are they
really just paying homage to some
mostly forgotten Egyptian deities - a
bit of ritualistic but harmless fun? Or
do some people in Nasa genuinely
believe they are attempting to establish
a connection - or may already have one
- with powerful forces which to us, like
to the ancient Egyptians, appear to have
powers and abilities beyond our current
comprehension?
What are Nasa really looking for on
Mars and do they already know much
of what is there to be found from their
reading of the ancient Egyptian texts?
Our own all but forgotten pasts amid the
reddish sands?
Andrew Northall
Kettering
Poverty disgrace
There have been a number of reports in
the local media recently about general
increases in poverty and, in particular,
significant rises in the numbers of people
forced to use food banks. Members of
Rugby Trade Unionist and Socialist
Coalition have been talking to benefit
claimants outside Rugby jobcentre every
week for over a year now, and the stories
we hear certainly back this up.
One of the many problems people
face nowadays is that benefits are either
not paid on time or, even worse, are
suspended or actually stopped for up to
a month if a claimant is a few minutes
late for an appointment or simply cannot
attend for medical reasons. We hear
complaints of this nature every time we
leaflet outside the jobcentre against the
government’s welfare reforms and cuts
to benefits, and this is likely to be even
worse in Rugby because we are one of
the few areas piloting the government’s
flagship welfare reform, universal credit
- which is nothing more than a deliberate
attempt by this Tory government,
supported by the Labour opposition, to
cut spending on welfare.
We met someone only last week who
didn’t know where he would sleep that
night - or the foreseeable future - because
the jobcentre hadn’t sorted out his claim
despite the fact he had attended for
interview and had no money at all after
recently returning to Rugby. He spoke to
me before and after his appointment, and
was nearly in tears. Last month a man in
his thirties told us he had been sanctioned
for three months - which means no
benefits - for missing one appointment at
the jobcentre by mistake. He nearly lost
his rented accommodation as a result.
Others have been even less fortunate.
This is a dreadful state of affairs
in one of the supposedly wealthiest
countries in the world, and will get
worse with the further cuts announced
in the recent autumn statement. It is no
wonder the media have been reporting
an increase in poverty, or that use of food
banks in Rugby has risen so much.
We have expressed our serious
concerns about universal credit in
particular, and the benefit cuts in
general, to local Tory MP Mark
Pawsey on a number of occasions,
but he has not been able to adequately
answer our queries. He has passed on
our concerns to government minister
Lord Freud as a result, and we await
his response. Whatever they are, they
will do nothing to put food on people’s
tables this Christmas or prevent them
being evicted for non-payment of rent.
This is an absolute disgrace.
Pete McLaren
Rugby Tusc
Labour sanctions
In a half-hearted attempt to get into
the Christmas spirit, I recently visited
my local food bank to donate 10 tins
of food. The food bank is based at my
local Baptist church and is one of 400
run by the Trussell Trust, staffed by
well-meaning, do-gooding, churchgoing types.
One of the staff told me that most of
the people visiting the food bank have
had their benefits ‘sanctioned’ (stopped)
by the jobcentre, which then gives them
a voucher to take to the food bank. All
this comes in the wake of a report by
a cross-party group of MPs, supported
by the archbishop of Canterbury, which
suggests that benefit sanctions are the
main reason why 900,000 people over
the last year had to visit food banks.
I have recently been reading the first
few chapters of Trotsky’s History of
the Russian Revolution, which details
how out of touch the tsar and his clique
were from the poor, suffering Russian
masses just before the February 1917
revolution. The same applies today
to the Tories and their vicious regime
of benefit sanctions targets placed on
jobcentre workers by the department
for work and pensions.
Benefit sanctions on jobseekers were
first introduced by the Department for
Work and Pensions during the last
New Labour government by archBlairite ministers Alan Johnson and
James Purnell. Since 2010, the Tories
have taken these benefit sanctions to
another level, with more than a million
job seekers in the last year having their
benefits sanctioned for four weeks or
more. The benefit sanctions regime at
jobcentres is one of the reasons why so
many jobseekers have been forced into
taking zero-hours jobs or moving into
‘self-employment’.
Apart from calling a halt to the policy
of the DWP giving jobcentres targets
for the number of sanctions carried out
on jobseekers, it is unlikely that an Ed
Miliband-led government will abolish
them. Even though such a policy of
benefit sanctions is causing untold misery
and distress to hundreds of thousands
of jobseekers, Miliband is frightened of
the gutter press describing Labour as the
‘welfare’ party. Evidence for this comes
from Rachel Reeves, Labour’s shadow
minister for work and pensions, who has
explained that “Labour will be tougher
on the unemployed than the Tories”.
In addition to opposing ‘workfare’,
Marxists call for jobseeker’s allowance
to be set at the equivalent of a minimum
wage of £400 a week, and linked to
education, training or a job without
compulsion. Whilst Marxists can have
no confidence in an Ed Miliband-led
Labour government, Tusc, together with
Left Unity, should use the slogans, ‘End
all benefit sanctions now’ and ‘Make
food banks history’, as part of our dayto-day campaigning work.
John Smithee
Cambridgeshire
Social good
I would like to join Phil Walden
( L e t t e r s , D e c e m b e r 11 ) i n
remembering the late Roy Bhaskar
(1944-2014). Bhaskar began as a
philosopher of science, offering a
particular version of critical realism,
which, as well as opposing naive
empiricism, countered the antimaterialism of the postmodern
scepticism then fashionable.
This critical realist model of science
rejected any focus on perceptible
events, but stressed instead the
investigation of hidden ‘generative
mechanisms’, as in the theory of
natural selection or the contradictions
of capitalism.
Bhaskar went on in his later
work, such as Dialectic: the pulse
of freedom (1993), to emphasise the
reality of change and development,
while presenting the goal of a society
defined by individual ‘flourishing’
- the ‘absenting’ of constraints and
promotion of possibilities - with
nevertheless an appreciation of the
groundedness of being and the logic
of a totality where all flourished.
Bhaskar spent many dense pages in
his Dialectic sketching out a definition
of the social good - freedom which
doesn’t destroy the freedom of others
- that Marxists might well claim as
their own.
Mike Belbin
email
BCM Box 928, London WC1N 3XX l 020 7241 1756 l www.weeklyworker.co.uk l [email protected]
3
worker 1039 December 18 2014
weekly
Ireland
No more the victim
W
ednesday December
10 saw the third major
demonstration against the
attempt to impose crippling water
charges on the population.
While the garda and Irish media
announced that only 35,000 participated
in the protest, it seemed to me that
the organisers’ claim of 100,000 was
nearer the mark - interestingly foreign
media sources also reported the latter
figure. And it was a militant event, with
contingents arriving from across the
country to join tens of thousands of
working class Dubliners. Despite the
government’s previous climbdown on
the cost of charges, the vast mass of
the campaign had refused to retreat.
Those present represented many more
thousands who stayed at home because
of work or family responsibilities, or to
defend their towns and estates against
meter installation.
Central Dublin ground to a halt when
the demonstration was prevented by
gardaí from entering Kildare Street, the
site of the Dáil. Side roads were blocked
off in an unprecedented security
operation and a stand-off resulted with
gardaí at the entrance to Kildare Street.
Then thousands of protestors of all ages
defiantly occupied main roads and
bridges, shouting slogans and refusing
to move. The garda ‘public order’ unit
surrounded demonstators on O’Connell
Bridge and rumours circulated on social
media that street CCTV had been
switched off. Later videos were posted
showing assaults on the crowd and a
number of arrests.
As well as the heavy police presence,
the government had prepared a media
counter-offensive. TDs announced from
the encircled Dáil that the protest had
been a flop. The fabricated attendance
figure of 35,000 was reported as fact
by Irish news broadcasts. We were
told that the middle class had not
turned out and the bottom had fallen
out of the campaign. The government
was apparently relieved that it was so
‘small’ and the charges would prevail.
In an interview, health minister Leo
Varadkar feigned astonishment that
people were so upset over a mere €3
a week. He also expressed confidence
that the struggle was over. It was strange
Alice in Wonderland-like experience
to have been on a huge demonstration
and then hear news reports that virtually
no-one was there.
Government supporter and
billionaire Denis O’Brien eagerly
facilitated the bogus coverage. His
empire of radio stations, newspapers
and other media have been pumping
out an endless stream of government
propaganda, aimed at vilifying
protestors and demoralising the struggle.
Even RTE, the state broadcaster, which
prides itself on its objectivity, proved
to be unreliable, complicit and even
antagonistic. The upshot is a deeply
cynical attitude towards the media and
greater reliance on social media, where
film footage exposing garda violence
and intimidation by the hired thugs is
freely available. Reports also continue
to circulate of the continued blocking of
water metering throughout the country.
All of which would be little known but
for social media. In fact if you relied on
newspapers and TV you would think it
was all over.
So there are major challenges
facing the campaign. The news
blackout and the government’s
intransigence have created frustration.
It was hoped that December 10 would
be a turning point and many were
convinced the government would be
forced to back down. But the resolve
and social weight of the state were
underestimated. In this respect the
Right to Water campaign is inadequate
- its leadership seems to be firmly in
the hands of Sinn Féin. The fact that
Gerry Adams, who until a few weeks
CPGB podcasts
Every Monday we upload a podcast commenting on the current
political situation. In addition, the site features voice files of public
meetings and other events: http://cpgb.org.uk/home/podcasts.
London Communist Forum
Sunday December 21 and 28: No forum.
Sunday January 4, 5pm: Weekly political report from CPGB
Provisional Central Committee, followed by open discussion and
Capital reading group. Calthorpe Arms, 252 Grays Inn Road, London
WC1. This meeting: Vol 1, appendix: ‘Results of the immediate
process of production’ (continued).
Organised by CPGB: www.cpgb.org.uk.
Radical Anthropology Group
Introduction to anthropology
Tuesday January 13, 6.30pm: ‘Conservatism and how to fight it:
lessons from evolutionary theory’. Speaker: Lesley Newson.
Cock Tavern, 23 Phoenix Road, London NW1. Talks are free, but
small donations are welcome.
Organised by Radical Anthropology Group: http://
radicalanthropologygroup.org
For real democracy
Saturday December 20, 11am to Sunday December 21: Occupation
of Parliament Square, London SW1.
Organised by Occupy Democracy: http://occupydemocracy.org.uk
Greatcoats for goalposts
Saturday December 20, 7pm: Centenary night out to mark 1914
football truce, Rich Mix Arts Venue, 35-47 Bethnal Green Road,
London E1. Tickets: £9.99.
Organised by Philosophy Football: www.philosophyfootball.com.
Save ILF
Tuesday January 6, 1.30pm: Protest, House of Commons, London
SW1. Stop the closure of the independent living fund.
Organised by Disabled People Against the Cuts: www.dpac.uk.net.
Protestors will be back
ago was publicly committed to paying
the charge, was a main speaker at the
rally was shameful. He has been seen
by some as jumping on the bandwagon
and his speech was drowned out time
and again by “We won’t pay” chants.
But in the absence of a coherent left
alternative the Sinn Féin leadership are
hoping to maximise their vote.
There is also the problem that Right
to Water does not call for a boycott
of the charges. It certainly does
not openly support the blocking of
metering and other direct confrontation
of the state by local groups. RTW
has called for another demonstration
on January 31 to ‘finish off’ the
government. However, as we have
seen, demonstrations alone will not
work. The government can organise
its security and media coverage for one
day and carry on as before. We need
an organised working class movement
that takes the state seriously.
I have argued that the Socialist
Party in Ireland had been sectarian in
setting up a separate We Won’t Pay
campaign with individual membership,
rather than intervening with local
groups that are affiliated to Right to
Water.1 There was a mixed response
to my view, with some SPI members
arguing that there was no possibility
of intervening in RTW, as it has no
organisation on the ground. However,
now there has been a more positive
move by the SPI to orientate towards
the existing local organisations. Paul
Murphy TD has headed up a call for a
national meeting of local groups this
weekend. His aim is to set up a national
federation of non-payment groups.
This would be a huge step forward.
He also made a call in his
speech on December 10 for a new
national political movement. For the
movement to “sit down and discuss
democratically the building of an
umbrella of anti-austerity, anti-water
charge, left candidates to stand in every
constituency in the country at the next
general election. Such is the political
change that has come about because of
this movement that dozens of serious,
committed campaigners could be
elected. Together we can transform
politics in this country; together we
can revolutionise society.”2
I believe that this call deserves the
critical support of all involved in the
movement. We do need to discuss
politics and to make use of the general
election which will take place either
in 2015 or early 2016. There is huge
cynicism towards political parties, but
there is also a call for a new kind of
political representation. My concern
is that the SPI - like the failed United
Left Alliance - is looking for lowestcommon-denominator electoral unity.
This could mean a very mixed bag of
independents, some with very bad
positions on issues such as immigration
and a woman’s right to choose. The
latter is a policy that the SPI is always
ready to drop for the sake of ‘unity’.
While it is important to stand for a
new political alternative, we need to
put forward principled politics on all
questions. This struggle is not just
about water. It is about how we are
ruled and what alternative the working
class can itself develop.
That debate must be had. The
road to the conscious, collective
supersession of capitalism is the key.
This means a serious national debate
on the programme for revolution in
Ireland - a movement to educate our
class and give it skills to collectively
develop its ideas and organisation.
We need to learn how to unite and
build political confidence through the
highest level of political discussion.
The core activists of this campaign
are learning a great deal about the role
of the state in upholding capitalism.
Arrests and criminal charges against
protestors are snowballing, and
prison sentences are expected to be
handed out this week for breaches
of injunctions. Convicted protestors
have been hammered with court costs
- nearly €100,000 has been awarded
to Irish Water contractors by the high
court. Working class people in lowpaid jobs or those who are unemployed
are being intimidated at all levels.
The government is criminalising
working class people and punishing
them with the imposition of huge
debts for standing up to the state - in
facing down this new tax the working
class is confronting the state head on.
The logic of their resistance can be
applied to all democratic social and
economic questions - it is necessary to
confront capitalism with an alternative
programme and a class united to fight
for it. No more should the working
class be the victim l
Anne McShane
[email protected]
Notes
1. ‘We need a united Marxist party’ Weekly
Worker December 4.
2. http://socialistparty.ie/2014/12/paul-murphytd-launches-calls-for-new-political-movementto-challenge-in-every-constituency-at-generalelection.
Close Guantanamo
Sunday January 11, 2pm: 13th anniversary protest, outside National
Gallery, Trafalgar Square (north side), London WC2.
Organised by London Guantanamo Campaign:
www.londonguantanamocampaign.blogspot.co.uk.
‘Families of nakba’
Wednesday January 14, 7pm: Book launch, Brunei Gallery, School
of Oriental and African Studies, Thornhaugh Street, London WC1.
Event page: http://familiesofthenakba.weebly.com.
Reclaim the Union
Saturday January 17, 2pm to 5pm: National meeting for Unison
activists, Mechanics Centre, 103 Princess Street, Manchester M1.
Pooled fare system in operation - please book transport in advance to
save on costs.
Organised by Unison United Left: [email protected].
Palestine solidarity
Saturday January 24, 9.30am to 5pm: Annual general meeting of
Palestine Solidarity Campaign, Conway Hall, 25 Red Lion Square,
London WC1.
Organised by Palestine Solidarity Campaign:
www.palestinecampaign.org/
Tusc and the 2015 elections
Saturday January 24, 11am to 4.30pm: Pre-election conference,
Student Central (formerly ULU), Malet Street, London WC1. £10
waged, £2 unwaged/low-waged. Registration form: www.tusc.org.uk/
txt/318.doc.
Organised by Trade Unionist and Socialist Coalition:
www.tusc.org.uk.
Russian avant-garde
Ends Sunday January 25: Exhibition, Victoria and Albert Museum,
Cromwell Road, London SW7. ‘Russian avant-garde theatre: war,
revolution and design 1913-1933’. Free entry.
Organised by Victoria and Albert Museum: www.vam.ac.uk.
No to Iraq III
Monday January 26, 7.30pm: Meeting, Friends Meeting House,12
Jesus Lane, Cambridge CB5. Speakers include: Andrew Murray,
Julian Huppert (Lib Dem MP), Dr Sanaa Al Khayat (Iraqi author and
activist).
Organised by Stop the War Coalition: www.stopwar.org.uk.
Tackling the housing crisis
Wednesday January 28, 6.30pm: Public meeting, Hilldrop
Community Centre, Community Lane, Hilldrop Road, London N7.
Discussing anti-austerity alternatives to the housing crisis. Speakers
include Jeremy Corbyn MP.
Organised by North London People’s Assembly:
www.facebook.com/northlondonpeoplesassembly.
March for homes
Saturday January 31, 12 noon: Demonstration. Assemble St Mary’s
Churchyard, Newington Butts, London SE1 (nearest station: Elephant
and Castle).
Organised by Defend Council Housing:
www.defendcouncilhousing.org.uk/dch.
CPGB wills
Remember the CPGB and keep the struggle going. Put our party’s
name and address, together with the amount you wish to leave, in your
will. If you need further help, do not hesitate to contact us.
The next issue of the Weekly Worker
will be published on January 8 2015
4
December 18 2014 1039 worker
weekly
greece
Troika demands more blood
Eddie Ford thinks it is irresponsible to spread illusions in a Syriza-led government
O
nce again, the markets
and the European political
establishment have become
spooked by the thought of a Greek exit
from the European Union (‘Grexit’).
The latest crisis was triggered when
Antonis Samaras, the Greek prime
minister and leader of the centre-right
New Democracy, suddenly announced
on December 9 that he would be
bringing forward the presidential
elections by two months - causing near
pandemonium.
Samaras claimed the election,
initially due to take place in February,
had become imperative to dispel the
“clouds of political uncertainty” that had
started to gather over Greece - calling on
MPs to assume “political responsibility”
by backing Stavros Dimas, a former
EU commissioner, for president. But,
of course, Samaras’s move had the
opposite effect. The Athens stock
exchange instantly dropped 13%, its
biggest one-day fall since December
1987, and investors felt fear again, as
the yield on 10-year government bonds
(or debt) jumped on December 11 to
9.15% - way above the 7% considered
to be the level at which the debt becomes
unsustainable. For instance, both Ireland
and Portugal had to ask - or beg - for
a bailout from the dreaded European
Commission-European Central BankInternational Monetary Fund troika once
the yields on their government bonds had
reached that level, effectively shutting
them out of the capital markets. At the
time of writing, Greek 10-year yields
stand at 9.06%.1
The prime minister’s announcement
came as a particular surprise because
only hours previously Athens had
been granted a two-month extension
of its bailout programme by the
troika after negotiations ostensibly
aimed at taking Greece into a ‘postbailout’ era stalled. The main bone
of contention was the budget (or
austerity package) passed by the
Greek parliament on December 7.
The government predicted that the
Greek economy, after shrinking by
more than a quarter in the past five
years, will grow by 2.9% in 2015 - a
glorious achievement that will signify
“exit from the memorandum” and a
“return to the markets”. However,
the troika (and also opponents of the
coalition government like Syriza)
regarded this forecast as a fairy tale
and refused to endorse the budget/
plan - which envisaged, amongst
many things, new tax increases worth
€1.5 billion, a €1 billion reduction
in social spending, the slashing of
public investment by €400 million,
and so on. Naturally, the troika did
not think this went anywhere near far
enough and demanded more blood:
such as a further increase in taxes on
food, medicine, books, alcohol and
tobacco; confiscation of the assets of
those in debt to the banks; new attacks
on pensions and pension funds; a
reduction in the number of people
entitled to receive benefits, etc.
Now, four years after receiving
€240 billion in emergency funds - the
biggest rescue programme in global
financial history - Greece is slipping
towards a further crisis. Troika
inspectors are expected to return to
Athens early next year to conclude their
review before a January 26 meeting of
euro zone ministers. Failure to meet
the deadline has raised the prospect of
Greek banks running out of liquidity if
life support money of €7 billion from
the ECB is put on hold. As things stand
now, Greece needs to repay IMF loans
worth about €2.8 billion by the end of
March and then in July-August over
€5 billion in maturing debt. Running
faster and faster to stay still, like an
Danger of counterrevolution all too real
exhausted hamster in a wheel.
Gamble
Of course, when it comes to the
election of a new president, Samaras
is engaged in a high-risk gamble that
could easily backfire. The fragile twoparty alliance of New Democracy
and Pasok (headed by the finance
minister Evangelos Venizelos) has a
very slim majority with 155 seats in
the 300-member house, and is going
to struggle hard to get the required
number of votes in parliament.
The cumbersome voting system
for president involves three rounds
of voting by a special session of
parliament. The first ballot requires
the votes of a two-third majority of the
total number of MPs (ie, 200) and, if
that majority is not attained, the ballot
must be repeated five days later with
the same majority required. If there
is still no majority, the ballot is held
once more, but this time the majority
required is lowered to three-fifths
(180 votes). However, if this third
ballot also fails to deliver the goods,
parliament has to be dissolved within
10 days and a general election held.
The first round was held on
December 17 and Dimos only
managed to secure 160 votes. Most
pro-government commentators
had been hoping for 170 in the first
round, putting him at least in sniffing
distance of the 180 votes needed in
the final round on December 29. But
that now looks unobtainable. Dimos
will need the support of at least 20
more deputies and politically that
means the Independent Greeks and
the Democratic Left (Dimar) - which
have 27 MPs between them.
If the necessary majority is not
attained, polls have consistently
been showing that Syriza would
win the consequent general election.
For instance, a survey conducted on
December 16 by GPO has Syriza first
on 28% followed by New Democracy
with 23.1%2 Another poll conducted
by Pulse gives Syriza a 3.5% lead.
Yet it is highly unlikely that Syriza
would win an outright majority, even
with the undemocratic 50-seat ‘top
up’ for the leading party, and hence
would be forced to go into coalition
with at least one other party. Whatever
the outcome, Greece will be plunged
into uncertainty and the tremors will
be felt throughout the euro zone and
beyond. After all Syriza is committed
to at the very least renegotiating the
terms of Greece’s debt. This has led
Charles Robertson, chief economist
at Renaissance Capital, to warn
that Greece “may prove to be more
important for global markets than
Russia/Ukraine was in 2014”: a
possible Syriza election victory “may
force” the euro zone leaders to choose
between a debt moratorium for the
country or the first euro exit.
“Syriza has once again brought
the word ‘Grexit’ to the mouths
of foreigners,” Samaras told New
Democracy deputies. “What Syriza
says provokes fear and doubt
everywhere,” he continued: the
“markets are reacting because the
possibility of elections occurring
and Syriza winning is interpreted as
assured catastrophe for the country”.
Hence the burning need for a snap
presidential election.
Yes, it is certainly true that the
markets regard Syriza with fear and
loathing. The Financial Times reported
on December 9 that Alexis Tsipras and
his senior aides recently presented their
economic programme to a meeting
of hedge funds and banks. Less than
impressed, one senior analyst from
Capital Group - a fund with $1.4 trillion
of assets - described the measures
proposed by Syriza, like an agreed
‘restructuring’ of the country’s debt
burden, as “worse than communism”
and a recipe for “total chaos”: according
to him, everybody coming out of the
meeting wanted to “sell everything
in Greece”.3 Similarly, the Bank of
America’s Merrill Lynch view Syriza’s
economic programme as a “Greek
tragedy” and the Wall Street Journal
dismissed Tsipras as the “Hugo Chávez
of the Balkans” - his economic plan
would set him on a “collision course”
with the rest of Europe.
Meanwhile, the EU’s finance
commissioner, Pierre Moscovici,
flew into Athens on December 15
for a two-day visit focusing on the
stalled negotiations with the troika.
Oddly enough, or maybe not, he
did not meet Syriza leader Alexis
Tsipras - something described as
an “unbelievable” snub by a Syriza
official. As for Tsipras himself, he
has claimed that Greece is being
subjected to a campaign of “frenetic
fear-mongering” not only by Samaras,
but also by senior EU figures ahead
of this week’s first round ballot an “operation of terror and lies is
underway”. The Syriza leader even
suggested that Samaras wanted a run
on the banks in order to blackmail the
MPs, and the country as a whole, into
accepting Dimas as president.
Take the power?
Readers of this paper will know that
many on the British left, especially
within Left Unity, want Syriza to ‘take
the power’ - imagining that this would
be a ‘workers’ government’ that will
resist austerity and in general provide
an inspiration for workers throughout
Europe: maybe even ignite the spark
of revolution.
An almost pristine example of
this from Andrew Burgin appears on
LU’s website, entitled ‘Why we must
support a Syriza government in Greece’
(December 10).4 The comrade argues
that this will be the “first workers’
government elected in Europe since the
Popular Front took office in Spain in
1936” (we shall ignore the little matter
of Stalinist treachery and the victory of
fascist counterrevolution), yet it will be a
government in which the “working class
holds office in the parliament, while the
other institutions of state will remain
in the hands of the ruling class”. This
will “create a highly unstable political
situation” - at the last election it is
estimated that nearly 50% of the police
voted for the fascist Golden Dawn and
elements of the military also have close
links with various fascist organisations;
indeed, they have helped train their
combat units.
The comrade says that a Syriza
government’s “central defence” will
come from the “mass support in the
streets and in the communities” - Tsipras
and his governmental colleagues will be
“rebuilding” a country whose economy
has been “almost destroyed” by the
demands of international capital and
whose social fabric has been “ripped
apart”. However, the comrade thinks
the “mere election” of Syriza will
unleash a “wave of expectation, not
just in Greece but throughout Europe”,
and “millions will be moved to action”.
Therefore the central task of Left
Unity, it seems, is “defence of this
government” which will come under
“enormous attack” - a defence that
will “doubtless be the priority for
the whole movement in Greece” and
“will have to be so throughout Europe
too”. He sternly challenges Syriza’s
unnamed “left critics” as to whether
they “will support the formation of
such a government” and “whether they
will fight to defend it” on the grounds
that it “constitutes the front line” in the
“struggle against the system which will
destroy us all unless, collectively, we
resist”. Comrade Burgin concludes that
“defence of a workers’ government in
Greece” will be “a test for all who
consider themselves socialists across
Europe” - urging everyone in Left
Unity to “rally to support a government
that promises to break with austerity”.
A similar approach, albeit more
critical, can be found on the Committee
for a Workers’ International’s website
(slightly edited from an article in the
current issue of Xekinima - CWI in
Greece).5 For all of Syriza’s obvious
faults, we read, “there is no other choice”
but to elect a Syriza-led government as
the “only way to start fighting back”
against the troika. A “struggle is needed”
on the left to ensure a Syriza government
will “carry out socialist policies”. Thus
the depressingly Bennite slogan: “For a
Syriza government with bold socialist
policies!”
Surely it is reckless and irresponsible
to spread illusions in Syriza. As it is the
party subscribes to a mealy-mouthed left
Keynesianism that is utterly doomed to
failure - exacerbated tenfold by the near
certainty that it will be coalition with
another party constantly pulling it to the
right (eg, Democratic Left or worse).
Quite clearly, a Syriza-led coalition,
enjoying minority support across the
country, would have problems of
legitimacy from the very beginning. It
would too come under extraordinary
pressure from the markets, and would
be relentlessly demonised by the media
domestically and internationally.
Under such circumstances would its
leadership not be tempted to make all
sorts of unprincipled compromises?
The chances are then that a
Syriza-led coalition would be face
a counterrolutionary crisis from
day one. Of course, every socialist,
every communist would defend
such a government against the EU
bureaucracy, council of ministers,
ECB, etc. There are other dangers too.
Just look at relatively recent history
in Greece - in April 1967 the colonels
took over. Would the generals not
intervene to bring a Tsipras government
to a swift end? Then there are extrastate formations like Golden Dawn.
We argue in the strongest possible
terms that as a general principle the
left should avoid the temptation of
prematurely taking power. Till we
have a clear majority, till there is
the strong likelihood of the working
class in other countries forming their
own governments - ie, the conditions
where we have a realistic possibility
of fulfilling our entire minimum
programme - then it is best to
constitute our forces that those of
being the extreme opposition. In
other words we fight to enlarge the
democratic space available to us in
society. Under these conditions our
forces can organise, be educated and
further grow. In Greece the left needs
to be demanding an end of the 50
MPs ‘top up’ rule, not expectantly
looking forward to exploiting
this anti-democratic travesty. The
left needs to be demanding the
cancellation of all of Greece’s
foreign debt and a withdrawal from
Nato. The standing army must be
replaced by a people’s militia. Nor
should the left ignore the privileged
position of the Orthodox church.
It is the country’s second largest
landowners and yet the priesthood
costs taxpayers €230 million per
annum. Separating church and
state is an obvious demand. And, of
course, Greek orthodox bishops are
notoriously anti-Muslim, anti-gay
and anti-left, ie, it is a potent bastion
of counterrevolution l
Notes
1. www.bloomberg.com/quote/GGGB10YR:IND.
2. http://greece.greekreporter.com/2014/12/16/
opinion-polls-syriza-leads-over-nd-in-generalelections.
3. www.ft.com/fastft/248021/greek-stock-marketslides-most-since-2010.
4. http://leftunity.org/why-we-must-support-asyriza-government-in-greece.
5. www.socialistworld.net/doc/7004.
5
worker 1039 December 18 2014
weekly
italy
Resisting Renzi’s attacks
Workers booed members of the centre-left PD off the platform during the rallies that followed last
week’s 24-hour strike. Toby Abse reports
T
he December 12 general strike called by the largest trade union
confederation, the leftwing CGIL,
and the third largest and traditionally
very moderate UIL trade union
confederation1 - had a huge impact. This
reflected the degree of anger amongst
the trade union rank and file at the
neoliberal attacks on the working class
mounted by the Partito Democratico
prime minister Matteo Renzi.
Whilst the protest was also directed
at the latest austerity budget and the
freeze on public-sector pay, the main
focus was on the Jobs Act, which aims
to remove the protection from arbitrary
dismissal of workers on permanent
contracts in workplaces employing at
least 15 people. This protection was
enshrined in article 18 of the workers’
statute of 1970 - the last remaining
gain of the upsurge that reached its
height in the ‘hot autumn’ of 1969.
Despite the refusal of the second
largest trade union confederation, the
Catholic CISL, to participate alongside
the other main confederations,
somewhere between 60%2 and 70%3
of the Italian workforce joined the
strike. The decision by CGIL leader
Susanna Camusso to postpone it by
a week from its original December 5
date in order to get the UIL on board
- which some on the left saw as a
climbdown reducing the pressure on
the PD parliamentarians at the time of
crucial votes on the Jobs Act - seems
to have been justified by the level of
involvement which may not have been
obtained if the CGIL had gone it alone.
The CGIL’s tactics meant that it was
the less combative CISL, not the more
militant CGIL, which was left isolated,
allowing Camusso to sarcastically
condemn the CISL’s craven conduct
from the platform at the 70,000-strong
Turin rally. She said of its absence:
“We are sorry, but we didn’t think
the country needs resignation.” UIL
leader Carmelo Barbagallo, not a man
known for his militancy, was pushed
leftwards by mounting pressure from
below, proclaiming from the platform
of the 40,000 Rome rally: “Today
we are halting Italy to make her start
again in the right direction. We will
create a new resistance”4 - a rousing
statement singled out for attack by
rightwing columnist Dario Di Vico in
the Corriere della Sera.5
The strike went far beyond mass
absences from workplaces. Despite the
cold weather many workers had no desire
to stay at home or just use the Friday
strike to have a long weekend.6 One and
a half million people were involved in
the demonstrations - these crowds were
largely made up of trade unionists, but
also drew in students, casualised workers
and the unemployed. Italy’s transport
system was completely disrupted - 50%
of trains were cancelled and hundreds of
flights from Italian airports never left the
ground. There was a comparable impact
on bus services and the metro in Italy’s
major cities like Rome and Milan.
The marches were peaceful unlike some of the smaller, parallel
demonstrations organised by students,
squatters and the autonomist-led centri
sociali. But the slogans adopted
were often very confrontational. The
demonstrations in both Bologna and
Milan were dominated by hundreds
of red balloons with the face of prime
minister Renzi and the caption, “The
monster of Florence”7 - a reference
to one of Italy’s particularly vicious
serial killers, who operated in Florence
and its periphery between 1974 and
1985. Perhaps unsurprisingly the PD
was furious - it demanded “respect for
the victims”. Chants of “Renzi, Renzi,
vaffanculo!” (Renzi, Renzi, fuck off!)
were heard in many cities and balloons
of the premier featuring a huge
Pinocchio nose - in effect branding
the premier a compulsive liar - were
frequent on the Rome march.
Onslaught on
Renzi
Camusso very deliberately wore a
flame-red coat on the platform of the
Turin rally - consciously responding to
a recent stunt by Renzi, who had worn
a red jumper at a meeting of the PD’s
youth movement in marked contrast
to his trademark white shirt (worn
without a jacket - attire designed to
give the impression of youth and
frantic activity). Camusso not only
wanted to indicate that the CGIL is a
red trade union, proud of its socialist
and communist traditions, something
which the press picked up on,8 but
issued yet another verbal challenge
to Renzi: “In a normal country the
workers are listened to, the government
must choose between conflict and
dialogue. We will not stop.” Maurizio
Landini, the leader of the FIOM union,
which has already held a number of
regional strikes against the Jobs Act,9
echoed these sentiments at the Genoa
rally, saying: “We are not stopping - the
struggle continues.”
But Camusso’s verbal onslaught
on Renzi went much further than any
other mainstream speaker. She claimed:
“The Jobs Act contains rules from the
1920s.” The choice of this decade rather
than the 1950s - the peak of cold war
anti-communist discrimination against
the CGIL - was a deliberate reference
to fascist attacks on free trade unions,
implicitly associating Renzi and his
former ‘official communist’-dominated
PD with classical fascism rather than
just hard-line Christian Democracy.
Despite her undoubted hostility to
Renzi, Camusso had in fact played a
role in defusing the possibility of frontal
confrontation between the organised
working class and the state over the
legality of strikes in the transport
sector, which probably had the most
impact on the day. Maurizio Lupi, the
transport minister, a member of the
Nuovo Centro Destra (NCD, New
Centre Right) rather than the PD, had
tried to ban the transport workers from
striking at all.10 Camusso,
realising the explosive
effect of such a ban
after this year’s ‘hot
autumn’ of strikes and
demonstrations wrote a
letter to president Giorgio
Napolitano expressing her
grave concerns. This letter was
delivered to Napolitano less than 24
hours before the strike. The 89-yearold Napolitano, despite his support
for Renzi’s measures, had sufficient
experience of Italian industrial relations
over many decades to realise the
foolishness of Renzi’s over-zealous
NCD subordinate and, anxious to avoid
any prospect of mass arrests of striking
railway workers, rapidly contacted
Renzi, who was on an official visit to
Turkey, to get the ban rescinded.
There were in fact some violent
incidents on the day, but, despite the
claims of the Corriere della Serra
columnist referred to earlier, they were
not the result of activity by the UIL,
the CGIL or even the CGIL’s most
militant affiliate, FIOM. They came in
the form of clashes between the police
and a squatters’ movement engaged in
a housing occupation in Rome, which
left 10 injured and led to two arrests. In
addition Milan saw a punch-up between
the police and a breakaway march of
students and supporters of the centri
sociali. Turin also witnessed scuffles
between the police and an autonomist
march, in which four were injured and
nine arrested. In Bologna students
protesting against a visit to the university
by public administration minister
Marianna Madia were subjected to a
violent charge by truncheon-wielding
policemen.
Needless to say, Corriere columnist
Dario Di Vico sought to blame 11 police
injuries in Milan and two in Turin on
FIOM’s “design to construct a political
trade union force of real opposition”.
But he made no reference to such
police brutality in Bologna, despite
the prominent appearance of video
evidence on La Repubblica’s website.
Crisis
Somewhat more interesting than
these rather routine clashes between
the police, on the one hand, and the
autonomists and their allies, on the other,
was the hostile reception that leading PD
veteran Massimo D’Alema met when
he mingled with marching strikers
in Bari. The former prime minister,
although far from well-disposed to
Renzi - who saw D’Alema as the prime
candidate for ‘scrapping’ at the time of
his generational attack on the PD old
guard (especially the ex-communist
apparatchiks amongst them) - met
with a hostile response. “Buffoon”,
“Sellout”, “You are pigs” and “Give
us your pension”11 were amongst the
insults hurled at him. This was followed
by some demonstrators throwing earth
from a flowerbed at the increasingly
fearful politician, who did not know
what was going to happen next.
D’Alema subsequently stated:
Italy is living through a dramatic
social and economic crisis. It has
been regressing for seven years
in terms of GDP - we have gone
backwards a bit. This is why the
sentiment of rage towards the
parties and towards politics in
general is comprehensible. On
the other hand, we have seen at
the recent regional elections that
a fall in participation is a signal of
profound detachment from politics.
Civati showed support for the CGIL
in Milan and Tea Albini did the same
in Florence. Nonetheless, some
prominent PD figures who had backed
the million-strong march in October
have made their peace with Renzi and
voted for the Jobs Act in parliament.
Tensions
Despite continuing tensions within
the PD - at least as much about
Renzi’s efforts to change electoral
law and abolish the Senate as about
the Jobs Act - the only dissident who
seems likely to split from the PD is
Civati, who played a leading role at
a conference the next day, involving
representative of Nichi Vendola’s
Sinistra Ecologia e Libertá (SEL
- Left Ecology and Freedom), the
Lista Tsipras (the radical left cartel
that fought the May 2014 European
elections) and the more radical
elements within the CGIL.
It is too early to say what will
come of this - a slightly expanded
SEL incorporating Civati and a few
of his close allies or something rather
wider that is more able to relate to the
widespread working class discontent
with the PD clearly visible over the
last two or three months. Given the
internal problems of Beppe Grillo’s
Movimento Cinque Stelle - there has
been a steady stream of expulsions of
parliamentarians who have quarrelled
with Grillo - the apparent decline of
Forza Italia and Silvio Berlusconi
himself, it is possible that popular
discontent with Renzi may take a
leftwing direction in electoral politics.
But we need to be aware of the
recent somewhat unexpected
revival of the Lega Nord
under Matteo Salvini now closer to Marine
Le Pen and Vladimir
Putin 13 than to the
fading Berlusconi.
Salvini’s attacks on
migrants, the euro
and the European
Union itself have
on occasions been
linked to demagogic
support for working
class demands on
issues like
Reasonable as this general
analysis was, D’Alema then
claimed that the attack
on him had come from
the UGI - the small,
rightwing trade union
confederation with
neo-fascist roots
that had given
i t s
backing
to
the
C G I L UIL general
strike. In fact
the leader of the
hard-line Trotskyist
Alternativa Comunista12,
Michele Rizzi, said: “It was us who
heckled D’Alema, the ally of bankers
and multinationals.” The CGIL
secretary in Bari, Pino Gesmundo,
disassociated the local supporters
of the confederation from the clash,
calling it “an ugly episode”.
Other anti-Renzi figures within
the PD participated in the marches
in other localities without meeting
such hostility. Stefano Fassina,
Gianni Cuperlo and Alfredo D’Attore
joined the Rome march, whilst Pippo
Matteo Renzi: white shirt
pensions14 l
Notes
1. The UIL was associated during the cold war
years with the now defunct Social Democratic
(PSDI) and Republican (PRI) parties. It has
always been stronger in the public sector,
particularly the civil service, than in private
industry. It is reasonable to assume that it was
discontent amongst this group - subjected to pay
freezes and redundancies in recent years, as part
of the austerity drive that started under Mario
Monti - that led its leadership to break with its
class-collaborationist traditions on this occasion.
2. According to the centre-left daily, La
Repubblica.
3. According to the centre-right daily, Corriere
della Sera. Whilst the higher figure given by
the more rightwing daily may conceivably have
been part of an attack on the disruption caused
by trade union militancy, on the face of it I would
be inclined to think it more accurate, as it would
have no great sympathy for the action.
4. This was an obvious reference to the Italian
anti-fascist Resistance of 1943-45.
5. See Corriere della Serra December 13.
6. There had been a certain amount of mockery
from rightwing or pro-government quarters
about the original December 5 strike date, since
the following Monday was a holiday for many
workers.
7. Renzi, prior to gaining the PD leadership, was
the mayor of Florence. Whilst he actually comes
from a smaller town in the Florentine province, he
is often referred to as a Florentine.
8. La Repubblica December 13.
9. See my earlier article about the so-called
‘social strike’: ‘Strikes, smoke bombs and tear
gas’ Weekly Worker November 20.
10. There are in fact legal limitations on the length
and timing of industrial action by groups such as bus
drivers, but Lupi’s ban would have taken this much
further and may well have been unconstitutional.
11. D’Alema receives a colossal parliamentary
pension, whilst workers’ pensions were severely
curtailed by the Monti government, which
D’Alema backed, in 2012.
12. This small grouping - stronger in Puglia, the
region of which Bari is the capital, than anywhere
else - is made up of former supporters of Marco
Ferrando, who broke with him before the 2006
general election, claiming he was too moderate.
Ferrando’s Partito Comunista dei
Lavoratori is generally regarded as
rather extreme and sectarian.
13. Salvini has visited Russia
and there are rumours that Putin
is offering him funds.
14. The Lega is collecting
signatures in an effort to get
a referendum on the repeal
of Fornero’s pension law. It
ought to be remembered that
pension cuts were the ostensible
reason for the Lega bringing
down the first Berlusconi
government at the end of 1994.
6
December 18 2014 1039 worker
weekly
usa
The cauldron boils over
Anger spontaneously took to the streets
Racial repression has provoked mass protest. Jim Creegan responds to the two high-profile killings by
the US police
T
he protests that have erupted in
cities from coast to coast over the
refusal of grand juries to indict the
policemen who killed Michael Brown
and Eric Garner are spontaneous and,
perhaps more significantly, interracial.
Both unarmed black men were
shot dead after refusing to comply
immediately with police attempts to halt
what were at most minor infractions:
Brown, 18, for initially resisting orders
to stop walking down the middle of
a street with a friend in the St Louis
suburb of Ferguson, Missouri; Garner,
43, for making a verbal protest against
the announced intention of the men in
blue to arrest him for allegedly selling
single, untaxed cigarettes on a street in
Staten Island, one of the five boroughs
of New York City. Brown, who ran
away from officer Darren Wilson after
having already been shot in a scuffle
at the window of the police car, then
stopped and turned toward Wilson - to
attack him, in the policeman’s version
of events; to surrender, according to
over a dozen witnesses, most of whom
also said that Brown had his hands half
or all the way up when riddled with 12
bullets. His body was left in the street
for four hours before it was taken away.
Garner, remonstrating that he had
committed no crime and was tired
of being harassed, was placed in a
chokehold from behind by officer
Daniel Pantaleo, and brought to the
ground. Lying on his stomach with
the policeman’s arm still around his
neck, and other cops kneeling on
his back, the asthmatic, 350-pound
Garner complained, “I can’t breathe!”
at least 11 times, as medics stood
by without attempting to interfere.
He died on the way to hospital. In
contrast to the Ferguson incident, the
events surrounding Garner’s death left
little room for conflicting eyewitness
accounts. A bystander captured it all
on a mobile-phone camera. The city
medical examiner ruled the death
a homicide due to blockage of the
windpipe and compression of the chest.
When grand juries in both cases - the
two decisions came a week and a half
apart - refused to indict the policemen
involved for murder, or even on lesser
charges of manslaughter or assault, first
hundreds, then thousands, poured into the
streets of major and medium-sized cities
and towns. In Ferguson enraged crowds,
after months of ongoing street protests,
hurled missiles at police, attacked and
looted local businesses, and staged
sit-ins at big chain stores on the main
Christmas-season shopping day. Then,
after the second decision on December
3, demonstrators in New York, Chicago,
and the San Francisco Bay Area, moving
briskly through the streets of different
neighbourhoods, knocked down police
barriers, staged ‘die-ins’ in downtown
squares, and blocked major traffic
arteries. They raised their hands in the
air, chanting “Don’t shoot”, and “I can’t
breathe!” The protests were made up of a
combination of black, brown and white
youth never seen before on America’s
streets.
Police immunity
Grand juries are not charged with
establishing guilt or innocence - only
with determining if there is sufficient
evidence to proceed with a criminal
trial. Because the evidentiary bar
is very low, these panels typically
function as a prosecutor’s rubber
stamp. One New York judge
famously remarked that a district
attorney (public prosecutor) could
convince a grand jury to “indict a ham
sandwich”. Of 162,000 cases brought
before federal grand juries in 2010,
only 11 did not result in indictments.
Although the Brown and Garner cases
were heard in state rather than federal
courts, failure to indict is also rare on
this level.
The above generalisations do
not seem to apply, however, when
deliberations concern possible charges
against members of the police force.
Of five cases against police heard
by grand juries during the tenure of
the St Louis County prosecutor in
charge of the Ferguson investigation,
a Democrat named Bob McCullough,
no indictments resulted. This may have
had something to do with the fact that
McCullough’s father, brother, nephew
and cousin were all cops, and that his
father was killed by a fleeing suspect.
In an attempt to discredit the victim,
Ferguson police, shortly after the
shooting, released a security video of
Michael Brown and his friend stealing
a packet of cigars from the shelf of
a local grocery, and pushing aside a
shop clerk trying to stop them. This
incident took place immediately before
Brown’s fatal encounter with police.
Subsequently released transcripts
have revealed that, as in most cases that
depend upon eyewitness testimony,
there were conflicting accounts of the
7
worker 1039 December 18 2014
weekly
Brown shooting, and forensic evidence
to support officer Darren Wilson’s
claim that Brown had tried to grab
his gun through the window of the
police car. (Brown’s blood was on the
gun). A few witnesses favourable to
Brown retracted their initial testimony
in the course of the hearing. Most did
not. But the entire procedure was
a clear departure from the norm.
The prosecutor usually presents to
the grand jury only a few items of
evidence deemed sufficient to obtain
an indictment, and leaves it to the trial
jury to sort out the rest. In this case,
McCullough declared his intention to
set “all the facts” before the panel.
And, although potential defendants
rarely testify before grand juries, the
cop in question, Darren Wilson, was
presented as the lead witness. He gave
his account over the course of several
hours without being cross-examined,
thus being permitted to frame the entire
narrative of what happened on the fatal
afternoon of August 9. Wilson played
to white fears by portraying Brown
as having a demonic facial expression
and grabbing his arm with the strength
of professional heavyweight wrestler,
Hulk Hogan. In short, since the case
was presented less like an attempt
to get an indictment than a brief for
the defence, the result was hardly
surprising.
But, many naively thought, the
case of Eric Garner, being completely
unambiguous, was bound to turn out
differently The video of Garner being
strangled and crushed by half a dozen
of ‘New York’s finest’ despite repeated
cries of distress would guarantee the
filing of at least some criminal charge
against officer Pantaleo, who performed
the lethal chokehold. They were wrong.
Nor could Pantaleo’s total exoneration
be chalked up to the persistent southern
racism in a state like Missouri. New
York City has always been viewed as a
north-eastern liberal bastion. However,
Staten Island - where Garner was done
to death, and where the case was heard
- is the most solidly white of the city’s
five boroughs. It is also the preferred
residence of a large number of New
York cops.
But, despite local differences, the
simple fact is that prosecutors and
police - north, south, east or west are part of the same repressive state
apparatus; they routinely work hand
in glove to obtain evidence and
bring charges leading to convictions.
Prosecutors cannot therefore go after
the police without undermining their
own work. It was for this reason that
black and liberal organisations called
for the naming of special prosecutors
to handle both cases - something the
governors of Missouri and New York
declined to do.
The Brown shooting was less a
political threat for top elected officials
in Missouri who, despite local black
rage and a national outcry, rely on a
white voting base that tends to support
the police. The governor of Missouri,
a ‘law-and-order’ Democrat named
Jay Nixon, did not hesitate to mobilise
the National Guard in advance of the
grand jury decision to deal with any
disturbances. Garner’s death did,
however, present an acute dilemma
for New York mayor Bill de Blasio.
A standard-bearer for the left wing of
the Democratic Party, de Blasio was
elected in 2012 as a result of a campaign
that emphasised income inequality he called contemporary New York “a
tale of two cities”, rich and poor. His
interracial marriage - his wife and two
children are black - was a key factor
in cementing the combined liberalminority support that put him in office.
However, de Blasio understands
that alienating the police and being
perceived as ‘soft on crime’ could
solidify rightwing white opinion
against him, as well as cause a fallingoff of white liberal support. To guard
his right flank, de Blasio appointed
as police commissioner Bill Bratton,
who, in the same capacity under
an earlier Republican mayor, Rudi
Giuliani, pioneered the currently
favoured policies of ‘zero tolerance’
for petty street offences implicated in
Garner’s death.
On the other hand, de Blasio is in no
position to ignore the torrents of black,
Hispanic and white-youth indignation
now coursing through the streets. He
is attempting to walk this tightrope
by posing the whole question on the
level of ‘feelings’ and ‘perceptions’
of different communities; he laments
the “perception” amongst minorities
that they are being treated unequally
rather than the objective realities of
racism; he talks about the need to reestablish “trust” between police and
“communities of colour”. To this end, he
intends to make the police wear cameras
and undergo sensitivity training. For
these anodyne pronouncements, and for
these cosmetic measures, the head of
the policemen’s union has denounced
de Blasio for throwing his people
“under the bus”.
De Blasio has also relied heavily on
the advice and support of Al Sharpton,
whose Harlem-headquartered National
Action Network provides a platform
for victims of police brutality. Although
the victims speak from that platform in
far blunter terms than the mayor, and
Sharpton presents himself as a militant
crusader against police abuse, his
ultimate loyalty is to the Democratic
Party . Sharpton led a march of 10,000
on Washington on December 13 to
demand federal intervention in cases
of police misconduct. Few words of
criticism concerning president Barack
Obama were heard from the speakers’
platform.
Obama faces a similar dilemma.
The recent Republican sweep of the
Senate was due, among other things,
to low black voter turnout. Yet, fearful
of alienating white Democrats, he has
also counselled respect for the legal
process and the grand jury decisions.
He advocates more or less the same
measures as de Blasio, also talking
about the need to rebuild ‘trust’ in
law enforcement, and allocating
federal funds for police cameras. His
outgoing attorney general, Eric Holder,
has announced federal investigations
into the Brown and Garner cases.
Similar probes have dragged on for
many months in the past, with few
palpable results.
Why now?
Anyone familiar with the history of
relations between ‘law enforcement’
and America’s black and brown
neighbourhoods is aware that abuse,
brutality and the murder of unarmed
civilians - often accompanied by
simmering black and brown rage - did
not begin last summer. Yet not since
the 1960s, when riots triggered by
high-handed police tactics broke out in
most major urban ghettos, have local
flash floods converged in a rising tide
of national anger. Why now?
Many social and political events
are due not to a single cause, but a
gradual accretion of several tendencies
militating in the same direction. This
seems to be the case with Brown/
Garner. Certainly, the wide use of
mobile-phone cameras, as well as
social media, have played a part,
providing instant visual refutations
of many phoney police alibis. More
important has been the attention
focused on black vulnerability and
white impunity, since Trayvon Martina,
a black teenager walking through a
Florida housing development, was shot
and killed in 2012 by a trigger-happy
racist vigilante, George Zimmerman,
who was subsequently acquitted.
Stoking the anger are also the
multiple cases of police abuse that
have received widespread publicity in
the interval between the Garner killing
in July and the decisions not to indict.
 August 5 (a few days before the
Brown shooting): a 22-year-old black
man, John Crawford, was shot dead
by police in the aisle of a Wal-Mart
store in a suburb of Dayton, Ohio.
The police were responding to an
emergency call from a store clerk who
said that Crawford was brandishing a
rife. As it turned out, the weapon was
an air rifle, displayed on the shelves,
that Crawford was examining. The
police said they warned Crawford,
who was pointing the rifle at them.
The Wal-Mart security video showed
that Crawford was shot seconds after
the arrival of the police, and never
pointed the toy gun at them.
 November 20: Akai Gurley, a
black man of 26, was killed when
the drawn gun of a policeman went
off, supposedly by accident, while
two officers were patrolling the
stairwell of one of Brooklyn’s most
crime-ridden and dilapidated housing
projects. Gurley and his girlfriend
had just entered the landing below to
walk down the stairs. Upon becoming
aware that Gurley had been shot, the
cops called not an ambulance, but the
police union, presumably to enquire as
to the extent of their liability.
 November 22: Tamir Rice, a
12-year-old black boy, was riddled
with bullets by police in a city park
in Cleveland, Ohio. Rice, whom
police described in their report as a
“young black male” was playing with
a toy pistol. The cops said that he had
reached for his waistband, but their
own video showed no such motion,
and also revealed that Rice was shot
two seconds after their arrival.
 December 2: Rumain Brisbon,
34, was shot and killed in Phoenix,
Arizona. Brisbon apparently became
involved in a scuffle with police after
they had chased him into the block of
flats where he lived, in the belief he
was involved in a drug deal. Actually,
Brisbon was bringing a McDonald’sbought meal home to his young
daughter. The police said they had
felt an object in his pocket that they
believed to be a gun. It turned out to
be a bottle containing pain medication.
It is unclear whether this rash
of killings represents a greater
aggressiveness on the part of police
or increased attention to such incidents
as a result of the Trayvon Martin case.
But there can be no doubt that the
economic crisis that began in 2008 and remains a reality for the majority
of working and poor people, despite all
official talk of recovery - has increased
the black unemployment rate, so that
now it is more than double that of
whites, and added an even greater
measure of tension and bitterness to the
cauldron of American race relations,
which is now boiling over.
Effects for causes
The remedies thus far prescribed for
the casual police killing of young
black males - sensitivity training,
police cameras, more minority
police, and enhanced prosecution
- are premised on the assumption
that the problem to be addressed is
individual police misconduct or some
kind of misunderstanding between
communities.
Such proposed measures, while
perhaps useful in the short term,
are borne of the liberal myopia that
takes effects for causes. The cops
who harass, arrest, strangle and gun
down unarmed blacks are not rogue
elements, though some are no doubt
more violence-prone and/or racist than
others in an occupation that attracts
violence-prone and racist individuals.
Rather, they are carrying out the kinds
of repressive policies this country
has employed to cope with the ‘race
problem’ since the end of slavery, and
whose current instantiation has taken
shape in the decades since the 1960s.
The four million dark-skinned men
and women who were emancipated at the
end of the American Civil War became
the legal equals of whites, but they bore
an enormous economic, educational and
cultural deficit that made equality in any
but the most formal sense impossible
without a major social effort. For 250
years they had been held in bondage,
driven under the lash, prevented from
forming stable families, acquiring
property and skills or learning how to
read and write. In a profit-driven society,
where reform efforts never remain at the
top of the agenda very long, this deficit
has never been fully made up. Only
during two brief periods in American
history - a hundred years apart - were
there any serious attempts to overcome
the yawning gap that separates black
from white, and both were quickly
abandoned.
The reconstruction regime in
the south - introduced by radical
Republicans in Congress in the years
following the Civil War, and enforced
by the federal troops who occupied the
south - was ended in the 1870s. Under
reconstruction, serious efforts were
made at land reform and the education
of the black population; the franchise
was expanded, and black officials
were elected for the first time in the
country’s history, not only to local and
state legislatures, but even to the US
Senate and House of Representatives.
However, the onset of a depression
and heightened class struggle in the
north made reconstruction both too
expensive and too radical in its political
implications for the industrial capitalists
who dominated northern politics after
the war. As federal troops withdrew
from the south, former slaves and their
descendants were left to the tender
mercies of the Ku Klux Klan, which
had arisen to fight all efforts to enforce
black equality. The Jim Crow regime of
racial segregation and lynch-mob terror
that prevailed for the next hundred years
ended only as a result of the civil rights
struggles of the early 60s.
More violent in some ways than
even slavery, the Jim Crow regime
did give southern blacks one crucial
advantage denied them as slaves: they
could vote against segregation with
their feet. And flee the south they did,
in their hundreds of thousands, then
millions - lured by the prospect of
newly opened industrial jobs in the
country’s non-southern cities during
and after the two world wars. It was
the pressure of this population, partly
in the form of massive rioting, which
convulsed urban ghettos beginning
in 1964, that led to the second major
reform attempt - less ambitious than the
first, but by no means trivial. Lyndon
Johnson’s ‘Great Society’ programmes
included Medicare, Medicaid, Aid to
Mothers with Dependent Children
(popularly known as welfare), job
training, aid to higher education and a
special educational initiative, Project
Head Start, providing free pre-school
programmes for minority children.
But, like the first, this second
effort to balance the racial scales
proved short-lived. The earliest social
programmes to be curtailed fell victim
to the burgeoning costs of the Vietnam
war. Richard Nixon drastically reduced
funding for many social programmes,
and Jimmy Carter followed suit. As
the country sunk into the economic
doldrums of the mid-70s, support for
Great Society schemes among most
whites began to wane. A rightwardmoving ruling class, aided by
opportunistic politicians, increasingly
pitted whites against blacks in a fight
for shrinking incomes and government
benefits. The white ‘tax revolt’ of the
late 70s was premised on the view that
whites were being forced to pay for
schemes aimed at supporting an idle
and parasitic black underclass. As the
‘white backlash’ gained momentum,
federal programmes were drastically
curtailed - first under Ronald Reagan,
but also under Bill Clinton, who
abolished welfare payments for single
mothers in favour of ‘workfare’. It was
in this atmosphere that the government
reverted once again to the country’s
default solution to the ‘race problem’:
repression. The new national regime
of intimidation, incrimination and
incarceration that is in place today
began to take shape in these years.
Two worlds
Although the black middle class has
greatly expanded over the past half
century, perhaps more than a fifth of
the black population - in addition to
millions of immigrants from Puerto
Rico, the Dominican Republic,
Colombia and Mexico - remain mired
in urban ghettos, isolated from the rest
of society, materially and culturally
deprived, and with little in the way of
future prospects.
There are points of contact among
black, brown and white, mainly in the
workplace, among the more affluent,
and the many community colleges that
serve the working class. But those lucky
enough to have a job or be enrolled at
university go home at the end of the day
to two separate worlds that view one
another with suspicion and sometimes
loathing. The life of the ghetto is
dominated by the daily struggle for
existence and fear of criminal gangs,
the most powerful of which is seen as
the cops. To many middle and working
class whites, on the other hand, minority
neighbourhoods are a source of street
crime and urban blight, a realm in which
the ‘family values’, civic responsibility
and methodical upward striving they
claim to prize are dissolved in a sea of
wantonness and violence. Police are the
‘thin blue line’ standing between them
and social entropy.
The existence of these two worlds
is a principal barrier to working class
consciousness in the United States, just
as the massive influx of immigrants
is throwing up a similar barrier in
Europe. And, while notions of racial
superiority/inferiority, and active
discrimination, are alive and well in
certain places, especially the south,
they are no longer acceptable in most
quarters of white society. Differences
are spoken of as ‘cultural’ rather
than biological. Yet, sight being the
dominant human sense, the fact that
the inhabitants of these two worlds
are of a different colour reinforces the
impression of separateness on both
sides of the divide.
The people who count in the
increasingly bourgeoisified urban
core - business people, big medium
and small, yuppies in flight from the
boring suburban existence of their
parents, and the politicians who pander
to them - may not have an intrinsic
interest in persecuting black and brown
folk. Many have liberal social values.
But they desire a sanitary and smoothly
functioning city life, with safe streets
and good schools. Minority-group
members, although they do perform
most of the low-level service industry
jobs, have come to be regarded less
as a reserve army of labour than as
a surplus population, for which there
is no place in the modern, globalised
economy. As such, they figure mainly
as an impediment to the ‘quality of
life’. Particularly troubling in this
regard are black and Hispanic males
between the ages of 15 and 30, viewed
as more rambunctious and crime-prone
than other age groups.
Thus, in a period when reformist
answers are a distant memory, the only
viable option seems to be to intimidate
and contain this demographic, but to
do so without resort to overt racism.
This is the essence of the policies to
which Michael Brown, Eric Garner and
countless others have fallen victim.
And this is why it makes so little sense
to speak, as establishment politicians
and liberals do, of individual police
bias and misconduct. The object of this
kind of policing is not to apprehend
individual criminals, but, with the use
of slender legal pretexts, to maintain
unrelenting pressure upon an entire
segment of the population. The
methods for achieving this purpose
have been developed and perfected in
recent decades.
A second article will examine
contours of the current police/prison
regime, and the potential of the
movement against it l
8
December 18 2014 1039 worker
weekly
religion
Neither meek nor mild
Jesus was a rabbi, a communist and a brave revolutionary, argues Jack Conrad
W
ith the coming of the
Romans, in the 1st century
BCE, there was a widespread
feeling amongst the common people
of Palestine that the last times had
arrived. Yahweh was about to destroy
all earthly powers and institute his
divine rule on Earth. Naturally, god
will rescue his chosen people and bring
terrible retribution against foreign
oppressors and their quislings.
A range of religious/political
factions existed. The contemporary
writer, Josephus (aka Joseph ben
Matityahu), lists what he calls the
three schools of thought: sadducees,
pharisees and essenes. The sadducees
must be distinguished from the
Herodian royal family and the
internationalised Jewish aristocracy who proudly adopted Greek customs
and served as client-state agents of
Roman exploitation. Sadducee is
virtually synonymous with the caste
of temple high priests and those who
were related to them. According to
Josephus, 1,500 priests received
tithes and religiously served the
community. However, a rapid class
differentiation took place. Half a dozen
families elevated themselves above
the common priesthood and secured
a tight grip over key appointments.
Disdainful of their social ‘inferiors’,
the high priests had no compunction
about stealing the tithes allocated to
other, less grand, priests. Occasionally
violence erupted. It was, though,
mostly an uneven contest. High priests
had temple guards, many servants and
other such dependants and hangers-on.
They could also afford to hire baying
mobs and gangs of heavies.
Judaism defined itself as a religion
of the book. The age of prophesy
was formally closed with Persian
domination. With a few notable
exceptions the Hebrew canon was
finalised by the time of Ezra (the
writer, Edras, in the Bible) and
Nehemiah (the first governor of Judea,
appointed by Cyrus). But life moves
on and constantly creates new needs.
Between the written word and the
changing requirements of the everyday
there stepped the pharisees. A religious
intelligentsia, expert in the obscure
methods of scholastic dispute and
adept at bending the law, the pharisees
formed a party which not only rivalled
the discredited temple priesthood, but
sunk far deeper organisational roots
amongst the masses. Josephus writes
glowingly about the pharisees being
the “most authoritative exponents of
the law”. He also credits them as the
“leading sect”.1 A widely accepted
designation. From Karl Kautsky to
Hyam Maccoby, the pharisees are held
to be the popular party.
Robert Eisenman disagrees. For
him the pharisees were part of the
establishment and had a programme
of accommodation with both the
Herodian state and its Roman sponsor.
As evidence he cites countless passages
in the Dead Sea scrolls against “seekers
after smooth things” and the historic
fact that the pharisee party nowhere
led the way against foreign occupation,
but everywhere sought compromise.
Phariseeic Judaism emerged as the
dominant school of thought only after the
destruction of Jerusalem by the Romans.
Finally, going down the list given
by Josephus, we arrive at the essenes.
Interestingly, where he gives the
sadducees and pharisees a rather
pinched treatment, the essenes are
afforded considerable space. In part
this is no doubt due to a desire to
entertain high-class Roman readers
with their unusual monastic lifestyle
and strange doctrines - of which
The spoils of war: Roman depiction of the sack of Jerusalem
Josephus had first-hand knowledge. He
spent a year as an initiate. According to
Josephus, the essenes rejected slavery.
More than that, maintaining a strict
discipline in their isolated, but “large”,
communities, they “eschew pleasureseeking”. Sexual intercourse was
outlawed, it seems. Despite that they
are “peculiarly attached to each other”.2
Josephus does, though, report that
one branch allowed marital relations
between men and women, albeit purely
for reasons of procreation.
The essenes were “contemptuous
of wealth” and “communists to
perfection”. All possessions were
pooled. Members gave what they
had and took what they needed. 3
Universal suffrage was used to elect
those in authority over the community.
Dietary laws were rigorous. No-one
was allowed to defile themselves by
eating “any creature or creeping thing”.
Nor was alcohol permitted. Life was
materially simple. Everyone wore the
same white linen till it was threadbare
with age. Ritualistic washing was
performed round the clock. Josephus
chuckles that they even cleaned
themselves after defecating - “though
emptying the bowels is quite natural”.4
The idea of a clean body had nothing to
do with our modern notions of hygiene.
It was to render oneself fit for god’s
knowledge and purpose. Something
gained by painstaking study of the
Bible and the special insights of the
sect. Not that the community was
merely contemplative. Essenes took
part in the anti-Roman uprising of 66.
Despite certain differences, there
is a striking parallel with the group
at Qumran responsible for the Dead
Sea scrolls (written between 200
BCE and 68 CE). It is interesting then
that Qumran members living in their
wilderness camps, are described as
“volunteers” and are organised into
thousands, hundreds, fifties and tens.
An echo of the way the mythological
Moses and Joshua marshalled the
men under their command for their
supposed invasion of Canaan.
Elsewhere the scrolls envisage the
recruitment of virtually every Jewish
male over the age of 20 into the holy
army. Only the very old, the mentally
impaired and those deemed religiously
unclean are to be excluded.
The Qumran community, and the
movement of which it was a part, were
apocalyptic revolutionaries - holy
warriors awaiting their predetermined
fate. They fasted, prayed for and
expected Yahweh’s divine intervention
against the Romans and a messiah (in
the Dead Sea scrolls there were to be
two messiahs - one in charge of religious
affairs; the other a military leader). After
the hour appointed by god, there would
ensue a protracted, 33-year war in what
would be the last days:
[Then ther]e shall be a time of
salvation for the people of god, and
a time of domination for all the men
of his forces and eternal annihilation
for all the forces of Belial (the devil).
There shall be g[reat] panic [among]
the son of Japheth, Assyria shall fall
with no-one to come to his aid, and
the supremacy of the Kittim (Rome)
shall cease, that wickedness be
overcome without a remnant. There
shall be no survivors of [all the sons
of] darkness.5
The people’s party
Thankfully Josephus extends his
list. He writes of a so-called ‘fourth
philosophy’. Here at last we surely
have a description, no matter how
crude, of what must have been the
highly fragmented and complex
people’s party. Mostly Josephus
simply writes of “bandits” and
“brigands”. Clearly what he means,
though, are not normal thieves who
are simply out for personal gain. He is
referring to what we now call the left;
albeit a left that ought to be understood
as an ancient cross between Black
September and the Zapatistas.
Josephus mentions the sicarii, a
movement of urban guerrillas, which
“committed numerous murders in
broad daylight”. 6 Their preferred
tactic was to “mingle with the festival
crowd” in Jerusalem. Concealing
razor-sharp curved daggers underneath
their cloaks, they would stab to death
their target. Like fish the sicarii would
then disappear in the sea of people.
Evidently they enjoyed wide support
amongst the Jerusalem proletariat and
lumpenproletariat. One of their first
victims was Jonathan, the high priest.
But there were many more. Roman
collaborators lived in constant fear.
During the last years of Herod’s
reign there were numerous urban
and rural rebellions. Riots erupted in
Jerusalem. In Galilee guerrilla foci
found themselves gaining enough
adherents to allow regular military
units to be formed. Their leaders
sometimes had themselves crowned
kings on the messianic model.
Among them was Simon, a former
slave of Herod, and Athronges, who
was once a shepherd. However, the
most successful liberation fighter was
Judas, whose father, Ezechias, was
a well known “bandit” executed in
47 BCE. Josephus fumes that Judas
“tried to stir the natives to revolt” by
encouraging them not to pay taxes
to the Romans. Judas “was a rabbi”
(teacher), says Josephus, “with a sect
of his own, and was quite unlike the
others”.7 His message was republican,
not monarchist. The people should
have no master except god.
The Romans felt compelled to
intervene and decided to establish
direct rule over the southern province
of Judea. Resistance was crushed. There
was much bloodshed. Two thousand
captives were reportedly crucified
and many sold into slavery. The first
measure enacted by Quirinius, the
Roman legate of Syria, was to order a
census in 6 CE. There was, to state the
obvious, no stipulation that every adult
male had to register at their place of
birth - a purely literary device invented
by Bible writers in order to move Joseph
and the pregnant Mary from what was
at the time a non-Roman-administered
Galilee in the north to Bethlehem,
the family town of the biblical king,
David, in the south. Nor, once again
to state the obvious, was the census
anything to do with the provision
of public services or population
projections. Like the famed Doomsday
book of William I, its purpose was
quite unambiguous. Assessing a new
acquisition for purposes of taxation:
ie, surplus extraction. As such it was
deeply resented and triggered another
popular rebellion.
Judas in Galilee aligned himself
with the dissident pharisee, Zaddok,
whose agreed task was to rouse the
people of Jerusalem. What Josephus
calls the fourth philosophy was born.
It had many names, including ‘sicarii’
and ‘zealot’. Its various components
and factions would dominate popular
politics till the fall of Jerusalem in 70
and the final last stand at the desert
fortress of Massada in 74 - rather
than surrender to the Romans, they
preferred mass suicide. Despite being
a member of the establishment, and
someone seeking to ingratiate himself
with the Romans, Josephus has to
admit that these “bandits” and “false
prophets” inspired the masses “to bold
deeds”. Their “madness infected the
entire people”, writes Josephus.
Josephus exhibits mixed feelings
towards this fourth party. He was
upper class, but also a proud Jew. On
the one hand, he indignantly attacks
them as “bandits” because they
butchered “distinguished people”
and because eventually they “brought
about our ruin”. Supposedly due to
such revolutionaries the Romans
sacked Jerusalem and crucified tens
of thousands - a moral stance akin to
blaming the Bund for the destruction
of the Warsaw ghetto rather than the
Nazis. On the other hand, he cannot
but admire their religious conviction
and moral steadfastness. Judas and the
most militant of the liberation fighters
“showed a stubborn love for liberty”
and would rather suffer torture than
“call any human being their master”.
This party combined religious
nationalism with physical force they were committed to a realistic,
long-term guerrilla war against the
Romans. Formally the odds were
hopeless. However, their ‘zeal’ would
triumph, as with Judas Maccabee,
Samson, Gideon and Joshua before
them. God would lend aid; but they
did not expect miracles. During the
66-70 revolution in Jerusalem the
zealot party emerged under Eleazar
to lead the poorer quarters of the city.
Together revolutionary preachers,
messianic prophets and zealot guerrilla
leaders turned biblical texts against the
Herodian aristocracy and the sadducee
priest-caste. Their subservience to the
‘beast’ - ie, Rome - was denounced as
blasphemy against god and religious
law. Because of their heinous sins
Yahweh no longer brought Israel
victory, but punishment in the form
of defeat, poverty and humiliation.
To cap it all, the Romans were not
averse to parading images of their godemperor in Jerusalem - sacrilege for
any Jew. They even proposed in 39-40
to erect a statue of Gaius Caligula in
their temple. No wonder the Jewish
populous detested the Romans, much
like the Poles detested the Nazis.
For over a hundred years Palestine
was a hotbed of revolt within the
Roman empire - the uprisings of 6
CE and 66-74 CE and the Bar-Kokhba
kingdom in the 2nd century being
outstanding examples. However, if
Palestine was the Romans’ Ireland,
Galilee in the far north, where Jesus
was supposed to have grown from
childhood, was its county Fermanagh.
Set against the nationalist-religious
background I have outlined above, the
New Testament Jesus is a very strange
person, to say the least. Nowhere does
he challenge or even question Roman
occupation of Judea and indirect rule
of Galilee in the north (at the time of
Jesus it was ruled by a pro-Roman
Jewish satrap - Herod Antipas).
Instead he appears to positively love
the Roman tyrant. It is the pharisees
who earn his condemnation and
rebukes. Jesus even urges fellow
Jews to dutifully pay Roman taxes:
“Render unto Caesar ...” Frankly
that would have been akin to Tommy
Sheridan telling the people of Glasgow
the rightness of paying the hated poll
tax under Margaret Thatcher. And yet
incongruously Jesus manages to gain
an enthusiastic mass following among
the rural and urban poor.
9
worker 1039 December 18 2014
weekly
His birth and infancy are even
harder to swallow. The Roman census
- as we said, there was one in 6 CE unbelievably requires subjects of the
empire to travel to the place of their
birth! If such a stipulation had been
made, the subsequent movement of
people would surely have caused
complete chaos. In fact all the Romans
required was registration at one’s
normal place of residence. Galileans
incidentally would not have been
affected. Anyway, or so the story goes,
Joseph, the ‘father’ of Jesus, and his
heavily pregnant, but virgin, wife
trek all the way from a place called
Nazareth in the far north to Bethlehem
in Judea. There, guided by a wondrous
star, shepherds and wise men shower
the child with praise and extravagant
gifts, just before king Herod, the father
of Herod Antipas, orders the massacre
of the innocents. But only after Joseph
and Mary, having been warned by an
angel, flee towards Egypt. All pure
invention, as was the ability of Jesus
to outwit the temple priests in theology
when he later visits Jerusalem as a
12-year-old child.
Here, as with much else, we have
the heavy hand of propaganda and later
Greek rewriters. In general it has to be
said that the gospels - written between 40
and 90 years after Jesus’ death - display
profound ignorance of the elementary
facts of Jewish life. Moreover, they
become progressively more antiJewish. In John, the last of the four
official gospels, Jesus is a pro-Roman,
Mithras-like man-god who was put to
death solely due to the collective wish
of the Jewish people. In this tradition he
knowingly sacrifices himself in order to
atone for the sins of humanity.
Yet by drawing on what we know
of the Jews at the time and removing
obvious invention, we can arrive at
a much more probable version of
events. Charismatic, fearless and
well educated, Jesus was a rabbi
(teacher and preacher). He appears
to have come to believe, during the
course of his ministry, that he was
not only a prophet, but the messiah
(or anointed one), who would deliver
the Jewish people from Rome (and
end the days of the robber empires).
He therefore spoke of himself as the
‘son of David’ or ‘son of god’. By
saying this he certainly did not mean
to imply that he was a man-god - a
blasphemous concept for Jews. That
is why two of the gospels - Matthew
and Luke - are interesting, in that
they leave in the great lengths earlier
source accounts had gone to in order
to prove that through Joseph he was
biologically directly related to king
David “14 generations” before8 ... and
before that to Adam himself. Luke iii
provides a much longer list compared
with Matthew and a genealogy which
also contains many different names
(passages in the Old Testament, such
as 1 Chronicles iii,19, contradict both
Matthew and Luke - so much for the
inerrancy of the Bible).
The prophet Micah had predicted
that the messiah would be born in
Bethlehem - the royal seat of David.
By placing his birth in this town, Jesus
and his early propagandists were
proclaiming him to be the lawful king,
as opposed to the Herodian upstarts.
It was like some medieval peasant
leader announcing themselves to be the
direct heir of Harold Godwinson and
hence the true Saxon king of England
against the Plantagenet or Angevin
descendants of William of Normandy.
Roman domination was initially
imposed through Herodian kings,
who were Idumean (ie, from the area
to the south of Judea) and therefore at
most only semi-Jewish in background
and religious observance. The Dead
Sea scrolls exude an uncompromising
rejection, disgust and hostility for the
king - presumably Herod, or one of
his successors - who was appointed
by the Romans. He is condemned as a
“foreigner” and a “covenant breaker”.
Jesus’ claim to be king of the Jews
was unmistakably political. He was
proclaiming himself to be the leader
of a popular revolution that would
bring forth a communistic ‘kingdom
of god’. No pie in the sky when you
die. The slogan, ‘kingdom of god’, was
of this world and was widely used by
fourth-party, zealot and other such
anti-Roman forces. It conjured up for
Jews an idealised vision of the old
theocratic system - which could only
be realised by defeating the Romans.
In the new days it will be the poor who
benefit and the rich who suffer:
[B]lessed be you poor, for yours
is the kingdom of god .... But woe
unto you that are rich ... Woe unto
you that are full now, for you shall
hunger. Woe unto you that laugh
now, for you shall mourn and weep.9
This imminent class retribution was
not to be confined to Israel alone. The
Jews were Yahweh’s revolutionary
vanguard. Through them Jesus’ plan
was for a universal utopia. From
Jerusalem a “world theocracy”, with
Jesus at its head, would redeem “all
nations”.10 Then onwards peace reigns;
swords are beaten into ploughshares
and the wolf lies down with the lamb.
Samuel Brandon (1907-71) argued
in his noted 1967 study that Jesus
and the zealots were part of the same
revolutionary movement.11 But I think
it is obvious that Jesus was no zealot.
He was an apocalyptic revolutionary
similar to John the Baptist. He “believed
in the miraculous character of the
coming salvation, as described in the
writings of the scriptural prophets”.12
Jesus was not interested in military
strategy or tactics. Rome would be
beaten without either conventional or
guerrilla war. Nevertheless, though
Jesus did not train his followers in the
use of arms, five of his 12 inner circle of
disciples clearly came from the ranks of
the revolutionary ‘bandits’ and retained
guerrilla nicknames (including Peter
Barjonah - ‘outlaw’; Simon - the zealot;
James and John - the ‘sons of thunder’;
and Judas Iscariot - the ‘dagger-man’).
This is not surprising. Jesus was no
pacifist: “I come not to send peace,
but a sword!”13 While liberation would
have a military aspect, primarily it
depended on supernatural assistance.
There would be a decisive battle,
where a tiny army of the righteous
overcome overwhelmingly superior
odds. In the Bible Gideon fought and
won against the Midianites with only
300 men - he told the other 20,000 men
in his army to “return home”.14 So the
methods of Jesus and the guerrilla
fighters differed, but were not entirely
incompatible. They differed on the
degree that their strategy relied on
divine intervention. Either way, the
zealots were unlikely to have actively
opposed Jesus. He might have been
a factional opponent. But he was no
enemy. His mass movement would at
the very least have been seen by the
zealots as a tremendous opportunity.
Jesus was therefore not isolated from
Jewish life and the political turmoil that
swirled around him. On the contrary, he
was its product and for a short time its
personification. The notion that Jesus
opposed violence is a pretty transparent
Christian invention designed to placate
the Roman authorities and overcome their
fears that the followers of the dead mangod were dangerous subversives. The
real Jesus would never have said, “Resist
not evil”. The idea is a monstrosity, fit
only for despairing appeasers. Jewish
scripture is packed with countless
examples of prophets fighting what they
saw as evil - not least foreign oppressors.
The real Jesus preached the ‘good news’
within the Jewish tradition against evil.
He appears determined to save every
‘lost sheep of Israel’, including social
outcasts and transgressors, such as the
hated tax-collectors, for the coming
apocalypse. Salvation depended on a
total life change.
After the execution of John the
Baptist, Jesus reveals himself to be
not simply a prophetic ‘preparer of
the way’, but the messiah. “Whom say
you that I am?” he asks his disciples.
“You are the Christ,” answers Peter.15
This was an extraordinary claim, but
one fully within the Jewish thoughtworld. He was not and would not have
been thought of as mad. In biblical
tradition there had been prophets
and even prophet-rulers (Moses and
Samuel). Jesus was claiming to be
the messiah-king: ie, the final king. In
Jesus the spiritual and secular would be
joined. A bold idea, which must have
“aroused tremendous enthusiasm in
his followers, and great hope in the
country generally”. 16 Perhaps this
explains why after he was cruelly
killed on a Roman cross the Jesus party
refused to believe he had really died.
His claimed status put him in terms of
myth at least on a par with Elijah: he
would return at the appointed hour to
lead them to victory.
New Testament (re)writers are at
pains to play down or deny Jesus’
assumed royal title. Claiming to be
king of the Jews was to openly rebel
against Rome. Instead they concentrate
on terms like ‘messiah’ or ‘christ’,
which they portray as being otherworldly. The Jews, and the disciples,
are shown as not understanding this
concept, though it existed in their
sacred writings, which they had
surely studied and knew all about.
Nevertheless, even in the gospels, the
truth occasionally flashes through the
fog of falsification, making it possible
to reconstruct the probable pattern of
Jesus’ brief revolutionary career.
Culmination
The account of the so-called
transfiguration on Mount Hermon
described in Mark was no mystical
event, but the crowning (or anointing)
of king Jesus by his closest disciples,
Peter, James and John. Having
travelled to the far north country,
one disciple seems to have crowned
him, while the other two acted as
the prophets, Moses and Elijah. 17
Like Saul, David and Solomon, the
new king was through the ceremony
“turned into another man”.18 Having
been crowned, the prophet-king
began a carefully planned royal
progress towards his capital city,
Jerusalem. The idea would have been
to evangelise at each stop and build
up a fervent mass movement. All the
time he has 12 close disciples acting
for him - their number symbolising the
so-called 12 tribes of Israel. He also
sends out before him 70 more into
“every city and place” - a significant
number in Jewish culture - the lawmaking council, the sanhedrin, had 70
members, etc.
From Mount Hermon the royal
procession makes its way south, into
Galilee, then to the east bank of the
Jordan and Peraea, before reaching
Jericho. King Jesus has a big entourage
and is greeted by enthusiastic crowds.
He preaches the coming kingdom of
god and with it “eternal life”.19 The poor
are to inherit the world and unless the
rich sell what they have and give to the
poor they will be damned: “It is easier
for a camel to go through the eye of
a needle than for a rich man to enter
the kingdom of god.”20 Jesus performs
many miracles. The blind are given
sight, cripples walk, etc (cities and
towns were teeming with professional
beggars, no doubt including the
professionally crippled and blind).
Finally, he triumphantly enters
a swollen Jerusalem - either during
the spring Passover or possibly in the
autumn festival of the Tabernacles.
Pilgrims could double the normal
population. Then there was the additional
influx produced by the Jesus movement
itself. Symbolism is vital for all such
apocalyptic revolutionaries. Jesus rides
upon an ass’s foal (thus fulfilling the
prophesy of Zechariah ix,9). There is no
doubt what the masses think. They greet
Jesus with unrestrained joy and proclaim
him ‘son of David’ and ‘king of Israel’
- as I have argued, both revolutionary/
royal titles. Palm branches are strewn
before him and, showing their defiance
of Rome, the crowd cries out, ‘Hosanna’
(save us).
With the help of the masses Jesus
and his lightly armed band of close
followers force their way to the temple.
Zealot and other fourth-party cadre
perhaps play a decisive, if discreet,
role. Suffice to say, the religious police
of the high priest are easily dispersed.
Jesus angrily drives out the venal
sadducee priesthood from the temple.
They “have made it a den of robbers”.21
Meanwhile, the other priests carry on
with their duties.
The Romans and their agents
would have viewed these events as a
nuisance rather than anything much
else. Little rebellions at festival times
were not uncommon. Nevertheless, in
possession of the temple, Jesus and
his followers were protected by the
“multitude” from the poor quarter
of the city. The priesthood is said to
have been “afraid of the people”.22 It
debated theology with Jesus, but could
do no more.
Jesus expected a miracle. There
would be a tremendous battle. On
the one side, the Romans and their
quislings. On the other, his disciples
alongside “12 legions of angels”.23
Jesus, his disciples and his angles will
assuredly win. The defiled temple will
then be destroyed and rebuilt in “three
days”.24 Simultaneously, the dead rise
and Yahweh, with Jesus sitting at his
right hand, judge all the nations.
Jesus waited seven days for the
apocalyptic arrival of god’s kingdom.
It was expected to come on the eighth.
At the last supper he expectantly says:
“I will drink no more of the fruit of the
vine [juice, not alcohol] until that day
I drink it in the new kingdom of god.”
Having taken himself to the garden
of Gethsemane - outside the temple
complex and the city walls - Jesus
prayed his heart out. But “the hour” did
not arrive. A cohort of Roman soldiers
(300-600 men) and the religious police
did. Perhaps they were guided by
Judas, perhaps not (Kautsky says the
idea of anyone in the sadducee party
not knowing what Jesus looked like is
just too improbable).
Jesus was easily captured. (In
Mark a naked youth narrowly escapes
- frankly, I do not have a clue what
this aspect of the story is about. Were
Jesus and his closest lieutenants about
to carry out a miracle-bringing human
sacrifice?) It is a grossly unequal
contest. His disciples only had “two
swords”. “It is enough,” Jesus had
assured them.25 There was a brief
skirmish, according to the biblical
account. Supposedly Jesus then says,
“No more of this”, and rebukes the
disciple, Simon Peter, who injured
Malchus, a “slave of the high priest”.
His right ear had been lopped off.
Miraculously, Jesus heals him. Jesus
is thus presented as being opposed
to bloodshed: “for all who take the
sword will perish by the sword”.26
Obviously a fabricated interpolation.
We have already seen Jesus promising
cataclysmic violence and arming his
followers, albeit with only two swords
(the angels though would have been
fully equipped for the final battle).
Interrogated by the high priest,
Jesus was quickly handed over to the
Roman governor, Pilate, as a political
prisoner. Without fuss or bother Jesus
was found guilty of sedition - he was
forbidding the payment of Caesar’s
taxes and had proclaimed himself king
of the Jews. Jesus had no thought or
intent of delivering himself up as a
sacrificial lamb. He had expected
an awesome miracle and glory, not
capture and total failure. The gospels
report his dejection and refusal to
“answer, not even to a single charge”.27
Pilate was doubtless confronted by
Jerusalem’s revolutionary crowd. It
would have been demanding Jesus’
freedom, not crying, “Away with him,
crucify him”.28 There was certainly no
custom in occupied Palestine whereby
the population could gain the release
of any condemned prisoner “whom
they wanted”.29 Pilate did not seek to
“release him”. The notion of Pilate’s
“innocence” is as absurd as the blood
guilt of the Jews. Obviously yet
another later pro-Roman insert.
After whipping, beating and spitting
upon him, Pilate had Jesus thrown into
prison. Then, perhaps straight away,
perhaps after a number of months,
had him sent to an agonising death
(Pilate may well have waited till the
spring Passover festival, so he could
make Jesus an example before as
many Jews as possible). Jesus was
paraded through the streets, guarded
by a “whole battalion”. Pilate’s plan
was to humiliate the king of the Jews
and demonstrate his powerlessness.
Jesus is stripped and a (royal) scarlet
robe is draped over his shoulders. To
complete the picture, a “crown of
thorns” is mockingly planted on his
head and a “reed” placed in his right
hand.30 He is crucified along with
two other rebels and derided by the
Romans and their collaborating allies.
Over his head they, on Pilate’s orders,
“put the charge against him” - “This is
the king of the Jews”.31 John has the
chief priests objecting. That has the
ring of truth. They wanted Pilate to
write, “This man said he was king of
the Jews.” Pilate has none of it. John
puts these blunt words in his mouth:
“What I have written I have written.”32
The last words of Jesus are heartrending: ‘Eli, eli, lama sabachthani?’
(My god, my god, why hast thou
forsaken me?) Yahweh had not acted.
There were no angels, no last battle.
Jesus was a brave revolutionary who
wrongly staked all not on the masses,
but on a coup and divine intervention l
Notes
1. GA Williams (trans) Josephus The Jewish war
Harmondsworth 1984, p137.
2. Ibid p133.
3. Ibid p133.
4. Ibid p136.
5. M Wise, M Abegg and E Cook (eds) The Dead
Sea scrolls London 1996, pp151-52.
6. GA Williams (trans) Josephus The Jewish war
Harmondsworth 1984, p147.
7. Ibid p133.
8. Matthew i,17.
9. Luke vi,20-25.
10. H Schonfield The Passover plot London 1977,
p24.
11. See SGF Brandon Jesus and the zealots
Manchester 1967.
12. H Maccoby Revolution in Judea London 1973,
pp157-58.
13. Matthew x,34.
14. Judges vii,2.
15. Mark viii,29.
16. H Maccoby Revolution in Judea London 1973,
p163.
17. Mark ix,4.
18. I Samuel x,6.
19. Mark x,30.
20. Mark x,25.
21. Mark xi,17.
22. Mark xi,32.
23. Matthew xxvi,53.
24. Matthew xxvi,62.
25. Luke xxii,38.
26. Matthew xxvi,52.
27. Matthew xxvii,14.
28. John xv,19.
29. Matthew xxvii,15.
30. Matthew xxvii,28.
31. Matthew xxvii,37.
32. John ixx,21,22.
Fantastic Reality
Religion, as defined by Marxism, is fantastic reality.
Fantastic, not in the trite sense that the claims
religion makes about existence are verifiably untrue,
unreal or baseless, but in the sense that nature and
society are reflected in exaggerated form, as leaping
shadows, as symbols or inversions. £20
10
December 18 2014 1039 worker
weekly
strategy
Fantasy history, fantasy Marx
Chris Cutrone’s arguments are characterised by dogma and vacuous circularity, writes Mike Macnair
C
h r i s C u t r o n e ’s a r t i c l e ,
‘Democratic revolution and
the contradiction of capital’
(Weekly Worker October 16 2014)1,
is a reflection on (aspects of) my
2008 book Revolutionary strategy:
Marxism and the challenge of left
unity. In response to a letter from Sean
Thurlough objecting to the article as
obscure (October 23 2014), comrade
Cutrone’s November 20 letter 2
attempts to clarify an aspect of his
argument. But I have to say that the
argument overall is indeed obscure.
It nonetheless raises important issues
and is therefore worth a reply.
I made the point back in 2011 that
there is some tendency for myself
and other Weekly Worker authors, and
Platypus authors, to ‘talk past each
other’.3 We do so to a considerable
extent because we are using words
in general English use, like ‘history’
and ‘politics’, and common terms
in leftwing jargon (like ‘crisis’ and
‘Bonapartism’) in radically different
ways. For example, ‘crisis’ for
me means an acute-phase chaotic
moment, like a financial panic or the
partial collapse of a state. For Cutrone
it is, rather, a standing condition
of capitalism (etc). ‘Decoding’
the common ground between us
(there is some) and the differences
therefore involves a certain amount
of translation.
The problem works both ways.
On the one hand, I (and others)
may misunderstand Cutrone. On the
other hand, in part of his discussion
comrade Cutrone is ‘translating’
parts of my argument into his own
‘sort-of Frankfurt school’ framework.
The result in my opinion does some
violence to my arguments. In places,
in addition, comrade Cutrone seems
merely to have misunderstood what I
am arguing. It is probably best to begin
with what at least at first sight appears
to be common ground before moving
to the apparent differences.
Common ground?
In my original exchange with Platypus
comrades in 2011 4 , I identified
common ground at the most basic
level in an aspiration to generalised
human emancipation. Such an
aspiration is pretty much necessitated
either by self-identification with Marx
or as being in some sense ‘of the left’.
I am, however, a little less certain in
assessing it as common ground in the
light of comrade Cutrone’s lauding of
Moishe Postone’s arguments in his
‘When was the crisis of capitalism?’
(Platypus Review No70, October
2014) and his reliance in his November
20 2014 letter on Dick Howard’s The
Specter of democracy (2002), which
contains more or less standard liberal/
cold war-Marxological arguments
against Marx; both Postone’s and
Howard’s arguments imply, in
different ways, that general human
emancipation is an illusory goal. It
may be that in reality all comrade
Cutrone is actually seeking is small-e
enlightenment or ‘self-knowledge’ (as
Howard puts it) ...
The second element of common
ground is that the existing left is in
severe decay. This problem is now
actually fairly widely recognised by the
generation of activists who remember
the 1960s-70s, for all the relentless
‘official optimism’ the leaderships
of the organised groups commonly
feel obliged to put out for the benefit
of potential new recruits. Platypus
calls the left ‘dead’, but this is merely
Spartacist League-style sectarian
rhetoric. Like the Sparts, Platypus is
a ‘fighting propaganda group’, which
aims its fire on the left. ‘Dead’ actually
Historical clarity is vital
asserts not that the existing left does not
exist, but that it must be razed to the
ground to begin on a new (for the Sparts
Robertsonite, for Platypus Frankfurtschool philosophical) foundation.
This at once takes us from common
ground to difference. In my opinion the
‘existing left’ is an aspect of a social
stratum which is thrown up by the
‘objective’ fact that the proletarians,
members of the propertyless class who
must live on wages or the ‘social wage’,
can only defend their (individual and
family) interests under capitalism by
collective action and are driven by their
position towards forms of collectivism
in politics.5 Collective action beyond the
most elemental form of the riot requires
some degree of permanent collective
organisation, and organisation requires
activists. This objective dynamic, in
other words, produces a stratum of
activists seeking to defend worker
interests and further collectivism - most
obviously, trade union activists, the
activists of socialist or labour parties,
cooperatives, tenants’ associations
and so on. This stratum includes the
(mainly) ex-student radicals of the
organised far left/left intelligentsia, who
attempt to involve themselves in the
broader workers’ movement.
It is true that this social stratum is
‘part of the problem’ by virtue of the
dead-end character of its dominant
political commitments, producing
repeated ‘diminishing returns’. But it
is also not capable of being razed to
the ground except by actual massacres,
because it springs from an objective
dynamic of capitalist society. And the
stratum is, therefore, also unavoidably
‘part of the solution’. The attempt to
‘create a new left’ by going to ‘fresh
forces’ thus necessarily produces merely
another competing splinter group.
Since the time of the 1950s-60s
‘new left’, and perhaps since the time
of the Comintern in its ‘leftist’ phases
(German March action, ‘third period’
and so on), the far left has suffered
from a repeated temptation to believe
that ‘the membership has failed us:
we must elect a new membership’,
in the form of the idea that the social
democratic activists, or the ‘old left’,
and so on, are irredeemable: hence,
the task is to reach out to fresh new
forces. Platypus seeks to find these
new forces on the university campuses,
and ‘engages with’ the rest of the left in
order to display to the ‘new forces’ it
attracts that the rest of the left is ‘dead’
(just as the Sparts offered ‘extreme’
requirements of ‘orthodoxy’ to
‘expose’ the opportunism of the rest of
the left to their ‘new forces’). But apart
from these particularities, Platypus is
like the rest of the far left.
Politics
The third area of possible common
ground is in fact on an aspect of
Howard’s claims. Though I have just
been rude about Howard’s arguments
against Marx, I personally agree with
him and with Cutrone that it is illusory
to imagine a human future without
politics. I emphasise that this is not
a CPGB position as such. ‘Politics’
is ambiguous and the assertion of
the permanence of ‘politics’ can
risk ‘buying’ liberalism, or the
permanence of the state, or - worse
- some variant on Nazi lawyer Carl
Schmitt’s ‘decisionism’. It is therefore
necessary to specify what I mean by
‘politics’: that is, disagreements and
conflicts, including sharp ones, about
the common affairs of human society
as a whole and/or of particular human
groups and about the application of
their resources, and the associated
phenomena of argument, coalitionbuilding, institutions (whether formal
or customary) for decision-making in
the face of disagreement, and from
time to time coercion.
Howard’s arguments are vulgar
‘Marx leads to totalitarianism’ stuff,
not much improved by being passed
through French former leftwing ‘antitotalitarians’ (Cornelius Castoriadis
and Claude Lefort), combined
with speculative, idealist (roughly,
symbolic-interactionist) readings of
recent French and US history - and
with low-grade Marxology, which
takes no account of the arguments
of Hal Draper and others. Cutrone’s
‘Lenin’s liberalism’ (Platypus Review
No36, June 2011) and ‘Lenin’s politics’
(October 2011) combine arguments
like Howard’s for the liberal insistence
on the separateness of politics as a
domain, with the ortho-Trot fantasies
about What is to be done?, 1903 and
the virtues of splitting, which have
been disproved by Lars T Lih.
That politics, in the general sense in
which I have described, will persist is
nonetheless an important point. There
is no ground either in anthropology or
recorded human history for supposing
that the supersession of class or, for that
matter, of occupational specialisation,
will lead to the disappearance of human
disagreement. Most fundamentally,
even if the result of future capitalist
or socialist development was that
resources became genuinely unlimited
(as in the science-fiction dream of ‘my
own uninhabited planet ...’), everything
we know about humans indicates
that in spite of real diversity we are
a social rather than an individualterritorial species. Social interactions
are seriously important to human
wellbeing. And social interactions
imply disagreements ... Secondarily,
but more immediately, we are unlikely
ever to arrive at abundance in the sense
of ‘Anyone can have whatever they
want’ (even if, as some theorists argue,
aspirations to unlimited acquisition are
an artefact of capitalist, or of class,
society).6 And many individual dreams
will require cooperative action to be
put into effect. Plenty of space for
disagreement and conflict here.
The immediate political significance
of these ‘after the revolution’
speculations is that it is a present
political vice of both mainstream
politics and the left to try to do politics
without disagreement. In mainstream
politics the phenomenon appears as
the drive towards ‘consensus’. In
the left it can take the forms either
of the suppression of dissent (as, for
example, in Stalinism, in Blairism,
and in the Socialist Workers Party’s
ban on ‘permanent factions’); or as
that of diplomatic unity, in which
disagreements are self-censored until
they become actually intolerable
(the practice of the Mandelite Fourth
International, as applied by its British
section, Socialist Resistance, in Left
Unity). Both forms produce the sort of
politics displaced into clique intrigues,
which characterised the ‘factionalism’
of renaissance courts.
Howard explains the phenomenon
of aspirations to social order without
politics (or, as I have just put it,
politics without disagreements)
following Lefort - by the ungrounded
character of democratic legitimacy as
a radical novelty in ‘modern’ society.
This account depends on Weberian
or Tönniesian historical fantasies
about the supposed static, organic,
‘blah-blah’ character of ‘traditional’
societies (already incorporated in
the early Frankfurt school by way
of the influence of Weber on György
Lukács). These fantasies should not
have survived confrontation with the
products of 20th century research on
pre-modern histories. Cutrone tends
to explain the phenomenon Frankfurtschool style by the ‘authoritarianism’
of the pre-1914 German Social
Democratic Party (SPD). In ‘Lenin’s
liberalism’ he links this false idea to
the truth that early modern political
thinkers, and many down to the 20th
century, were hostile to political parties
(damned as ‘factions’). His connection
is via the notion that the idea of the
‘party of the whole working class’,
which Lukács and others attributed
(falsely, as Lars Lih and others have
shown) to Karl Kautsky and the SPD
centre, is a version of the ‘organic
unity’ opposition to parties as such. We
are again in the territory of historical
fantasy (here, since the false idea is
widely believed on the far left, myth).
If we move from the ambiguities of
‘politics’ in the utopia of ‘social order
without politics’ to the more precisely
defined utopias of ‘society without
disagreements’ or ‘politics without
disagreements’, it should be apparent
that the explanation can be much
more straightforward. Politics is about
disagreement in making decisions for
collective action. ‘Politics without
disagreement’ is an ideologisation of
the real need to actually be able to take
and implement collective decisions:
ie, that it is necessary that the ‘losing
side’ be bound by a collective decision
when it comes to be implemented. The
implication is that there comes a point
at which dissenters have to - at least
temporarily - shut up in order to get on
with the common action decided on.7
The ideology inflates this valid point
into the idea that agreed collective
actions without disagreement would
always be better. In spite of its
presence as ‘anti-factionalism’ in early
Tory, republican and liberal thought,
workers’ and socialist organisations
are in fact more prone to the actual
application of this ideology than procapitalist ones. (For a recent example,
the Conservative Party has become
partially Stalinised by copying the
Blairite Stalinisation of the Labour
Party.) The reason has already been
given: the proletariat as a class needs
collective action, and hence binding
decisions, in a sense more immediate
than the capitalists, or ‘middle class’
farmers, small businesspeople, the
self-employed, and professionals/
managers. Hence workers’
organisations are particularly prone to
ideologise common action to the point
of trying to exclude disagreement;
though, in reality, as Marx, Engels,
Liebknecht and Bebel already saw
against Lassalle, the attempt to exclude
disagreement in fact weakens the
ability to achieve common action.
The ‘classical liberals’ thought,
11
worker 1039 December 18 2014
weekly
and their ‘neoliberal’ successors
think, that politics in this sense (the
need for binding collective decisions)
can be avoided or minimised because
the ‘hidden hand’ of free markets
would solve most collective-action
problems, so that the social need for
consciously collective actions can
itself be reduced to the role of the law
and the ‘nightwatchman state’. Or put another way - ‘civil society’ can
limit ‘the state’. The problem is that
the ‘hidden hand’ is straightforwardly
false: free markets do not tend to
equilibrium, but to cyclical panics and
social polarisation. Equally, property is
useless without public rights of way to
access it (and of little use without more
extensive public infrastructure). In
reality, the overt action of the state is a
constant necessity in ‘market society’,
and hence the liberal capitalist state
is stronger and more pervasive in its
operations - exercising more control
over the daily lives of its subject
population - than European absolutism
or the Tokugawa Shogunate ever
was (let alone antique and tributary
empires, however much Pharaoh
might be called a god or dead Roman
emperors be deified).8
The straightforward falsity of
liberalism’s (necessary) economic
assumptions therefore means that
liberalism necessarily produces its
‘other’ - if not socialism, increasingly
violent forms of conservative
communitarianism (fundamentalism,
nationalism and so on).
In other words, by addressing what
appears to be common ground between
Cutrone’s views and my own, I have
been led more or less immediately into
differences between us; and, in particular,
to two of the central issues: attitudes
to the existing left, and the relations
between Marxism and liberalism.
Differences
I do not intend to recapitulate yet
again what I have argued before
against comrade Cutrone. Hence it is
necessary to list the exchanges (see
note 4) before comrade Cutrone’s
latest article; readers who want to
can follow them up themselves. In
our 2011 exchange I argued that
the Frankfurt-school methodology
advocated by Platypus is based on
a series of historical fantasies (the
‘authoritarian’ SPD, Bolshevik
uniqueness and ‘1903’, the ‘crisis of
Marxism’, mass working class support
for Hitler; to these should be added the
myth of the radical divide between
‘modern’ and ‘pre-modern’ societies).
And I argued that, by its philosophical
presuppositions, the methodology
creates an intellectual closure against
interrogating the historical fantasies,
and hence against any arguments
which do not fall within the framework
of accepting them.
Comrade Cutrone’s July 7 letter
did not attempt to actually answer
the arguments of my article, ‘Divided
by a common language’, but merely
reasserted his claims. In his August
11 article, ‘Defending Marxist
Hegelianism’, he did not offer an
answer either, moving sideways
onto a critique of my 2003 review
of the books of John Rees and David
Renton on dialectic and on ‘classical
Marxism’.9 This sideways move, since
it addressed a much less developed
version of my arguments, enabled
him merely to reassert his adherence
to Platypus’s version of the historical
fantasy and its methodological
defences. As the article contained no
new arguments (beyond the claim
that Socialist Workers Party authors
vulgarised Lukács, which I thought at
the time might well be true) I did not
bother to reply.
Subsequently, James Turley wrote
at length on Lukács, and Lawrence
Parker responded criticising both
Turley’s, and my, linkage of the views
of the young Lukács with the pre-war
Second International ‘mass action’ left
and with the ultra-left wing of the early
Comintern.10 Comrade Parker, like
Cutrone, also objected to the linkage
Turley and I made with the SWP, and
insisted that Lukács was attempting
to theorise Lenin. I responded to
Parker in a presentation to Communist
University 2013, which was later
published in the Weekly Worker.11
That presentation had two points.
The first was to accept that Lukács
was attempting to theorise Lenin,
and in particular the ‘1921 Leninism’
of the Comintern resolution, ‘The
organisational forms of the communist
parties’. The second was to show, by
quotations mainly from History and
class-consciousness (HCC) and Lenin:
a study in the unity of his thought, that
the SWP authors are, indeed, faithful
followers of the young Lukács as a
theorist of the errors of the early
Comintern, rather than vulgarisers.
In January 2014 Cutrone replied
to this article with ‘Why still read
Lukács’. 12 This article defends
HCC as “about class-consciousness
as consciousness of history”. But
this “about class-consciousness as
consciousness of history” is (at least
for Cutrone and probably also for
Lukács) merely consciousness of
the Weberian fantasy conception of
‘history’, in which there is a complete
caesura between ‘traditional’ society
and modern, or 19th century (and
after), ‘industrial’ society. This
conception is anti-historical, and
supported by post-Popper liberal,
positivist, etc, academics, because it
is anti-‘historicist’: ie, anti-Marxist. To
attribute it to Marx relies on the flowers
of rhetoric about the revolutionary
character of the bourgeoisie in the
Communist manifesto to the exclusion
of very large parts of the rest of Marx’s
writing. To attribute it to Hegel is
to exclude the arguments of the
Philosophy of history and much of the
Philosophy of right.
In both cases what is involved is
a direct falsification. In the young
Lukács this concept of ‘history’
served as an element in arguments
for the attribution to the proletariat
of a hypostatised class-consciousness
which could be ‘actualised’ only in
the ‘Leninist’ party and was opposed
to the actual consciousness of the
proletariat and that of the social layer
of activists which grows out of the
struggle of this class - in order to
justify the minoritarian claims of the
1920-21 Comintern which came to be
called ‘Leninism’. In Cutrone it plays
a different role. Class-consciousness
becomes impossible in declining
capitalism, he argued in 2012 - in face
of the actual, if certainly imperfect,
class-consciousness displayed in the
popularity of the ‘99%’ slogan and a
series of other events.13
I have emphasised this point
about Weberian historical fantasy
disguised as ‘Marxism’ here and above
because the artificial foreshortening of
historical perspective involved in this
approach is fundamental to the use,
misuse and critique of my arguments
in Revolutionary strategy in Cutrone’s
October 2014 article.
My starting point is completely
different from Cutrone’s Frankfurtschool methodology. I am interested in
the truth about what Marx (and Engels)
argued, but I am not seeking to restore
a ‘pure Marx’, free from the supposed
vulgarisation of Marx by Engels, the
‘Second International Marxists’ or even
the Stalinists. I argued for an alternative
approach in the first article I ever wrote
for the Weekly Worker - my December
19 2002 review of Stephen Jay Gould’s
The structure of evolutionary theory. I
suggested there that we should approach
Marx in the way that Gould approached
Darwin: rather than ‘citation grazing’,
we need to look for the logical core of
Marx’s arguments and consider how
far they have been confirmed - or
falsified, or require modification - in
the light of subsequent work. I do not
exclude a priori the possibility that
either ‘Second International Marxists’
or ‘official communists’ (particularly
but not exclusively the historians)
may have things to say that need to be
taken into account in this process. Nor,
on the other hand, am I committed to
the truth of any of Marx’s or Engels’
particular claims. I also suggested
that some of the substance of Gould’s
approach - in particular the ideas of
emergence, nested levels of analysis,
and explicit recognition of the real role
of contingency and “path dependence”
- might allow Marxists to escape
from the antinomies of structuralism,
post-structuralism and its various
rebrandings, and so on. This last point is
directly relevant to Cutrone’s argument
for “symptomatic” forms, which
involves an excessive determinism.
Revolutionary strategy attempted to
apply this general method of approach
to the specific problems of long-term
strategy for attaining working class
political power, and the related issues
of ‘unity of the workers’ movement’
or ‘left unity’. As I said early in the
book, in spite of its fairly wide range
it did not offer a ‘general theory of
everything’. I assumed a whole set of
general points, which I have argued
more explicitly elsewhere: particularly
that fundamental social change takes
place in the longue durée with episodes
of rapid change, the latter particularly
associated with the overthrow of state
forms.14
Fantasies
Cutrone’s article muddles my
arguments with his own and produces
varieties of fantasy history and fantasy
Marx in support of his themes. I do
not have space here to explore every
point, but I have already addressed in
relation to ‘common ground’ his use
of Howard and the latter’s illusory
version of ‘democratic revolution’.
I will select only a few exemplary
points related to the Frankfurt-school
method’s tendency to rely on fantasies.
Cutrone builds his argument in
the article extensively from an aspect
of Marx’s 18th Brumaire of Louis
Bonaparte: the argument that the state
escapes from the control of society
because of “the historical condition
in which the bourgeoisie could ‘no
longer’ and the proletariat ‘not yet’
rule politically the modern society
of capitalism”. The problem is that,
in spite of the - many - merits of The
18th Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte,
this analysis (even if Marx was
directly quoted) is not one of them.
It is perfectly plain with the benefit
of hindsight that Louis Bonaparte’s
regime was a capitalist nationalist
regime, or at least one of further rapid
steps in the transition to capitalism
which had already begun; though it
was one which based itself politically
on alliance with the old rural classes
and the clerisy, it presided over rapid
commercial, financial and industrial
development and hence a major
expansion of the urban proletariat.
This form has been repeatedly imitated
in ‘third world’ countries and, to the
extent that it involves ‘balancing’
between classes, the classes involved
are the capitalists and the old classes.
Marx’s immediate diagnosis that
Louis Bonaparte would be followed
by the working class could be given
a sort of confirmation by the Paris
Commune - were it not for the fact
the Commune remained restricted to
Paris, and that Marx himself privately
thought the Communards’ attempt
was premature and came in behind
them as a matter of public political
choice. It is not unreasonable to argue
that the mid-19th century represents
for Britain the point at which the
capitalist class reached its apogee
and entered into decline: that is, that
the imperatives of controlling and
‘managing’ working class movements
began to override the pure imperatives
of expanded profit. However, to call
the failure of revolution in 1848
“unprecedented”, as Cutrone does,
is, in terms of political regimes,
nonsense: the English revolution of
the 1640s ended in protectorate and
restoration, the French Revolution of
1789 in empire and restoration, and
the partial ‘successes’ of the French
and Belgian revolutions of 1830 were
matched by failures elsewhere. The
overall pattern is usefully reviewed in
Marc Mulholland’s Bourgeois liberty
and the politics of fear.15
For Cutrone,
The bourgeoisie’s ‘ruling’ character
was not a legal-constitutional
system of government descended
from the 17th century political and
social revolutions in Holland and
England so much as it was a form of
civil society: a revolutionary system
of bourgeois social relations that
was supposed to subordinate the
state. What requires explanation
is the 19th century slipping of the
state from adequate social control,
and its ‘rising above’ the contending
political groups and social classes,
as a power in itself.
This is not merely false - since Louis
Bonaparte’s regime was capitalistdevelopmental, albeit politically based
on the older classes - but vacuously
circular, since ‘civil society’ is merely
bürgerliche Gesellschaft - bourgeois,
urban or ‘commercial’ society, as
conceptualised by 18th century ‘civil
history’ writers and others down to
Hegel, from whom Marx took the
terminology. On the contrary, as I have
already argued, ‘civil society’, as in
‘market society’, requires the strong
state, and gets it even in liberal states.16
Cutrone then argues that Louis
Bonaparte’s coup as ‘tragedy repeated
as farce’ was,
according to Marx, the essential
condition for politics after 1848 the condition for political parties
in capitalism. That condition was
not only or primarily a matter of
politics due to constitutional legal
forms of bourgeois property and its
social relations, but rather was for
Marx the expression of the crisis
of those forms as a function of the
industrial revolution.
This is also nonsense. Political
parties begin with Whigs and Tories
in England in the 1680s and more
clearly from 1688; they appear as
Jacobins and Girondins in the French
Revolution. They have a remote sort
of precursor in Guelfs and Ghibellines
in the late-medieval Italian city-states.
They are, in other words, inherent in
bourgeois politics, irrespective of
the degree of development of the
proletariat as a class. There is not the
slightest support for Cutrone’s claim
in Marx and it is flatly inconsistent
with Marx’s arguments for a workers’
political party before 1848. For Marx
the rise of the proletariat as a class
justifies in itself the struggle for a
workers’ political party. Cutrone
is prone to saddling Marx with
‘Cutronism’ (without citations) and
this is an egregious example.
In the following argument Cutrone
uses a weakness in one of my own
formulations to saddle me with
‘Cutronism’. I mistakenly used the
shorthand that the proletariat as a class
is “all those dependent on the wage
fund”; but, as Maciej Zurowski pointed
out to me not long after the book came
out, the ‘wage fund’ is a non-Marxist
(pre-Marxist) concept. What I should
have said is that the proletariat is the
class of those who can only subsist
directly or indirectly from wages - with
‘wages’ including here the ‘deferred
wages’ or ‘social wage’ of welfare
benefits, which are substantially paid
for from tax deductions from wages.17
Cutrone then uses his ‘Cutronised’
version of my argument (which was
aimed at grasping what the proletariat
is as a social class, as against the
syndicalists) to argue for class to be
defined ‘negatively’ and class parties
defined ideologically, by reference
to their “historical horizons for
discontents within capitalism”. The
result is again vacuous circularity.
Later, Cutrone argues:
One key distinction that Macnair
elides in his account is the
development of bourgeois social
relations within pre-bourgeois
civilisation that will not be
replicated by the struggle for
socialism: socialism does not
develop within capitalism so
much as the proletariat represents
the potential negation of bourgeois
social relations that has developed
within capitalism.
More Frankfurt-school short-horizon
stuff, here directly incompatible with
Cutrone’s proclaimed combination of
Frankfurt with Trotsky. This is Trotsky
in The revolution betrayed: “The
axiomatic assertions of the Soviet
literature, to the effect that the laws of
bourgeois revolutions are ‘inapplicable’
to a proletarian revolution, have
no scientific content whatever.”
Incompatible, too, with Marx’s
arguments from 1846 to the end of his
life for political action of the working
class, and with most of what he wrote
in the period of the First International.
Fantasies about history, and fantasies
about Marx, maintained as dogmas l
[email protected]
Notes
1. The article was originally published as ‘What
is political party for Marxism’ Platypus Review
No71, November 2014.
2. More fully in Platypus Review No72, December
2014.
3. ‘Divided by a common language’ Weekly
Worker June 30 2011.
4. Macnair, ‘No need for party?’, May 11 2011,
‘Theoretical dead end’, May 19 2011; Cutrone,
Letters, (‘No need for party?’, May 12 2011),
‘Fish nor fowl’, May 26 2011; Macnair, ‘The
study of history and the left’s decline’, June 2
2011; Cutrone, ‘The philosophy of history’, June 9
2011; Macnair, ‘Divided by a common language’
June 30 2011; Cutrone, Letters (‘Useful platypus’)
July 7 2011.
5. See M Mulholland, ‘Marx, the proletariat, and
the “will to socialism”’ Critique No37 (2009),
pp319-43, and ‘“Its patrimony, its unique wealth!”
- labour-power, working class consciousness and
crises: an outline consideration’ Critique No38
(2010), pp375-417.
6. A convenient literature review on consumerism
can be found in MN Dalal, ‘Questioning
consumerism’ Journal of Economics and
Development Studies March 2014. That such
aspirations may be an artefact of class society is
suggested by luxury consumption as a form of
social status display in pre-capitalist societies: ‘I
want a bigger pyramid for my monument’ is also a
form of unlimited demand.
7. Continuous unresolved disagreement is only
possible in the academy and similar prior social
institutions. (For a wide-ranging review of
‘similar prior social institutions’ see, for example,
R Collins The sociology of philosophies Harvard
2000).
8. This is already visible in the 18th century
contrast between ‘enlightened’ Britain and
‘absolutist’ France, when this is examined in
retrospect. See J Brewer The sinews of power
London 1989; MJ Braddick The nerves of
state Manchester 1996; D Lemmings Law and
government in England during the long 18th
century Basingstoke 2007; D Parker Class and
state in ancien régime France Basingstoke 1996;
Hilton L Root The fountain of privilege Berkeley
1994.
9. ‘“Classical Marxism” and grasping the
dialectic’ Weekly Worker September 11 2003.
10. J Turley, supplement: ‘The antinomies of
Georg Lukács’ Weekly Worker January 24 2013; L
Parker, ‘Lukács reloaded’ March 7 2013.
11. ‘The philosophy trap’ Weekly Worker
November 21 2013.
12. January 23 2014.
13. ‘Class consciousness (from a Marxist
perspective) today’ Platypus Review No51,
November 2012.
14. For example, in the Weekly Worker in my
reviews of Boris Kagarlitsky’s Empire of the
periphery (April 1 and 8 2009), of Henry Heller’s
The bourgeois revolution in France 1789-1815,
of David Parker’s Ideology, absolutism and the
English revolution (June 3 and 10 2010), and of
Jairus Banaji’s History as theory (January 20, 27,
February 17, 2011); or in my responses to Paul
Cockshott’s critique of Revolutionary strategy
(June 24, July 1 2010).
15. Oxford 2012; see also my review Weekly
Worker July 17 2014.
16. Cf also W Bonefeld, ‘Adam Smith and
ordoliberalism: on the political form of market
liberty’ Review of International Studies No39
(2013), pp233-50.
17. Cf Arthur Bough’s argument in his post, ‘Cut
and run’, September 20 2009: http://boffyblog.
blogspot.co.uk/2009/09/cut-run.html (though I do
not buy the package, the points are illuminating).
12
December 18 2014 1039 worker
weekly
aggregate
Being the extreme left in Left Unity
CPGB members debated our work in Left Unity at its latest aggregate meeting. Daniel Harvey reports
There is a viable opposition
M
embers of the Communist
Party of Great Britain met
on December 14 to discuss our
perspectives for Left Unity, as well
as how we organise ourselves.
Proceedings were begun, however,
by a report from Yassamine Mather,
a member of LU’s national council, of
a meeting of the NC which had taken
place the day before (see opposite).
After this Jack Conrad gave a
general overview of the history and
outlook for Left Unity. He began by
saying that he thought it was useful to
compare the mood at the LU conference
in November 2013 and its latest
conference last month. In his opinion
the contrast between the optimistic
mood a year ago - what he called the
“enthusiasm of the naive” - and the
more sombre proceedings in November
2014 was very stark. Attendance at the
latest conference was about 260, where
it had been around 450 in 2013.
He noted that the predictions we
made about LU’s constitution had
been proven correct. In practice it is
simply being ignored because it is
too cumbersome and bureaucratic to
be implemented - reportedly national
treasurer Andrew Burgin has called it
“just a piece of paper” at the moment.
Requirements for branch meetings
to be quorate had been more or less
abandoned - the last conference would
no doubt have been inquorate, if the
‘model standing orders’ contained in
the constitution had been applied, since
there were far fewer than a quarter of
members present.
The politics of the organisation
were very incoherent, he said - very
important questions seem to be
decided on the hoof. Because of this,
the party is actually passing motions
which contradict each other and its four
principal speakers would surely be in
trouble if they ever came under serious
scrutiny in the media.
Comrade Conrad reminded the
meeting that one of the names put
forward for the organisation at the
start had been ‘Left Party’ and one
leaflet he had seen had fused together
LU’s logo with that of Podemos. The
inspiration for LU was quite clearly
the reformist leftwing parties on the
continent. This was now becoming
quite embarrassing, when the actual
practice of these parties is considered.
For instance, Die Linke has adopted an
appalling position in support of Israel,
while Podemos has just excluded
from leadership positions Izquierda
Anticapitalista, the group central to
its founding, and ditched most of the
programme that made it popular with
its base in the indignados movement.
At the same time Syriza has watered
down its commitments on the Greek
debt and other economic issues to such
an extent that even the Financial Times
now believes it to be relatively safe.
LU is such a fragile construction
because it was based on the belief
that members would automatically
agree on most issues, but it has turned
out - predictably - that they do not.
Comrade Conrad previously thought
that LU might be able to regain some
of its momentum in the May 2015
general election, but this would not be
the case - it looks like there will only
be a handful of candidates. None of
them will be famous personalities, as
was the case with Respect and George
Galloway. There might be a candidate
in Wigan, but that branch seems to be
considering standing under a different
name. This indicates a real lack of belief
in the project.
Reflecting on the decisions taken
by CPGB members, he said that we
had decided to put almost all of our
members into the new formation. We
never shared the wild optimism of the
founders and we do not believe LU in
its current state is the sort of party we
need. For that reason a pole of extreme
opposition is needed and we stood a
full slate of candidates in the initial
elections in order to present a coherent
alternative. The way things are going
in terms of the disputes within LU, it is
likely that any major test would break
the organisation apart.
In spite of these weaknesses,
comrade Conrad thought it was right for
us to deepen our involvement in LU. We
would do this by publishing a series of
articles on strategy that could form the
basis of a pamphlet. But what LU really
needs is a totally different approach. It
needs to ditch its current unworkable
constitution, which should be replaced
with something much simpler and
shorter. To this end we should engage
with individuals who have a similar
outlook.
Debate
Mike Macnair’s contribution to
the debate had two parts. The first
concerned the overall political
dynamics against which LU was
operating. He said that there was a
long-term strategy in the media to try
and deLabourise the Labour Party.
At the last election ‘Cleggmania’ was
promoted, but this time around there
is systematic campaign to drive down
Miliband’s popularity to a point where
Labour cannot emerge as the largest
party in a hung parliament. At the
same time Labour had very tentatively
revived class politics through, for
instance, its cost of living proposals and
statements on public schools, and this
is not the optimal situation for a party
like LU, he said.
Secondly, he thought it important
to consider why there has been no
mass movement against austerity to
speak of in the last six years. The
unions were incredibly weak and the
workforce was now very stratified.
Despite the targeting of claimants,
he said, the Tories have not yet
made the kind of cuts which would
create a new resistance movement.
The opposition in the form of, say,
the People’s Assembly is dominated
by the trade union bureaucracy, and
therefore overwhelmingly geared
towards getting Labour elected - again,
not useful for LU.
Comrade Farzad thought the absence
was also a result of the fact that Britain
is in a slightly better economic position
than other countries. Whether the
Conservatives or Labour are elected she
said there would be deep cuts that could
change this situation. Nevertheless, a lot
of people will still vote Labour out of a
desire to limit the attacks. She thought
the UK Independence Party would not
make the inroads into the working class
vote that are claimed (this point was
also emphasised by Sarah McDonald
and Paul Demarty later). The SNP,
however, could do well, said Farzad austerity has been used as a means to
mobilise people for nationalism. She
thought the plans being talked about in
LU of campaigning on council estates
were unlikely to build Left Unity in the
circumstances. Comrade McDonald
expected LU to win the usual 1.5% of
the vote gained by left candidates, while
others commented on the fact that LU
was proposing to spend just £25,000
on its 2015 election campaign - Jack
Conrad pointed out that the CPGB had
managed to raise £30,000 when it ran
four candidates in 1992.
Some speakers thought that the
Communist Platform was not seen as
the main concern by the LU leadership,
mainly because other groups had
created more of a problem: members
of the International Socialist Network
had gone over the top on ‘intersectional’
issues, for example. There was a
disagreement about the approach of the
CP, with Simon Wells warning against
being seen as destructive. We should
not be seen as “throwing bombs”, as
the CPGB did in Respect, but we should
build support in branches through our
commitment to party work, he said.
Peter Manson thought the CP was
not necessarily seen as “extreme” - for
example, our proposed code of conduct
was regarded as reasonable by many,
he thought. However, a number of
contributors made the point that our
political positions must naturally make
us an extreme opposition, and that if
we were not achieving this then there
would clearly be something wrong in
our approach.
Jack Conrad in his summing up
compared the situation with that in
the Socialist Alliance, where we were
considered “nutters” for suggesting the
SA put forward 30 candidates in the
2001 general election. We got defeated
on that, but managed to win the position
that branches should decide for
themselves what to do. The SA ended
up contesting in 98 constituencies.
He concluded that many in LU
have supported some CP proposals
despite who is putting them forward
- that was certainly the case with the
code of conduct, he said. And we
should keep pushing for what the
party clearly needs.
AGM
After this first session the meeting
moved onto a fairly eclectic discussion
loosely based around the motion
proposed by the Provisional Central
Committee, which called for the first
CPGB aggregate of each year to be an
annual general meeting.
This motion actually originated in
a proposal put forward by myself, and
supported by comrades Tina Becker
and Maciej Zurowski. It had been
finalised in negotiations beforehand
and all involved were happy with
the final version. It proposed that the
AGM would feature a financial report,
a discussion of our perspectives for
the next year and a formal process
for re-electing the PCC annually (this
has been done on an ad hoc basis
previously).
In her introduction in support of the
motion, comrade Farzad talked about
the difficulties that the PCC has had
over the years in trying to facilitate
the development of members, so that
they can take on leadership positions
themselves. She wanted this motion
to be a catalyst for change, so that
the composition of the PCC becomes
a topic for annual review - although
PCC members can be replaced at any
aggregate, in recent years elections
have only occurred when it has
become apparent that it needs new
or additional members.
Comrade Farzad also used the
discussion to talk about one major
change that will be discussed at the
first such AGM early in the new
year - the possibility of broadening
the scope of Hands Off the People
of Iran into a more general campaign
against western intervention in the
Middle East. She said that the current
cooperation between Iran and the
United States had made Hopi seem
less relevant, at least temporarily.
Since it was clear that the motion
was entirely uncontentious - it was
carried unanimously at the end of the
aggregate - the discussion evolved into
a general debate on the development of
cadre: training members to make telling
interventions at meetings, deepening
their theoretical understanding, and so
on.
There were mixed feelings about
comrade Farzad’s proposal on Hopi
and it was agreed to look at this in
more depth at the AGM l
13
worker 1039 December 18 2014
weekly
Left Unity
How not to run a party
NC member Yassamine Mather reports on the December 13 meeting
Doing politics, but how differently?
S
tarting a new party is a challenge
at the best of times. However,
in the current political climate,
with the tide flowing in favour of the
right, at a time when the working
class is facing defeats and setbacks,
when some of the recruits to the
new party have a vivid memory of
discrimination, abuse of centralism
and cronyism in the organisations they
have left, “doing politics differently”
is an admirable ambition.
But this is not an easy task, as Left
Unity national council members and
national officers are well aware. After
all, we are dealing with comrades
whose experiences on the left have left
them bruised, suspicious and wary of
any form of structure, discipline and
centralism ... However, by now it
should be clear to most of those trying
to deal with the day-to-day work that
the party’s current constitution just
does not work.
A large national council (almost
70 members if you include officers,
regional and caucus representatives)
might appear democratic on paper, but
when only half at most of the elected
members attend any given meeting,
such a body cannot be expected to play
the role it was designed to fulfil.
In addition the rotational executive
committee has its own problems. I
argued and voted against a rotational
EC membership at the first meeting of
the NC and I am glad to see others have
come to the same conclusion. There is
clearly a lack of continuity with an EC
membership that changes from month
to month, so it is good that the NC
voted to change the format from March
2015. The next NC meeting will elect
from within its own ranks permanent
members of the executive committee.
So what was intended as a superdemocratic solution to the problem
of representation has proved to be
hopelessly flawed. Some of us had
assumed the officers hold regular,
maybe weekly, meetings to deal with
ongoing issues - in effect working as
a central committee (without using
the term for fear of being seen as just
like the old left ...). If I understood it
correctly from a comment made by
Andrew Burgin, that is not the case.
We are left with a situation where most
decisions are left from one EC to the
next and from one NC to the next. In
the meantime everyone who has a
grievance blames the national officers.
This includes everything from disputes
in branches to problems with appeals,
from negotiations with other political
parties to Facebook comments made
by this or that NC member.
Having said that, I agree with Simon
Hardy that this last meeting of the
national council of 2014 had “some
good points about it”. Firstly, he said,
there is “a growing recognition of the
problems in terms of organisation and
structure” in Left Unity. The lack of a
regularly meeting leadership is “clearly
a major obstacle to us getting organised
and taking forward decisions from the
NC and EC”. He is also right to point
out that it is impossible to deal with
more than a couple of substantial items
from the long agenda for NC meetings
in five hours once every three months.
In addition the NC (not the EC) has
to deal with motions left over from
national conference - there will be an
extra meeting of the NC in late January
or early February to deal with this.
Then there are motions proposed by
branches and sent to the NC, which
are to be found at the bottom of the
agenda. Usually there is not enough
time to deal with them. In fact the next
regular NC meeting will start with
motions submitted by branches and
not previously discussed.
The items that took most time on
December 13 were related to the 2015
parliamentary and council elections.
A number of branches have indicated
their intention to nominate candidates.
In each case a number of issues have
to be considered: the strength of the
local branch, its ability to canvass
opinion before making a final decision
regarding a particular constituency or
council ward, the costs involved ...
During the discussion Toby
Abse spoke against coming to any
agreement with the Green Party and
I agree with him. The Greens have an
appalling record in office - especially
in Brighton, where they control the
council that imposes cuts and austerity.
As far as I am concerned, they have
never been nor can they ever be
considered a party of the left and there
is no reason why we should cooperate
electorally with them. Clearly many
on the national council disagree with
this assessment. The NC decided to
advise one LU branch wishing to stand
in a Green-targeted seat in the local
elections to canvass opinion and look
for an alternative ward. One comrade
reminded the meeting that LU is not
standing in elections to win, but to
speak to the class; not to talk about
austerity, but to discuss the causes of
austerity. So how can we explain our
politics if we refuse to stand against
parties implementing austerity?
The meeting discussed the draft
manifesto and introduction prepared
by Tom Walker. We have decided that
the manifesto should only contain
items from resolutions passed by an
LU conference, and the comrade had
done a very good job of keeping to the
letter and the spirit of the resolutions.
The proposed draft is reasonably
short and a number of amendments
were proposed: to emphasise the
anti-racist character of the party, for
example, and to affirm a woman’s right
to control her own body. Although
national conference did not have
time to consider motions on the UK
constitution, a number of comrades
suggested we need to add sections on
democracy and it was agreed that we
add a sentence emphasising the fact
that LU is opposed to the monarchy,
supports the abolition of the House of
Lords and favours reducing the voting
age to 16.
Next came the much awaited report
from the disputes committee. I am not
sure of the time line it covered, but
it did not include the case involving
the suspension of Laurie McCauley,
a Communist Platform supporter,
in Manchester. However, the report
detailed a number of disputes that
had positive outcomes - branches had
merged, problems had been resolved
… Details of the cases reported show
that hearing only half of the story is
clearly not the best way of finding out
what is going on. Yet this is precisely
what has happened because of the
disputes committee’s insistence on
‘confidentiality’. As I said at the NC,
none of these case have remained
‘confidential’: instead of a proper report
being issued (be it without identifying
the individuals in more sensitive
cases), a distorted version of the story
has almost invariably appeared on
social media. It is in fact the secrecy of
the DC and the appeals committee that
has fuelled speculation about dozens
of unresolved disputes, feeding claims
and counterclaims of unfair, secret
trials - all of which is detrimental to
the party’s reputation.
For all members of LU to have
confidence in the disputes committee,
it is not sufficient for it to be
impartial and determined to resolve
all issues fairly. It should be seen to
do so, and this cannot be achieved
without transparency. The right of
those suspended while investigations
are taking place has to be stipulated.
The national council has a duty to
oversee the work of the DC and
the appeals committee and report
back to conference, but this has
not happened so far - apparently to
protect members in sensitive cases.
However, simple, practical measures,
including the use of initials rather
than full names when, for example,
there are security concerns, can help
us achieve this.
In a climate of mistrust, at a time
when the entire left has been affected
by the crisis in the SWP, “doing politics
differently” requires transparency.
In the days of social media and the
internet, it is counterproductive to
deal with disputes in secret. We ought
to do such things differently from the
SWP l.
[email protected]
Fighting fund
Christmas and 16 pages
“J
ust doing what is necessary,”
writes comrade JS in
response to a ‘thank you’ for his
£60 donation. That’s an excellent
way of looking at it, comrade!
He was one of several comrades
who sent us a hefty sum via PayPal
this week. The others were DS
(£50), KI (£40), TB and FS (£20
each), and HJ (£10). Thanks to one
and all. Then there were cheques for
£30 from PL and £20, added to his
subscription, from RD, plus, last but
not least, a total of £135 in standing
orders (AD, DW and MM being the
regular donors in question).
All that adds up to £385 and
it takes our total for this, the final
fighting fund for 2014, to £904.
That means we still need £756 in
just under two weeks if we’re to
make our £1,750 target. The big
problem, of course, is that things
like that tend to get forgotten over
the Christmas period - especially
as you won’t have me to remind
you again until January 8. That’s
right: this is the last Weekly Worker
of the year - we’re about to start
our annual two-week winter break.
But I would really love to end
2014 on a high. It would be great
to report not just the success in
reaching that elusive £1,750, but
the fact that we have made up for
last month’s £65 shortfall too!
That would really be the icing
on the cake to mark a year of
achievement, including the switch
to full colour on the front and back,
and a few 16-pagers - not least the
issue you’re reading right now!
But if we’re to continue in that
vein we need to make the full
£1,750 regularly. So here’s an
idea for those comrades looking to
make a new year resolution: how
about setting up a standing order
starting in January 2015? Be like
JS and do what is necessary!
On behalf of the entire Weekly
Worker team, let me wish all
readers an enjoyable Christmas
and a happy new year l
Robbie Rix
Fill in a standing order form
(back page), donate via our
website, or send cheques,
payable to Weekly Worker
14
December 18 2014 1039 worker
weekly
LRc
Not in the Weekly Worker
Stan Keable of Labour Party Marxists attended the AGM for Greater London
A
ccountability was at a minimum
at the Greater London Labour
Representation Committee
annual general meeting on December
13. Minutes were not available of
the previous AGM, nor even of the
previous meeting. There was no annual
report of work, no reports from those
who held posts during 2014, and no
summary of facts and figures about
membership and branches.
However, I understand that the
Brent and Harrow branch is still
holding weekly discussion meetings
and is busy campaigning on housing
issues, as well as mobilising people in
protests against zero-hours employers.
Although it was previously said that
Brent and Harrow was the only
functioning branch within London,
I am pleased to note that Hackney
branch has surfaced again: Jeremy
Corbyn MP recently addressed a
meeting there of nine on international
issues - hopefully a step towards a
more consistently active branch.
Greater London LRC itself is more
like a branch of the organisation, rather
than a regional committee of delegates
from across London, as had been the
aim back in 2010. Efforts to build
a network of local branches failed:
a number were formed, but quickly
withered away. So the meetings still
consist of individual members, not
representatives.
Consequently, the AGM was in
fact open to all LRC members in the
Greater London area, who would
have had a vote if they had turned up
- but, given the low level of advanced
publicity, many of them may have been
unaware of the meeting, or may not
have realised that it was open to them,
rather than for delegates. The email
circular did not explain this, and I never
saw the meeting even mentioned on
the Left Views Facebook page, nor on
the London LRC email discussion list.
In the event, there were 18 comrades
present, if we include the single Young
Labour activist who dropped in for part
of the meeting.
Perhaps worst of all with respect to
accountability, no report was given of
the deliberations of the first national
committee meeting since conference despite the presence of several leading
NC members: namely Graham Bash,
Andrew Berry, Mick Brooks, Michael
Calderbank, Simon Deville, Norrette
Moore and Mike Phipps. Given the
stressful battles over the election of
London officers (see below), which
occupied most of the three-hour
meeting, one could be forgiven for
thinking these comrades had turned
out more for the purpose of preventing
the election of LRC bête noire Graham
Durham as London organiser and
fellow oppositionist Judith Atkinson
as London delegate to the NC than
for building the LRC in London or
advancing the Socialist Campaign for
a Labour Victory, which conference
voted to support.
Unfortunately, I was unable, for
personal reasons, to attend and report
on the December NC meeting - its
first since the November national
conference. So, like most of the several
hundred LRC members in Britain, I
am in the dark about the alleged
‘complaints commission’ (or whatever
its correct name is) set up by the NC to
deal with disciplinary matters and the
“bad behaviour”, which is supposedly
“driving people away” from the
organisation. Or whether the NC set
about systematically allocating tasks
to implement conference decisions - an
acknowledged failure of the 2014 NC.
The customary NC report of work was
missing from national conference too.
The one thing which was reported
Our movement needs frank and open discussion
from the December NC meeting
was its decision to sponsor John
McDonnell’s February 15 pre-general
election conference of the Labour
left, and to seek sponsorship from
individuals and other organisations,
such as the Campaign for Labour Party
Democracy, in order to give the call
for Labour left unity around socialist
policies the “broadest” possible basis.
That is a self-defeating method,
of course, as trying to get the party
‘centre’ on side in order to defeat the
right wing necessarily means watering
down a socialist programme.
As I said in discussion, we need
socialist MPs to act as ‘tribunes of
the people’ to give leadership to
the coming mass struggles against
capitalism, but a capitalist Labour
government will be counterproductive
for the struggle to rebuild the workers’
movement and to re-educate it in the
politics of socialism. Our fight must be
to end capitalism - which necessarily
requires socialist organisation across
Europe at the very least - not for tried,
tested and failed Keynesian capitalism.
Very bad
I would like to thank all those
comrades who have assured me
that the bureaucratic “LRC culture”
proposals put before conference by
the NC, but ignominiously withdrawn
before the vote, were “never about
you, Stan”, and had not been intended
to curb my reporting or my alleged
“misrepresentation” - a baseless
accusation which, needless to say,
has never been substantiated or
made specific. But neither has it been
withdrawn. So, one must assume,
Andrew Berry still believes that my
report of the November NC meeting
in Liverpool was a “deliberate attempt
to undermine the LRC”. Perhaps
the comrade doesn’t take his own
words seriously, and believes such
an irresponsible accusation can be
irresponsibly forgotten.
If the clauses forbidding, on pain of
expulsion, “wilfully misrepresenting
the views of the LRC, its elected
national bodies or officers,” etc were
not aimed at curbing reporting of
LRC meetings, perhaps they were
aimed at excluding comrade Graham
Durham - about whom some NC
members continually complain in
email and Facebook discussions. In
that case, apart from being a proverbial
sledgehammer to crack a nut, the
attempt to eliminate the opposition on
the basis of generalised accusations
of bad behaviour has spectacularly
backfired. Graham has now been
elected London organiser.
Although the censorship proposals
were withdrawn, the desire for secrecy
still festers. Some leading comrades
still behave as if socialist politics are
about secret, behind-closed-doors
decisions by those who know best,
rather than the transparency and
openness necessary to draw the masses
- or even the members - into our work.
What else am I to think when, at the
end of the London meeting, I was
approached by Graham Bash and
Mike Phipps and told, like a naughty
child: “If any of this appears in the
Weekly Worker that would be ...”
(pregnant pause while Mike considers
what to say next) “...very bad”. So,
thankfully, there was no actual threat
of disciplinary action; but evidently
Graham and Mike would like London
LRC to be as secret and unaccountable
as the first NC meeting. Why on earth?
Both comrades are undoubtedly very
hard working and self-sacrificing.
Political secrecy undermines their
effectiveness. I believe their opposition
to openness is a self-inflicted wound.
Lack of honest reporting and
commentary, about the discussions
and decisions in the meetings of our
leading bodies, is an important factor
inhibiting the involvement of the
LRC rank and file and the growth of
the organisation. Comrade Lois from
Hackney expressed her frustration at
not being privy to the real political
differences of opinion underlying
the hostility that was evident during
the election of officers at the London
AGM. There was plenty of friction, she
said, but the political arguments were
not out in the open. So any newcomer,
or someone like herself who had not
been attending recently, could not
fathom the underlying hostility. And,
she added, “it always seems that only
a small group makes the decisions”.
Elections
Although the email announcing
the meeting set a deadline for
nominations, this innovation was set
aside by chairperson Judith Atkinson
(with no objections), and nominations
for all posts were invited from the
floor. First to be elected was Judith
herself, who was the only nominee for
chairperson. A job-share was agreed
between Graham Bash and Norrette
Moore for the key job of London
secretary, and it was agreed to drop
the post of treasurer as superfluous
- the London organisation does not
normally handle money and has access
to central funds when necessary.
When it came to the post of London
organiser, there were two nominees:
Graham Durham versus retiring 2014
organiser Steve Ballard. Comrade
Durham asked that each candidate
present their views before the vote,
which chair Judy agreed, and - as in
Labour Party councillor selections - we
were invited to ask questions, so long
as the same question was put to each
candidate. It was all about aspirations
for the future, as no-one could point to
anything concrete that London LRC
had done during the past year - and,
obviously, comrade Ballard’s year in
post had not made a difference to that.
Comrade Durham, on the other hand,
was able to point to the lively Brent and
Harrow branch, which he had helped to
build, and promised to promote active
branches which will “campaign on the
street against the coming destruction
of adult social services and children’s
services, and the record levels of cuts
and closures coming this year, after the
general election”. He added: “There
should be at least 10 London branches,
and 20 nationally.”
Then we had question time.
Michael Calderbank kicked off, asking
the candidates to “give an undertaking
not to campaign against LRC policies”
- to which Steve answered “No”, he
could not give such an undertaking,
while Graham simply said “Yes”.
Norrette Moore, who has played the
role of moderator of the LRC’s online
discussion, asked if the candidates
accepted her role. Both candidates
replied negatively. Graham answered
that she had refused to circulate
details of specific campaigning actions
which he had posted, and Steve said
she should not have been placed in a
position to make such decisions.
In turn, I asked two questions: “Are
you a member of the Labour Party?”
and “Do you agree that the LRC should
campaign for all socialists to join the
Labour Party in order to change it?”
It emerged that not only is Steve not
a member, but he regards the struggle
to win socialist policies in the party as
a lost cause, while Graham has been a
member for 44 years and is committed
to bringing socialists into the party: “I
know many people who want to join
the Labour Party, but will not come in
so long as Tony Blair is still a member.”
From the candidates’ replies in
these hustings, Graham Durham was
clearly the best candidate for London
organiser, in the interests of building
the LRC and raising its profile. But the
vote was tied at five each (with several
abstentions), with several - not all - of
the leading NC members desperately
voting for comrade Ballard, simply to
defeat comrade Durham at all costs.
But Judy Atkinson resolved the tie in
favour of comrade Durham by using
the presiding chairperson’s casting
vote - her second vote for comrade
Durham. This controversial decision
was upheld after Rail, Maritime and
Transport union veteran (and now
vice-chair) Carol Foster confirmed
that this was standard practice in
the RMT. A motion from Andrew
Berry declaring “No confidence in
Graham Durham” was declared “not
competent” (after all, he had just
been elected, and objections to his
candidacy could have been made
during the hustings session), and
a motion from Simon Deville and
Andrew Berry of “No confidence in
the chair” was then defeated when
the meeting voted 9-4 in favour of
next business.
‘Next business’ was the election of
two vice-chairs, for which there were
three candidates. However, Steve Ballard
decided to withdraw, after which Labour
Briefing editorial board member Simon
Deville and Brent and Harrow activist
Carol Foster were unopposed.
Next came a surprising controversy
over the election of London’s
representative on the LRC NC.
Chairperson Judy Atkinson claimed
that she had been elected London
rep at a previous meeting and was
already in post until the next AGM;
she therefore ruled that the post was
not up for election. Whatever may
have happened at a previous London
meeting a couple of months ago (sorry,
I do not know the facts), this was an
intolerable infringement of democracy.
Understandably, Michael Calderbank’s
motion of “No confidence in the chair”
succeeded this time, by eight votes
to three, and vice-chair Carol Foster
took over for the rest of the meeting.
Andrew Berry was then elected NC
rep by seven votes to Judy’s five, and
comrade Keith Dunn was elected
unopposed as deputy NC rep.
At the end of the meeting, the
thorny procedural question - whether
a vote of no confidence can unseat a
chairperson permanently, or can only
challenge the ruling in hand - remained
unresolved. But Judy Atkinson was
reinstated as London chairperson by
six votes to five.
Frustrating as these shenanigans
may be, nevertheless a difficult meeting
resolved all issues through discussion and
votes and, importantly, the acceptance of
majority decisions - essential if the LRC
is to survive and flourish l
15
worker 1039 December 18 2014
weekly
grammar schools
Social mobility, my arse
Dominated by middle classes
I
t is an interminable feature of
mainstream media discussion of
education that, at some point, the
subject of grammar schools will arise,
or it will otherwise be shoehorned
into the news cycle at any vaguely
appropriate moment: exam results,
reports on stagnant social mobility,
house prices in school catchment
areas and so on. For the right, the
loss of most grammar schools in
the UK over the period 1965-75,
beginning with the issue of ‘circular
10/65’ (which initiated the process of
transforming most such institutions
into comprehensive schools) and
ending with the Education Act 1976
(which largely completed the process),
was a disaster, and it is commonplace
for them to make nostalgic appeals as
part of an argument for their return.
The reintroduction of grammar
schools, you see, would be very good
for ‘social mobility’ and most of all for
the working class.
Such claims stand up so little to
scrutiny that even figures on the right
disagree - The Daily Telegraph has
prominently featured anti-grammar
views in its opinion pages (one such
piece is entitled ‘Grammar schools and
the myth of social mobility’1), whereas
rightwing social democrats will often
adopt the opposite position and demand
their return (‘We got it wrong on
grammar schools’, reads the headline
over an article by James Bloodworth
on The Independent website2). Thus the
views of properly modern reactionaries
(and contrarian, ‘modernising’ social
democrats) cannot simply be assumed
on the matter, despite the predictable
biases still holding, on average, over
the left-right split. But the views of
the reactionaries of nostalgia, however,
such as the UK Independence Party,
are far more predictable.
For Ukip, grammar schools are far
more part of an overall vision of ‘the
good old days’ before those dastardly
‘metropolitan elites’ went and ruined
everything. Therefore their support for
such schools as official policy is far
more undiluted, far more ideological
and irrational, and driven by a rosetinted, petty bourgeois vision of a
fictitious past, which appears more
authentic and more certain than the
present. This past was, of course, far
more brutal than the vision of long
summers, foaming beer, penny licks,
women knowing their place, and so
on than Ukip tends to present both to
itself and to the outside world, but this
is neither here nor there for them and
their supporters.
For what it is worth, Nigel Farage
has declared that his party wants to see
“a grammar school in every town” and,
as is typical of the party of fake antielitism, this is presented as the best
way for ‘bright’ working class children
to fulfil their potential, and to lift
themselves securely into a prosperous,
middle class life, and occasionally
even reach the capitalist class proper.
This is the ‘social mobility’ argument
- ‘social mobility’ being something
very important that we do not have
enough of. There has been much
fretting in the bourgeois press that
there may even be a crisis of social
mobility! Indeed, such arguments form
the cornerstone of the case presented
by the open supporters of selective
education - obviously, arguments for
the segregation of children according
to class background simply cannot be
made, and we doubt if even many of
the supporters of grammar schools
think of themselves as advocating such
a system. The arguments regarding
social mobility thus appeal to left and
right, and are made by both, but they
are both spurious and dangerous.
In the first place, it is simply stupid
to suppose that the principal problem
with the capitalist mode of production is
that it is hard for working class children
to grow up to manage FTSE 100
companies, and that all would be well
with the world if only this was the case.
The same argument can and is also made
in various other ways - if only enough
women were in business, if only there
were more Asian faces on company
boards, and so on. Poverty in the face
of unimaginable wealth, exhausting
working hours, unemployment, climate
change, imperialism and war - all
these are just ‘technical’ malfunctions
of capitalism, just like the ‘technical’
difficulties of getting working class
people into the corridors of economic
and political power. This is the liberal
ideology of meritocracy.
In the second place the historical
association of grammar schools with
social mobility is also false. To the
extent that social mobility was higher
during the post-war period, this was
the result of the massive expansion
of the world economy and the full
employment witnessed in industrial
countries, thanks to the post-war
capitalist boom. It was the historically
unusually high demand for labour
post-1945 that pulled many workers up
from the shop floor into administration
and management, regardless of
whether it was a ‘secondary modern’,
comprehensive or grammar school that
they attended - though in all cases the
effect was amplified, the further up
you went. The ending of the boom
preceded the decline in social mobility
that has continued as a trend to the
present day, and is universal across the
most developed capitalist countries,
regardless of the education system.
The dangerous part of the argument
is that grammar schools are manifestly
intended to achieve a split in the
working class which divides it against
itself, which functions as a means of
ideological incorporation for a lucky
few, which further divides mental from
manual labour and which represents
an attempt to solidify and stratify the
working class under an educational
regime, in addition to the various
degrees of intra-class differentiation
and polarisation that occur as a matter
of course in the labour force. Today,
it is dubious whether such a system
corresponds to the actual needs of
capital any more, hence it has been
picked up so vigorously by the
nostalgia reactionaries of Ukip, while
the reintroduction of grammar schools
is opposed by most mainstream
politicians, Tories included. But might
part of this be down to other reasons?
The social background of the pupils
in the remaining grammar schools is
overwhelmingly middle class, as it was
during the time in which they formed a
much larger part of a clearly stratified
education system. Thus one might have
expected that the abolition, in large
part, of grammar schools would have
negatively affected and angered the
middle classes to such an extent that
any party seeking their support would
have to include in its programme a
policy for their reintroduction. But
this is not the case.
What is the case, as noted by
Bloodworth, is that the middle class
and better-off elements of the working
class have managed perfectly well to
secure a higher standard of education
for their offspring without grammar
schools through the system of house
price premiums in the locality of
‘good’ state schools. Thus the poorer
sections of the working class are de
facto excluded from the best state
schools, which obtain their results
not as a product of ‘super teachers’
with inhuman teaching powers, but
precisely because of the accumulation
of children with literate, supportive
parents (‘pushy’ and ‘helicopter’
parents included), who are reasonably
comfortably off.
It turns out that capitalism is, unless
one strives to overturn it completely, a
bit like a game of whack-a-mole, and
its problems and contradictions will
simply be displaced somewhere else
following the introduction of reform
palliatives. For Bloodworth - and, in
its own confused way, for Ukip - this
is actually a reason to bring grammar
schools back, but for communists
such an outcome is hardly surprising
and points to the need for a more
thoroughgoing social transformation
- one which creates a world fit for all
children to live in and an education
process fit for all of them.
Instead of juggling with the
contradictions of capitalism, the aim must
be to supersede them once and for all l
Mike Copestake
Notes
1. http://blogs.telegraph.co.uk/news/
timwigmore/100220161/grammar-schools-andthe-myth-of-social-mobility.
2. http://www.independent.co.uk/voices/comment/
with-rates-of-social-mobility-stagnant-itstime-to-admit-we-got-it-wrong-on-grammarschools-8448381.html.
What we
fight for
n Without organisation the
working class is nothing; with
the highest form of organisation
it is everything.
n There exists no real Communist
Party today. There are many socalled ‘parties’ on the left. In
reality they are confessional sects.
Members who disagree with the
prescribed ‘line’ are expected to
gag themselves in public. Either
that or face expulsion.
n
Communists operate
according to the principles of
democratic centralism. Through
ongoing debate we seek to achieve
unity in action and a common
world outlook. As long as they
support agreed actions, members
should have the right to speak
openly and form temporary or
permanent factions.
n Communists oppose all
imperialist wars and occupations
but constantly strive to bring
to the fore the fundamental
question - ending war is bound
up with ending capitalism.
n Communists are
internationalists. Everywhere
we strive for the closest unity and
agreement of working class and
progressive parties of all countries.
We oppose every manifestation
of national sectionalism. It is an
internationalist duty to uphold the
principle, ‘One state, one party’.
n The working class must be
organised globally. Without
a global Communist Party,
a Communist International,
the struggle against capital is
weakened and lacks coordination.
n Communists have no interest
apart from the working class
as a whole. They differ only in
recognising the importance of
Marxism as a guide to practice.
That theory is no dogma, but
must be constantly added to
and enriched.
n Capitalism in its ceaseless
search for profit puts the future
of humanity at risk. Capitalism
i s s y n o n y m o u s w i t h w a r,
pollution, exploitation and crisis.
As a global system capitalism
can only be superseded globally.
n The capitalist class will never
willingly allow their wealth and
power to be taken away by a
parliamentary vote.
n We will use the most militant
methods objective circumstances
allow to achieve a federal republic
of England, Scotland and Wales,
a united, federal Ireland and a
United States of Europe.
n Communists favour industrial
unions. Bureaucracy and class
compromise must be fought and
the trade unions transformed
into schools for communism.
n Communists are champions
of the oppressed. Women’s
oppression, combating racism and
chauvinism, and the struggle for
peace and ecological sustainability
are just as much working class
questions as pay, trade union rights
and demands for high-quality
health, housing and education.
n Socialism represents victory
in the battle for democracy. It
is the rule of the working class.
Socialism is either democratic
or, as with Stalin’s Soviet Union,
it turns into its opposite.
n Socialism is the first stage
of the worldwide transition
to communism - a system
which knows neither wars,
exploitation, money, classes,
states nor nations. Communism
is general freedom and the real
beginning of human history.
The Weekly Worker is licensed by November
Publications under a Creative Commons
Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International
Licence: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/
by-nc/4.0/legalcode.
ISSN 1351-0150.
worker
weekly
No 1039  December 18 2014
Truce had
its origins
in class
Reabsorbing solidarity
The 1914 Christmas truce has been thoroughly sanitised by the establishment, argues Paul Demarty
T
owards the beginning of this year,
Michael Gove - then secretary
of state for education - penned a
bizarre op-ed in the Daily Mail, blaming
the generally poor reputation of World
War I on ‘lefties in the media’ and
singling out the trench-set last season
of Blackadder for special criticism.
Gove’s intervention was widely
mocked; it was one thing to offer
patriotic bromides in the immediate
wake of the slaughter, but there are
100 years of historiography in place
now, and the leftwing “myths” Gove
sought to ‘correct’ (primarily that the
war was characterised by catastrophic
military misleadership) are simply the
commonplaces of rightwing history
nowadays. Even Niall Ferguson, that
atrocious and incompetent Tory boy,
weighed in to say that entering the war
was a mistake for Britain.
Having failed to revive selfdeluding, retrospective jingoism, the
government was rapidly forced back to
plan B, so far as commemorations go throwing weight behind the orthodox
‘lions led by donkeys’ line, in which
the monstrous human cost of the war
occurred in spite of the courage and Fraternisation called the slaughter into question
tenacity of ‘our boys’, and was instead
due to strategic ineptitude on the part clasped fraternally, set in a metal been made safe for the establishment:
of the military brass.
outline of a football, couched in the it certainly was not at the time. This
This is not, to be sure, the sort of usual vagaries of glorious historical spontaneous outbreak of festive
story a conservative wants to tell about apology: “It really is the most solidarity was received most angrily by
the great men of his nation; but it is fitting culmination of the Football the proverbial ‘donkeys’; shelling was
a more than acceptable compromise Remembers programme, and will ordered to commence immediately the
with the raving lefties, who refuse to serve as a permanent reminder of one next morning, to stop anyone else from
let the 17 million dead lie quietly in of the key moments of World War I,” sticking his head out of the trench,
their graves. It is a story of the salt of said the Duke of Cambridge.
and fraternisation was subject to an
the earth triumphing against adversity;
Mawkish as that ceremony was, enormous clampdown.
the spirit of tenacity and valour that it surely cannot compare to - of
As well it might be. It is
a good Tory associates with ‘British all things - a Christmas advert for overwhelmingly the working masses
values’. Rupert Brooke’s ‘The soldier’ Sainsbury’s. A big-budget, two-minute who end up in trenches. The rise of
tells the tale:
extravaganza, the ad plays the story vast combinations of those masses completely straight, only ending with a whether in trade unions or socialist
If I should die, think only this
Sainsbury’s logo and a message about political parties on a scale seldom
of me:
how good it is to ‘share’ (provided, matched before or since - was a
That there’s some corner of a
one assumes, you are sharing things significant concern in the political
foreign field
that were purchased at Sainsbury’s). life of all belligerent countries: most
That is for ever England. There
Quite apart from being clunky and particularly Germany, where the Social
shall be
unimaginative, there is something Democratic Party numbered in the
In that rich earth a richer dust
especially nauseating about the way millions, but also in Britain, which
concealed;
that the events of Christmas 1914 had just seen the election of the first
A dust whom England bore,
are not tied explicitly to the joys of tranche of Labour MPs. If Tommies
shaped, made aware,
‘buy one, get one free’ matchmakers exchanged words, gifts and throughGave, once, her flowers to love,
for Christmas 2014 - it is almost as balls with Johnny Foreigner, what
her ways to roam,
if an earnest holocaust documentary would be next? The Christmas truce
A body of England’s, breathing
was cluttered with product placement was not a football match - it was an
English air,
for Coca-Cola.
act of working class rebellion.
Washed by the rivers, blest by
From its official sanctification by
“One of the key moments of World
suns of home.
those two ugly artefacts of British War I,” says prince William, and
post-imperial decadence - the perhaps he is right. Yet we cannot resist
It is in this context that we must celebified monarchy and the big- indulging in some counterfactuals,
view the ‘festive’ commemorations budget Christmas advert - we may however much better such idle
currently being bludgeoned over our surmise that the Christmas truce has exercises suit the likes of Niall
heads: it is time to remind ourselves
of the Christmas truce! For those who
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- we are approaching the centenary
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unveil a trite memorial - two hands
Ferguson. What if the soldiers had not
taken up arms again, had refused to
obey orders to begin shelling? What if
the SPD and its sister parties had not
sold out (and the Labour Party - well had not been the Labour Party) and the
lines had been riddled with agitators?
We cannot imagine the war could
have continued much longer; it would
be the subject only of academic history,
like countless other ‘small wars’, and
not of Ben Elton sitcoms or Govian opeds. The death toll would have stopped
at hundreds of thousands, instead of
millions. It may even have been the
prelude to revolution in Europe those soldiers returning home, fired
up at having prevented a slaughter
whose scale they would never have
had to contemplate, and asking serious
questions of those who would have fed
them into the mincer.
In the event, the donkeys won out.
Years of total war hardened nationalist
instincts, which, along with the alert
suspicions of officers, made future
episodes of this kind unlikely, to the
point that - famously - the pointless
bloodletting continued more or less up
to armistice day, when the final defeat
of the central powers was inevitable.
Thus began the history of
Hobsbawm’s “short 20th century”,
with the October revolution and
the rise of fascism the most direct
results; and thus also the tentative
reabsorption of this episode into the
national narratives of the victors.
The response of the artistic avantgarde of the early 20th century was
a precursor - the war was represented
as unrepresentable, a direct encounter
with hell itself, glimpsed in the image
of the traumatised returning soldier,
who turns up in everything from Mrs
Dalloway to the paintings of Otto Dix.
While, for the high modernists, the
great war was a spiritual catastrophe,
for ruling class propagandists (and,
presumably, the marketing department
at Sainsbury’s) it was an episode of
adversity, in which the British proved
their essential courage. What both
these views have in common is their
excision of the war from wider history.
It is quite understandable that artists
should respond to the war in such a
way; mustard gas killed world views
along with soldiers.
For our esteemed establishment, the
base motive is plain enough: it is a fine
thing to concede that the war was not
prosecuted efficiently by its organisers,
so long as attention is diverted from
its causes and motive forces. ‘Good’
wars, after all, are bloody too - the
American civil war was a war to end
the crime of human slavery in the
south, and constituted something like
a social revolution. It, too, was fought
brutally, often ineptly, at enormous
human cost and to the total exhaustion
of the conquered.
During World War I millions of
people were exterminated, many in the
most barbaric ways - for what? For the
right to divide the ill-gotten spoils of
empire, to exploit and brutalise those
in the colonies. On the German side,
it was a last-ditch attempt to get in on
the action; on the British, a last-ditch
attempt to forestall an accelerating
decline. Neither side, in those terms,
won: in the second round, come 1945,
Britain’s hopes of maintaining global
supremacy were destroyed, and the
whole practice of formal colonial
subjection was dealt a death-blow
(with one or two exceptions).
What makes the foot soldiers of two
opposing armies, who have been busily
killing each other for months, wander
out into no man’s land? It was not the
‘spirit of Christmas’, or the fun of team
sports. It was the deeper understanding
that the two sides have a lot in common:
and - dare we imagine? - the lingering
question, as they bury their dead: what
on earth it was all for l
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