P2JW073000-4-A00900-1--------XA CMYK Composite CL,CN,CX,DL,DM,DX,EE,EU,FL,HO,KC,MW,NC,NE,NY,PH,PN,RM,SA,SC,SL,SW,TU,WB,WE BG,BM,BP,CC,CH,CK,CP,CT,DN,DR,FW,HL,HW,KS,LA,LG,LK,MI,ML,NM,PA,PI,PV,TD,TS,UT,WO THE WALL STREET JOURNAL. Saturday/Sunday, March 14 - 15, 2015 | A9 **** OPINION THE WEEKEND INTERVIEW with J. Patrick Doyle | By Stephen Moore How Pizza Became a Growth Stock The secret? The Domino’s CEO cites a mea culpa ad campaign, digital delivery and unlikely new markets. change of menu will require new ones. That is about $10 million of extraneous costs nationwide for Domino’s. Thank you, Washington. Other than that, Mr. Doyle is having a good day when I visit him at the Domino’s world-wide headquarters in Ann Arbor, Mich. And a very good year, with sales up 12% in the past quarter alone. The headquarters are a few miles up the road from where the original Domino’s Pizza opened in 1960. Mr. Doyle, who is 51, is tall, stocky, affable and appropriately a Michigan man through and through, having grown up in Midland and earned a degree at the University of Michigan. In his five years as CEO, annual sales have climbed to $9 billion from about $2 billion. Some 250,000 workers wear a Domino’s uniform and sell roughly one billion pizzas each year. During the Super Bowl, Domino’s was taking a dizzying 1,400 orders a minute. Making pizzas may not be the sexiest business—though it’s a $125 bil- hour, they now earn $80,000 to $100,000 by operating a franchise. Many have become millionaires. “This is absolutely a story of upward mobility in America.” If he were economic adviser to the president, what reforms would he recommend to accelerate growth and hiring? Without hesitation he says: “Simplify the corporate tax. It’s a killer. We pay 38% at Domino’s.” He’s including state and local taxes, but that’s a huge burden, especially given that many large corporations pay below 10%. “Just get rid of all the loopholes—and make it fair with a broad base and lower rates.” Then he adds, only halfkidding: “No one in Washington ever woke up and said ‘let’s have a loophole for pizza makers.’ ” Sounds like he needs a lobbyist. One of Mr. Doyle’s biggest worries is that the Domino’s franchise-owner model—which is also used by thousands of other retail and restaurant stores—has come under assault from trial lawyers, unions and the National Labor Relations Board. These groups want to treat a Domino’s or Popeyes franchise store and the parent company as “joint employers.” This would mean a locally owned store with a few dozen staff would still have to comply with, for instance, the ObamaCare rules that only apply to firms with more than 50 workers. Seattle passed a minimum-wage law last year that treats franchise restaurants as big businesses that must pay a super-minimum-wage that phases up to $15 an hour. “You’ve got 20 million people today employed in the franchise industry in the U.S. Part of why small business owners want to be in a franchise is because they’re getting support from each other, and they’re getting support and ideas from a company. Franchise stores have dramatically higher success rates than people who are just doing it all on their own,” Mr. Doyle says. “Why destroy a model that is almost uniquely American and has been a tremendous success for 50 or 60 years? This would be horribly detrimental.” Mr. Doyle is optimistic about the world economy and how the digital revolution will continue to lift living standards for billions in the coming decade. Even in sub-Saharan Africa per capita incomes are growing at 5% annually. “I’m a free trader. I just believe in my core that free markets, technology, innovation, cheap energy and globalization will be triumphant and will make people better off.” They will also, not coincidentally, make people order more pizzas on their smartphones. Ken Fallin H ere’s a question that has been puzzling Patrick Doyle, the CEO of Domino’s, for months, as he puts it: “How do we list the calorie content of our pizzas on a menu when we have 34 million different variations of pizza?” The new menu labeling law, a creation of the Affordable Care Act, could require his company to do just that. It’s a textbook case of a mindless and arcane regulation, of Washington bureaucrats imposing on businesses costs that will have no effect on public health. “We’ve been voluntarily doing menu labeling for over a decade,” Mr. Doyle says. “We even have an online calorie calculator we call the ‘Calo-Meter’ for every possible pizza order, and it tells customers what happens if they substitute, say, sausage for mushrooms, because we strive to be very nutrition-conscious.” That isn’t good enough for the feds. The Food and Drug Administration is now insisting that every one of the chain’s 5,000 stores post menu boards on the wall with calorie counts. “It’s crazy and it doesn’t help consumers,” Mr. Doyle says, because “90% of Domino’s orders arrive by phone or Internet and are for delivery, so fewer than one of 10 customers will ever see these signs.” The signs will cost about $2,000 at every store, and each lion world-wide market. But while investors obsess over finding the next Facebook, the share price of Domino’s has soared from $13 in 2010 to just over $100 today. It has been among the top performing stocks in the Fortune 100. Mr. Doyle has helped take the company global, with stores operating in 80 nations and expansion plans throughout Asia. In sales, Domino’s is now the No. 1 restaurant chain in India. Sub-Saharan Africa is also among the company’s fastest-growing markets, with a billion people and a growing middle class. “We’ve discovered Africans love pizza,” he says. “They order them on their mobile phones.” Things weren’t always flying so high in Ann Arbor. Mr. Doyle became CEO after two of the company’s worst years, and sales were still sliding. One of his first decisions was to take an unorthodox approach: “We held a series of focus groups with consumers and we discovered that people hated the pizza. So we ran these TV ads featuring Americans complaining about how bad Domino’s pizza tasted.” Then Mr. Doyle appeared on screen with an apology and promise: “We hear you America. Sometimes you know you’ve got to make a change. Please give us another try.” He adds with a laugh that the one thing in his career that impressed his children was when they were in a New York restaurant and comedian Amy Poehler spotted him and shouted, “Hey, you’re the pizza guy.” In the three months following those ads, Domino’s had its fastest rise in sales in company history. “I think consumers really appreciated that we were direct and honest with them,” he explains. That ad campaign is now considered a textbook crisismanagement story, with its lesson in honesty as a best commercial policy. Domino’s is also riding the digital revolution. “In a lot of ways we’re really a technology company,” Mr. Doyle says. “We’ve adapted the art of pizzamaking to the digital age. Globally, we’re already at a run rate of about $4 billion of digital sales.” He adds that digital drives sales by making ordering easier and more efficient, and saves money on bad orders because customers “take their own orders so they make fewer mistakes.” His goal is to have every iPhone in the world equipped with a Domino’s app, and the company is working with Ford Motor Co. on a voice-activated technology that will let motorists order a large thin-crust pepperoni with onions while driving home from work. The atmosphere at company headquarters feels more like Silicon Valley than a fast-food company. Most employees here are computer programmers and technicians monitoring in real time what people are ordering, how long it is taking to fill an order, and the online complaints and comments that stream in. Their mission is to streamline the pizza-making process from the time the order arrives to when the pie is handed off at the customer’s front door. If the goal is delivery in 30 minutes or less, every innovation that shaves 10 or 15 seconds is a major money saver when you’re selling a billion pies a year. Although the Domino’s menu also includes such things as sandwiches, pasta and chicken wings, 80% of its sales are pizzas. Mr. Doyle is unconditionally bullish on the U.S. economy. “The big story since the recession is that American households and businesses have become lean and efficient and have paid down debts. Consumers finally have money and they are starting to spend it,” he says. Meanwhile, as the head of one of the nation’s biggest employers, Mr. Doyle sees the effects of what he calls a “tightening of the labor market” firsthand. “Frankly, right now, it’s getting harder and harder to hire. We have shortages of truck drivers and delivery people.” Such real-world experience makes Domino’s a barometer of sorts. “My take is that the official statistics are underestimating the strength of the labor market. Look, it has been a long, slow recovery. We’re now six years into it and we’ve finally reached the ‘We’ve discovered Africans love pizza,’ Patrick Doyle says. ‘They order them on their mobile phones.’ point where there seems to be more demand for labor than there is trained supply.” For job seekers “that is great news, right?” As for those who fret that only the rich are getting richer and upward mobility isn’t possible, Mr. Doyle says they should pay more attention to what happens at Domino’s. “Over 90% of our 900 franchisees started as an hourly worker in the store,” he says. “Most of them started as delivery drivers at minimum wage. They work their way up. They become a manager. Then they come in, they apply to buy a store.” So from earning $7 or $8 an Mr. Moore is a senior fellow at the Heritage Foundation. Corporate Giveaways Are Not a Good Deal for North Carolina Fifty-five of the articles addressed the impact of targeted tax incentives, and the results are not encouraging. More than 70% of studies found that incentives either did not substantially contribute to economic performance or produced mixed results. The McCrory administration has pledged nearly $300 million to companies that promise to create 15,356 jobs by 2026. If the past is predictive, those promises will fall short. The left-of-center policy group the North Carolina Justice Center reported last month that from 2002-13 the state canceled 60% of grants “after recipient firms failed to honor their promises, with even higher rates of failed projects in the rural and most economically distressed areas.” By Melvyn Krauss D Corbis The state lured Chiquita Brands headquarters to Charlotte with $20 million. After a buyout last fall, the new owners plan to move. In 2011, $20 million of state money helped lure Chiquita Brands headquarters from Cincinnati to Charlotte. But after a buyout completed last fall, Chiquita’s new owners plan to close the headquarters, and community leaders are now working to recover as much money as possible. There are other steps lawmakers can take that are much more likely to boost the economy: Ensure the delivery of high-quality services such as schools and roads while lowering costs, flattening taxes and repealing unnecessary regulations. North Carolina has moved in this direction since the GOP took control of the state legislature in 2011. Reform- ers replaced a three-tiered personal income tax with a 5.75% flat tax. They cut the corporate income tax over two years to 5% from 6.9%. The legislature passed a law that will soon legalize hydraulic fracturing for oil and gas, and it enacted a sunset provision that requires periodic review of existing regulations. The state economy will reap the benefits of these changes for years to come. The results are already promising: North Carolina has added roughly 200,000 net new jobs over the past two years, according to federal data. That translates into a growth rate of 5%, much better than averages for the Southeast (3.4%) and the nation as a whole (3.9%). In December 2012, the month before Mr. McCrory took office, North Carolina’s unemployment rate was 8.9%, a full percentage point higher than the national average. By December 2014 it had dropped to 5.5%, one-tenth of a point below the national average. Corporate incentives have a lousy record of boosting economic growth. Instead of getting distracted by the clamor, Mr. McCrory and state leaders should focus on making North Carolina the best place in the country to do business—and the jobs will follow. Mr. Kokai is director of communications at the John Locke Foundation, a free-market public policy think tank based in Raleigh. QE Could Spur Reform in the Eurozone oubts about European quantitative easing persist despite its early successes in the markets, particularly in devaluing the euro in foreign exchanges. Skepticism centers on the so-called free-rider problem— that the more heavy lifting European Central Bank President Mario Draghi does, the less European politicians will do to promote essential structural reforms. Even Mr. Draghi agrees that monetary policy by itself cannot produce sustainable growth. But if the free-rider argument were correct, you would expect the severe economic pressure of the past several years on the eurozone periphery countries—Portugal, Italy, Greece and Spain—from deflation and stagnation to have generated structural reforms. That has not happened. The pressure Composite R to play that game, period.’ ” That claim deserves a closer look. The John Locke Foundatison released a report in April summarizing the results of more than 680 peer-reviewed journal articles that studied how state and local policy affects economic growth. has been there but the reforms haven’t. Why should taking the pressure off stymie reforms when putting the pressure on hasn’t encouraged them? Pressure is only part of the story. Structural reform is costly in the short run. Countries under severe economic pressure may be unable to afford structural reforms even if they understand their longer-term benefits. It’s like people who believe they can’t afford to go to college. They know that they will likely suffer in the long run because of a lack of a college education, but they don’t have the money. Now, however, by fighting deflation and anemic growth, the ECB’s quantitative easing makes reform more affordable. This happens in two major ways. The first is by devaluing the euro. Before a single bond was bought by the ECB, the dollar value of the euro dropped to $1.08 from $1.40. That’s a big move—and it came in anticipation of the program and not because Mr. Draghi is a good salesman, which he is. The second way is that QE should lower interest rates on periphery debt, reducing the interest rate costs of financing the peripheries’ budget deficits. The most direct way this happens is by ECB purchases of periphery bonds. But there are other indirect channels by which QE can affect periphery interest rates. By signaling investors that the ECB is serious about fighting deflation and stagnation, QE should reverse the “safe haven” flow of funds into Germany. This should raise interest rates in Germany and reduce them in the peripheries. Interest rates in the periphery also could benefit from German banks trying to escape negative interest rates P2JW073000-4-A00900-1--------XA Raleigh, N.C. epublican Gov. Pat McCrory is making the case for one of the few policies that unite progressives and tea partiers in anger: corporate tax incentives. For years, North Carolina, like many states, has had a system under which the governor can dangle targeted tax breaks and cash grants in front of companies considering relocating to the state. The current pot of money CROSS for these corCOUNTRY available porate incentives, $30 By Mitch million authorized in Kokai mid-2013, is about to run dry. Mr. McCrory is urging state legislators to authorize more funding, and to that end the state House passed the N.C. Competes Act 88-29 on March 5. The bill is now up for debate in the Senate. The most controversial section of the bill would increase the amount available for the governor to award this year by $15 million. If that sum sounds relatively modest by government standards, consider two points. First, each new grant can last up to 12 years, meaning the extra $15 million could increase the program’s payout by $180 million. Second, North Carolina has already issued more than 200 grants since 2002 that will deprive state coffers of an estimated $157 million in the next two budget years alone. The legislature’s fiscal researchers say total outstanding liabilities for corporate incentives approach $1 billion. If the Senate doesn’t act, the governor would no longer be able to offer grants effective Jan. 1, 2016. The bill that cleared the House would extend the program for four years. That is a long-term commitment—and a lot of money. Proponents argue that other states are playing the corporate incentives game, and businesses have become accustomed to trading tax cuts for jobs. “There is no question that incentives are the first box that is checked by anyone looking at North Carolina,” the state’s commerce secretary, John Skvarla, testified. Lawmakers, even ones lukewarm to the proposal, seem to have bought into this message. “A lot of us don’t care for incentives,” one of the bill’s primary sponsors, Rep. Susan Martin, said during committee debate. But, she added, “we’re not in a position where we can just say, ‘We’re not going and possible insolvency in a conventional scramble for higher yield. Affordability by itself may still not be enough to spur structural reform. Periphery politicians must have powerful incentives to overwhelm the conventional free-rider disincentives. The basket case that is Greece, the ultimate reform laggard, should be incentive enough. No country wants to be in Greece’s shoes. Its unemployment tops the eurozone at 25% and the Greek economy is falling apart as it bargains for a better deal from creditors. If the Greeks leave the eurozone, they will go through hell. If they stay, they also will go through hell. What other periphery country would want that? Mr. Krauss is a senior fellow emeritus at Stanford University’s Hoover Institution. MAGENTA BLACK CYAN YELLOW
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