- The 11th Conference of AIDA
انًؤحًز انحادٌ عشز نهزابطت انذونُت نذراطت انههجاث انعزبُت
بىخارطج
2015 ياَى/ أَار28-25
THE 11th CONFERENCE OF AIDA
BUCHAREST
MAY 25-28, 2015
LA 11e CONFÉRENCE D‟AIDA
BUCAREST
25-28 MAI 2015
Abstracts Résumés يهخصاث
Prepared
by
George Grigore
&
Gabriel Bițună
Published by:
© Center for Arab Studies
Pitar Moş Street n o 7-13, Sector 1, 010451, Bucharest, Romania
Website: http://araba.lls.unibuc.ro/ Phone: 0040-21-305.19.50
2
Index of speakers
Index des auteurs
A
● Soha Abboud Haggar
● Ahmet Abdülhadioğlu
● Yaşar Acat
● Mahmut Ağbaht & Werner Arnold
● Jordi Aguadé
● Faruk Akkuş
● Saif Abdulwahed Jewad AlAbaeeji
● Saleh Alabdullatef
● Hafid Ismaili Alawi
● Yousuf B. AlBader
● Muntasir Al-Hamad
● Adnan Shibeeb Jasim Alhameedawi
● Ahmad Al-Jallad
● Mona A. AlShihry
● Ward Aqil
● Jules Arsenne
● Lucia Avallone
● Andrei A. Avram
B
● Abbes Bahous
● Peter Behnstedt
● Alex Bellem
● Najat Benchiba-Savenius
● Karima Benheddi
● Montserrat Benítez Fernández
● Adam Benkato & Christophe Pereira
● Najah Benmoftah,
● Saïd Bennis
● Marwa Benshenshin
● Simone Bettega
● Gabriel Bițună
● Fida Bizri
● Aziza Boucherit
● Mehrez Boudaya
● Farouk A. N. Bouhadiba
● Bachir Bouhania
● A.S. Réda Boukli-Hacene
3
ٍَفهزص انًحاضز
C
● Dominique Caubet
● Letizia Cerqueglini
● Guram Chikovani
● William Cotter
D
● Ines Dallaji & Ines Gabsi
● Luca D‟Anna
● Francesco De Angelis
● Emanuela De Blasio
● Zoubir Dendane
● Joseph Dichy
● Emilie Durand-Zuniga
E
● Karim Farok Ahmed El-Kholy
● Kamal El Korso
● Moha Ennaji
F
● Paule Fahmé-Thiéry
● Khalid Mohamed Farah
● Ioana Feodorov
● Daniela Firănescu
G
● Aharon Geva Kleinberger
● George Grigore
● Smaranda Grigore & Jonathan Owens
● Narine Grigoryan
● Elisabeth Grünbichler
● Jairo Guerrero
H
● Atiqa Hachimi
● Moin Halloun
● Mbarek Hanoun
● Ashraf Hassan
● Qasim Hassan
● Nancy Hawker
● Sam Hellmuth & Rana Almbark
● Roni Henkin
4
● Bruno Herin
● Uri Horesh & William Cotter
● Bohdan Horvat
I
● Ștefan Ionete
J
● Salem Mohammed Jafsher
● Najib Ismail Jarad
● Otto Jastrow
● Safa Alferd Abou Chahla Jubran & Felipe Benjamin Francisco
● Jidda Hassan Juma‟a
K
● Najla Kalach
● Elie Kallas
● Boutheina Khaldi
● Mustapha Khiri
● Maciej Klimiuk
● Maarten Kossmann
● Mario Kozah
L
● Cristina La Rosa
● Thomas A. Leddy-Cecere
● Jérôme Lentin
● Aryeh Levin
● Diana Lixandru
● Christopher Lucas
M
● Alexander Magidow
● Emanuela Magrini
● Ahmad Makia
● Stefano Manfredi
●Yafit Marom
● Lucía Medea-García
● Reem Mehdoui
● Gunvor Mejdell
● Marcin Michalski
● Karlheinz Moerth & Daniel Schopper & Omar Siam
5
N
● Amina Naciri-Azzouz
● Shuichiro Nakao
● Aldo Nicosia
O
● Abdellah Cherif Ouazzani
● Ahmed-Salem Ould Mohamed Baba
P
● Victor Pak
● Maria Persson
● Yulia Petrova
● Tornike Pharseghashvili
● Stephan Procházka
R
● Oleg Redkin & Olga Bernikova (2 papers)
● Jan Retsö
●Veronika Ritt-Benmimoun
● Gabriel M. Rosenbaum
●Judith Rosenhouse
● Judith Rosenhouse & Sara Brand
● Sergii Rybalkin
S
● Nabila El Hadj Said
● Lucie San Geroteo
● Jason Schroepfer
● Apollon Silagadze & Nino Ejibadze
● Ana Silkatcheva
● Romain Simenel & Evgeniya Gutova
● Lameen Souag
● Tatiana Smyslova (Savvateeva)
● Laura-Andreea Sterian
● Phillip W. Stokes
● Mehmet Hakkı Suçin
● Mehmet Şayır
T
● Catherine Taine-Cheikh
● Shabo Talay
● Fathi Salam Terfas
● Fathi Salam Terfas & Imen Chaif
6
● M. Faruk Toprak
● Zviadi Tskhvediani
● Michael Turner
V
● Ángeles Vicente
● Marijn van Putten
W
● David Wilmsen
● Manfred Woidich
Y
● Sumikazu Yoda
● Attia Yousof
● Islam Youssef
Z
● Liesbeth Zack
● Magdalena Zawrotna
● Karima Ziamari & Alexandrine Barontini
7
Abstracts Résumés يهخصاث
A
Egyptian proverbs in al-Shaykh al-Tantawi‟s short stories
collection written in Russia in the 19th Century
● Soha Abboud Haggar
University of Madrid, La Complutense
As I‘m ending the edition and the linguistic and folkloric study of the
collection of short stories written by al-Shaykh Muhammad Ayyad al-Tantawi (d.
1861), I considered suitable to share with the AIDA Assembly three more stories
that were not included in my previous paper on the same manuscript, published in
the proceedings of Pescara (Italy) in 2014.
The three stories I‘ve selected were written by al-Shaykh al-Tantawi to
explain 3 Egyptian colloquial proverbs to his Russian students in St. Petersburg
University. To reach his goal, the azhari teacher invented the tale that concluded
with the proverb.
In my presentation I‘ll summarize those short stories with their colloquial
proverb and I‘ll shed light on their interesting folkloric and linguistic particularities.
Mardin Night Stories and their Role in Preserving the Dialect and the Culture
● Ahmet Abdülhadioğlu
Mardin Artuklu University
In the pre-classical age of Arabs (i.e. Ğāhiliyyah), the themes of legends,
superstitions and tales were the main themes in the Arabic stories. During the
Abbasid dynasty, the stories improved and by means of the Persian and Indian
impact, they developed in a different way as it is seen in works such as ―One
Thousand and One Nights‖, ―Kalila wa Dimna‖, and so on.
In Mardin, a storyteller told stories of Antarah, Bahlul and Nasreddin Hodja
in a way that people were affected emotionally. This way of storytelling continued
till the 1980s, and it played an important role in preserving the dialect and culture.
Apart from these, there were stories in which they mentioned imaginary characters
and legends such as ―The Rock of the Shepherd‖.
8
In this paper, some stories from the Mardin region shall be presented and
analyzed from a cultural and linguistic perspective.
A Comparative Study of Common Elements in Contemporary Anatolian
Arabic Dialects
● Yaşar Acat
Şırnak University
In this study we have examined common features of the Arabic dialects
spoken in Turkey in the frame of the comparative typology of Otto Jastrow. There
are three areas, in Turkey, where Arabic dialects are spoken, namely Mersin-AdanaHatay, Urfa and Diyarbakir-Mardin-Siirt. The Arabic dialects of each of these areas
belong to a different branch of Arabic: to Syrian sedentary Arabic, to Bedouin
Arabic and to Mesopotamian sedentary Arabic.
The linguist M. Swadesh has prepared a list of a hundred words in order to
point out the kinship of the languages. Through a comparative analysis, this article
aims to point out the common features in the Anatolian Arabic dialects. To achieve
this end, M. Swadesh‘s list has been applied to dialects of Mersin-Adana-Hatay
region, the Urfa region and the Diyarbakir-Mardin-Siirt region, and the results are
interpreted accordingly.
The Arabic Dialects of Diršāya and Darsūni Compared
● Mahmut Ağbaht
Ankara University
and
● Werner Arnold
Heidelberg University
Darsūnī is a village situated five kilometers from the capital city of the
province of Hatay. It consists of an upper part called Darsūnī and of a lower part
called Diršāya. The inhabitants of the two quarters speak a typical Alawi dialect
which is characterized by the preservation of old *q and the monophthongization of
aw > ō and ay > ā in closed syllable. Both dialects have extraordinary pausal forms
which differ between Darsūnī and Diršāya. To give one example, old verb final -i is
lowered to -a in Diršāya but diphthongized to ēy in Darsūnī:
Diršāya: ḥmāti > ḥmāta#
Darsūni: ḥmāti > ḥmātēy „my mother in law‟
Our presentation will focus on similarities and diffirences between these
two dialects.
9
The modern Arabic dialect of Tangiers (Morocco)
● Jordi Aguadé
Universidad de Cádiz
The scope of this paper is a diachronic outline of the Arabic dialect spoken
in the North Moroccan town of Tangier. Concerning this dialect we have an
important number of data covering a gap of more than hundred years, in other
words, from the time when Tangier was a small town until today when its
population is estimated at about 670.000 inhabitants (according to the data from the
2004 census).
First and foremost there is the collection of texts with transcription, French
translation and glossary edited and published by W. Marçais (Textes arabes de
Tanger, Paris 1911). Secondly, there are the data collected about 1970 by al-Asaad
and in addition we have some articles about this dialect published in the last twenty
years. Data from these publications are compared with those collected by J. Aguadé
in the last four years among young speakers.
The Arabic Dialect of Mutki-Sason Areas
● Faruk Akkuş
Yale University
This paper presents a range of linguistic data from Sason Arabic (Kuzzi,
Mutki and Purșang, Batman areas) and focuses particularly on the verbal
morphology.
Sason Arabic has the particle kǝ-, k-, similar to k- in Hasköy dialect (Talay,
2001:84) and the verbal modificator kǝl- that Isaksson (2005: 187( notes for the
Sason area. However, I will argue that this particle functions differently. Talay calls
this prefix ‗imperfective past‘ and Isaksson defines it as a particle that ‗before the
perfect marks the perfect tense‘. The example (1) shows that the prefix kǝ- does
really express imperfective past:
(1) kǝ-yayel
‗he was eating/he would eat‘
(2) kǝ-ayal
‗he had eaten‘
Crucially, in addition to the imperfective verb, in SA kə- attaches to the
perfective verb as well and expresses past perfect meaning as in (2). The function of
kə- in (2) shows that it is not just an imperfective past marker. The example
Isaksson gives for his definition is the following:
(2) bōwš kəl-štaġal ingilzġa
‗He has spoken much English‘
(transcription retained)
10
Note that the perfective form of the verb ‗speak‘ is used, hence the reading
expected is ‗he had spoken much English‘, i.e. past perfect, not present perfect, in
traditional sense. One way to test is via temporal adverbials that are used with each
tense. The compatibility of the sentence with ams ‗yesterday‘ shows that the
meaning of (3) should be ‗He had spoken much English‘.
With respect to the copula, the following table illustrates the paradigm:
(3)
Sason
-ye
-ye
-nen
3m.sg
3f.sg
3pl
Hasköy
-wa
-ya
-nne, ne`
Tillo (Lahdo 2009)
-yye
-ye
-nne
Mardin (Jastrow 2005)
-we
-ye
-nne
SA doesn‘t mark gender distinction in positive sentences, but only in negative
sentences (5).
(4) 3m.sg
3f.sg
3pl
muu
mey
mennen
Moreover, different from the Hasköy dialect, the personal pronominal
suffix for the 2nd masculine is -y, not -ək, k.
The paper disccusses various other linguistics properties from the dialect of
Mutki-Sason areas as well, highlighting its peculiar aspects in comparison to other
Anatolian varieties.
Aspects of Grammatical Agreement in Iraqi Arabic Relative Clauses:
a Descriptive Approach
● Saif Abdulwahed Jewad AlAbaeeji
University of Delhi
This paper explores aspects of grammatical agreement in Iraqi Arabic (IA)
relative clauses taking into account some combination of grammatical properties
such as person, number, gender and definiteness that are usually present in
agreement relationships in IA. We identified three types of grammatical agreement
in Iraqi relative clauses, i.e., (i) antecedent – clause agreement, (ii) antecedent –
pronoun agreement and (iii) subject – verb agreement.
This paper demonstrates that the so called Iraqi relative particle (Erwin
2004: 381) ʔilli‗ that/which/who/etc.‘ is nothing but an aspect of agreement in
definiteness exhibited by the relative clause only when the associated antecedent is
definite. This is an instance of (i) above. The paper concludes the status of
resumptive pronouns in IA which is in essence an instance of (ii) above. Finally, the
paper also concludes that when the antecedent functions as both the syntactic and
11
semantic subject of the relative clause, agreement on the verb, pronoun and/or other
elements such as adjectives within the relative clause is realized in accordance with
)that antecedent. While when the antecedent functions as only the logical (semantic
subject of the clause, grammatical agreement is not marked on the verb in
accordance with that particular antecedent. Instead, the verb strictly agrees with its
)syntactic subject, i.e., the subject of the relative clause (whether overt or covert
however, in such cases, pronoun(s) and adjective(s) within the relative clause still
exhibit agreement in accordance with the antecedent of the clause and Thus,
satisfying the requirement of tying the clause grammatically to that particular
antecedent.
عالقت نهجت َجذ انًظخعًهت انُىو بانهغت انعزبُت انقذًَت
فحٌف ذٓ ػرذ جٌؼض٠ض انعبذ انهطُف ●
)(Saleh Alabdullatef
ؾحِؼس جإلِحَ ِكّذ ذٓ عؼٛد جإلعالِ١س
٠مغ ئلٍٔ( ُ١ؿذ) ف ٟجٌؿض٠شز جٌؼشذ١سِ ٛ٘ٚ ،ؼشٚف ذٙزج جالعُ ِٕز صِٓ لذ ٛ٘ٚ ،ُ٠ف ٟجٌؼقش جٌكذ٠ع ؾضء
ِٓ أسجم ٟجٌٍّّىس جٌؼشذ١س جٌغؼٛد٠س.
ٌٍٙٚؿس ٔؿذ جٌّغطؼٍّس جٌ َٛ١خقحتـ ضطّ١ض ذٙح ،وغ١ش٘ح ِٓ جٌٍٙؿحش جٌّغطؼٍّس ف ٟجٌرالد جٌؼشذ١س،
عٛجء أوحْ رٌه ػٍِ ٝغط ٜٛجٌّؼؿُ جٌٍفظ ،ٟأَ ػٍِ ٝغط ٜٛجألفٛجش ،أَ ػٍِ ٝغط ٜٛجٌطشو١د.
ٚضٙذف سٚلس جٌؼًّ جٌط ٟأسغد ف ٟضمذّٙ٠ح ئٌ ٝجٌّإضّش ئٌ ٝذ١حْ ػاللس ضٍه جٌٍٙؿس ذحٌٍغس جٌؼشذ١س
جٌمذّ٠سٚ ،ذ١حْ أٔٙح رجش أفٛي ػشذ١س ِغطؼٍّس لذّ٠ح ػٕذ وػ١ش ِٓ جٌمرحتً جٌؼشذ١س أ ٚػٕذ لرحتً لٍٍ١س.
ٔ ٌٛٚظشٔح -ػٍِ ٝغط ٜٛجٌّؼؿُ جٌٍفظ -ٟئٌ ٝجٌىٍّحش جٌط٠ ٟغطؼٍّٙح جٌٕحط جٌ َٛ١فٔ ٟؿذ ٌشإٔ٠ح
ػذدج ور١شج ؾذج ِٕٙح ٠شؾغ ئٌ ٝأفً ػشذ ٟلذ ِٓٚ ،ُ٠رٌه ػٍ ٝعر ً١جٌّػحي:
حؿ)٠ ،مِ ٌْٛٛػالِ :حؿ جٌمذس ،أ :ٞغغٍٗ غغال خف١فح٘ٚ .زٖ جٌىٍّس ذٙزج جٌّؼٕٝ
-1
وٍّس ( َمِ َم
ؾحءش ف ٟجٌّؼحؾُ جٌؼشذ١س جٌمذّ٠سِ ،ػً (ٌغحْ جٌؼشخ) الذٓ ِٕظٛس ،لحي ( ِ" :)95/7حفٗ ّٛ٠فٗ ِٛفح:
غغٍٗٚ ،...جٌّٛؿ :غغً جٌػٛخ غغال خف١فح".
وٍّس ( َمٍَِمـ)٠ ،مِ ٌْٛٛػالٍِ :قص جٌٍّؼمس ِٓ ٠ذ ،ٞأ :ٞصٌمص ِٓ جٌ١ذ٘ٚ .زٖ جٌىٍّس
-2
ذٙزج جٌّؼٕ ٝؾحءش ف ٟجٌّؼحؾُ جٌؼشذ١س جٌمذّ٠سِ ،ػً (ٌغحْ جٌؼشخ) الذٓ ِٕظٛس ،لحي ( " :)94/7وً ِح صٌِك
ِٓ جٌ١ذ أ ٚغ١ش٘ح فمذ ٍِـ".
ٚػٍِ ٝغط ٜٛجألفٛجش ٔؿذ أؽ١حء وػ١شز ضشؾغ ف ٟجعطؼّحٌٙح جٌقٛض ٟئٌ ٝأفً ػشذ ٟفك١ف،
فأً٘ ٔؿذ ٠م ٌْٛٛجٌِ َٛ١ػال :ر٠دٚ ،ذ١شٚ ،وحطٚ ،فحس ،ذذال ِٓ :رتدٚ ،ذثشٚ ،وأطٚ ،فأس٠ٚ .مٛي ذؼن:ُٙ
ِكُّ ُ ،ذذال ِِٓ :ؼ٠ٚ ، ُٙمٛي ؾضء ِٕ :ُٙجٌغالَ ػالوُ ،ذذال ِٓ :جٌغالَ ػٍ١ىُٚ ،ػٍّحء جٌؼشذ١س لذّ٠ح روشٚج
٘ز ٓ٠جالعطؼّحٌ ٓ١ف ٟوطر.ُٙ
ٚػٍِ ٝغط ٜٛجٌطشو١د ٔؿذ أْ جٌٍٙؿس جٌٕؿذ٠س ضٍطمِ ٟغ جٌؼشذ١س جٌمذّ٠س ف ٟذؼل ضشجو١رٙح ،ومٌُٙٛ
ِػالِ :كّذ سجـ ٌٍغٛقٚ ،خحٌذ ِح ٘ ٛذكحمشٚ ،ر٘رٛج جٌشؾحي .فٙزٖ جٌؿًّ ٚئْ خحٌفص جٌؼشذ١س جٌمذّ٠س فٟ
ٔطمٙح ٚضشوٙح ٌإلػشجخ ئال أٔٙح ف ٟضشو١رٙح ِؾحذٙس ٌّح ٠غطؼًّ ف ٟجٌؼشذ١س جٌمذّ٠س.
ػٍ٘ ٝزج جٌّٕٙؽ عطغ١ش ٚسلس ػٍِّ ٟغ جٌطفقٚ ً١ضٛغ١ك رٌه ذحٌّشجؾغ جٌؼٍّ١س؛ ٚرٌه ٌر١حْ ِذٜ
ػاللس ٌٙؿس (ٔؿذ) جٌّغطؼٍّس جٌ َٛ١ذحٌٍغس جٌؼشذ١س جٌمذّ٠س.
12
انعزبٍ فٍ انكخابت االطخشزاقُت
ة
انههجاث
● )Hafid Ismaili Alawi( ٌ عهىٍٟ١قحفع ئعّحػ
ؾحِؼس لطش
،س١ؿحش جٌؼشذٌٍٙ ٟي جالعطؾشجلٚحش جٌطٕح١فٛ أُ٘ خقٍٝء ػٛ ٘زج جٌركع أْ ٔغٍو جٌنٟي فٚعٕكح
طؼٍك٠ ذج ِح٠ضكذٚ
جٌّإٌفحشٍٝعٕشوض ذؾىً أخـ ػٚ ،حٙحض١فٛخقٚ حّٙحض١ضمغٚ ؿحشٌٍٙي ٘زٖ جٛذأف
ضش١ّح ضٙألْ ِؼحٌؿطٚ ،س١ح وطد ذحٌٍغس جٌؼشذّٙ أْ ِؼظٌٝ ذحٌٕظش ئ،حِٕٙ س١ٔفح جألٌّحٛخقٚ ،س١جالعطؾشجل
:ح جٌركعٙ١ٍشوض ػ١ عِٟٓ جألعثٍس جٌطٚ .عٕٛذحٌط
ٓ؟١ جعطأغشش ذح٘طّحَ جٌّغطؾشلٟؿحش جٌطٌٍٙ أُ٘ جٟ٘ ِح
ح؟ٙحض١فٛ خقٟ٘ ِحٚ
ُ ضخطٍف؟١فٚ ُ ضطفك ضٍه جٌذسجعحش١ف
.ٗ١فحق جٌركع ف٢ٚ ح ألُ٘ ٔطحتؽ جٌركعٙ١ً جٌؼشك ذخحضّس ٔؼشك ف٠عٕزٚ
Quadriliteral Verbs in the Spoken Arabic of Kuwait
● Yousuf B. AlBader
The University of Sheffield
The study presents some reflections on the morphology and semantics of
quadriliteral verbs in Kuwaiti Arabic. The data were mostly gathered in Kuwait City
between 2012 and 2014, but there is also some local published material on the
dialects of Kuwait from which the quadriliteral verbs have been gleaned. The result
is that the quadriliteral verbs are consistently on the increase. As for their origin, it
was found that the quadriliteral roots in Kuwaiti belong to three major categories:
a)
Indigenous roots which may be traced to triliteral or quadriliteral
roots (of verbs and nouns) in Classical Arabic;
b)
Borrowed roots, mostly denominative, from contact non-Semitic
languages, like Persian, Turkish, French, and mostly, English;
c)
Native creations, mostly mimetic-onomatopoetic, with no or only
an obscure relationship to (a) and (b).
In common with several other Arabic dialects, Kuwaiti has a rich inventory
of quadriliteral verbs on various templates. Along with the structurally similar
Pattern II of the triliteral verb, the quadriliteral template CaCCaC is the most
productive verb type in Kuwaiti dialect, e.g., baḥlag ‗to stare with eyes wide open.
Quadriliterals of the CaCCaC type may be passivised or reflexivised by the
prefixing of ti- or ta-, e.g. taʿarbak ‗to become, get entangled‘. Other attested
patterns in the dialect include:
a)
b)
c)
(t)CāCaC
(t)CōCaC
(t)CēCaC
e.g. tsāsar ‗to whisper to one another‘
e.g. bōbaz ‗to squat, hunker down‘
e.g. tfēxar ‗to brag, parade, show off‘
13
-
Furthermore, a number of denominative examples have been assimilated
into the phonology and morphology of Kuwaiti dialect, yet which are clearly
derived from relatively recently foreign borrowings. For instance,
a)
b)
c)
d)
sansan ‗to blow one‘s nose‘ (< English ‗sneeze, sinus‘)
tmakyağ ‗to put on make-up‘ (< French ‗maquillage‘)
kalbač ‗to handcuff‘ (< Turkish ‗kelepče‘)
nēšan ‗to hit a target‘ (< Persian ‗nēšān‘)
The Impact of Diglossia on Heritage Learners of Arabic as a Foreign Language
● Muntasir Al-Hamad
Qatar University
This study examines the diglossic features occur in the language production
of an Arabic heritage language learner (HLL).
An average HLL faces a dynamic context of rich multiplicity of the Arabic
dialects spoken, polyglossic variety, bilingualism prevalent among rising Arab
youth and the domination of English in the world today.
The corpus of this study was collected in a supplementary school in
Manchester of a sample of 20 learners at B1/B2 level of the Common European
Framework of Reference for Languages (CEFR) studying Arabic through the
Jordanian Government textbook for Arabic Language. These learners responded to
various structured activities and tests to examine the grammatical, phonological,
and semantic domains.
Although this study will deal with the diglossic features, yet it will be
divided into two main parts, the first is the diglossic features by presenting a
stratification of the levels of Arabic, which would lead to the multiplicity of the
Arabic dialects spoken in various parts of the Arab world which are reflected in
immigrant Arab communities in the West. The second part of this study will pay
attention to remarks on bilingualism. These two linguistic phenomena are prevalent
among rising Arab youth in the West.
The early finding of the data collected suggested that there are the
following language transfer used different translational activities including:
borrowing, abbreviation, style-shifting, code-switching... etc.
As expected that the context plays a major part in this study, therefore the
implications and recommendations of the study are quite relevant to a language
context similar to where the study was conducted.
This study aims to make it possible for educators and administrators to
reach HLLs and address their learning specific needs.
14
The Influence of the Semitic languages on the Iraqi Dialect
● Adnan Shibeeb Jasim Alhameedawi
University of Baghdad
This research deals with the influence of the Semitic languages on the Iraqi
dialect and environment. There are several Semitic languages that existed in Iraq
since ancient ages, beside the other parts of the Iraqi society. They had a role in the
culture and the Iraqi civilization. This aspect influenced the culture of the Iraqi
people, so we can find many words in the Iraqi dialects like (gzaz, tarish, ashtimer,
gat, bithil, tbiliah, zuri, shrugi, brakh, saglah, tamrikh, cha, buri, masguf, falak,
tirga‟ah and others). The Semitic languages were in Mesopotamia since ancient
ages, so they influenced the Iraqi society and they had a clear role in Iraq.
The Semitic languages were languages to the ancient Iraqi peoples like,
Sumerians, Akkadians, Arameans, Nabatians, Mandaecs, Jews, Assyrians and
Arabs. Therefore we can say that the Iraqi society is a mixture of those peoples.
There were several peoples mixed with each others, but we find that some of these
peoples have dwelt until now. The Nabatians melted among Iraqi society especially
after the coming of Arabs to Iraq, but Syrians and Mandaecs kept their culture,
folklore and language. Through the history, Syrians shared with the other peoples
the different fields of the life, so we can look at their influences in all these fields.
Semitic peoples are the original people of Iraq, they lived in this country before
Arabs, and we cannot forget that there are many Semitic peoples that have lived in
Iraq, if we may ask ourselves, where did they go? They melted in the society for
many reasons like the treatment of the new people or the press of the new
governments or the regard of the Bedouin clans that came to live in Iraq. In the final
analysis we can say that Semitic peoples are the original people of Iraq and they
shared their country under all circumstances; also they influenced the Iraqi society
through the folklore, dialect and others. Actually there are many vocabularies
transferred into the Iraqi Arabic dialect.
A new Old Arabic inscription in Greek letters:
Evidence for case inflection in the pre-Islamic period and other linguistic
observations
● Ahmad Al-Jallad
Leiden University
A newly discovered pre-Islamic graffito from Wadi Salma (northern
Jordan) contains seven lines of Old Arabic written in Greek letters. The short text
attests several important linguistic features, including the preterite use of the short
prefix conjugation, a voiced realization of *ṣ, and a productive accusative case.
Given the informal nature of its composition and contents, the inscription stands as
an important witness to vernacular Arabic from the pre-Islamic period.
15
The Emergence of a New Linguistic Style in Saudi Arabia
● Mona A. AlShihry
University of Texas at Austin
There is an established tradition in sociolinguistics to categorically attribute
variation to ethnographic factors like gender and race. However, this approach does
not sufficiently describe gradient variation at the inter- and intra-speaker levels, nor
does it explain processes of spread (Eckert 2008).
This paper explores these aspects of language variation by examining one
variable that is characteristic of a linguistic style employed by a growing number of
young women in Saudi Arabia.
The variable in question is the pronunciation of two distinct morphological
units in identical phonological environments: final (-ah) in the Arabic feminine
morpheme /-ah/ ~ /a:/ and the third person singular masculine suffix /-ah/ ~ /u:/. In
the speech of these women, the variable is produced by deleting word-final /-h/
while lengthening the preceding vowel (compensatory lengthening) in words like
/bukrah/, realized as [bukra:] and /innah/, realized as [innu:] (AlShihry 2013). I have
also observed that this style of speech, which appears to be spreading, has been
adopted by several male YouTubers as well.
The corpus for this study consists of the recordings of several young
famous Saudi YouTube vloggers and podcasters. The research attempts to postulate
a sociolinguistic interpretation for the use of this variable by examining inter-gender
variation. A follow-up experiment examines the attitudes of Saudi youth toward the
persona using this variable via a perception experiment designed to elicit its
indexical value or values (Eckert 2000).
The Use of the Preposition ˁala in Palestinian Arabic Compared to Standard
Arabic
● Ward Aqil
The Academic Arab College – Haifa
This lecture introduces the use of the preposition ˁala in Palestinian Arabic
(PA) compared to Standard Arabic (SA).
The usage of ˁala is well spread in SA and in Arabic dialects in general,
including PA, but it is possible to find a coherence difference between the two
levels of Arabic in using ˁala.
Classical Arab grammarians and modern researchers in SA introduce the
several meanings and uses of ˁala, and noticed that the main meaning of it is ―on/
above‖ (See, for example, Ibn Yaesh: 4, 496-499 and Fischer: 162-164).
On the other hand, PA researchers mentioned ˁala as a preposition and
never considered differences between its usage in PA and its usage in SA (See, for
example, Spoer & Nasrallah Haddad: 17).
16
In addition to the meaning of ―on/ above‖ and other meanings of ˁala in SA,
it can be used in PA in the meaning of ˀila in SA, as clear in the following example:
PA: rāḥ ˁala l-bēt
SA: ḏahab-a ˀila l-bayt-i
EN: He went to the home
The lecture introduces several examples and uses of ˁala in PA, including
its use in the meaning of ˀila, in comparison to the uses of it in SA.
Part of the lecture introduces idiomatic patterns in PA containing ˁala, like:
rāḥat ˁalēk (i.e. you have lost).
Le parler arabe de Jnanate (Maroc)
● Jules Arsenne
LaCNAD-INALCO – Paris
Dans le cadre du Projet International de Coopération Scientifique (PICS) La
montagne et ses savoirs, j‘ai été amené, aux côtés des ethnobotanistes Younès
Hmimsa (chargé de recherche à l'Université Abdelmalek Essaadi de Tétouan) et
Malou Delplancke (chercheur au Centre d‘Ecologie Fonctionnelle et Evolutive de
l‘Université de Montpellier), à réaliser une enquête de terrain dans les montagnes du
Rif au Maroc. C‘est dans le cadre de ce projet de recherche que j‘ai pu recueillir
huit heures d‘enregistrements dans la variété d‘arabe parlée à Jnanate.
Le village de Jnanate constitue une enclave arabophone dans une région où
le berbère est la langue de communication quotidienne : la région de Beni Bou Frah,
située dans la partie orientale de la chaîne montagneuse du Rif et appartenant au
groupe socioculturel des Berbères zénètes. L‘arabe de Jnanate partage ainsi
certaines caractéristiques linguistiques avec d'autres parlers préhilaliens du Pays
Jbala (Vicente 2000, Moscoso 2003) ; il s‘en distingue également par des
caractéristiques qui lui sont propres. Sa situation géographique aux frontières de la
berbérophonie, son histoire avec différentes périodes d'occupation – notamment
française et espagnole – sont des facteurs explicatifs de son caractère atypique et
hybride. Ce parler n‘a jusqu‘à présent fait l‘objet d‘aucune attention particulière
(Aguadé et al. 1998).
En me basant sur le Questionnaire de Dialectologie du Maghreb (Caubet
2001) et sur le corpus recueilli in situ en février 2014 dans le cadre du PICS, le but
de cette communication est de présenter une esquisse de description de cette variété
d‘arabe : éléments de phonétique et de phonologie, de morphologie, de syntaxe et
de lexique. Le corpus récolté permettra également de mettre en évidence des
variables linguistiques existant entre les parlers féminins et les parlers masculins de
différentes générations (Messaoudi 1999). Cet exposé permettra notamment de
contribuer à la connaissance des parlers montagnards du Maroc.
17
Spelling variants in writing Egyptian Arabic, a study on literary texts
●Lucia Avallone
Università degli Studi di Bergamo
Egyptian Arabic is the spoken vernacular for the most populated Arab
country. It is also a form of written communication in informal genres, for instance
chats, blogs, emails etc., and in more traditional genres such as novels, short stories,
poetry, and theatre. Although the current systems of online communication have
seen it emerge as a relevant phenomenon in recent years, the vernacular writing is
not a novelty in the modern age. From the last decades of the 19th century onwards,
Egyptian literature has offered several cases of works written in vernacular. This
paper presents some results of a study carried out in a diachronic perspective on
literary texts belonging to different genres and discourse modes, in search of words
written according to different spellings, to identify variants, to compare them, and to
evaluate their common and diverse elements. Indeed, comparing the practice of
writing Egyptian Arabic, which has not been codified as a literary means, some
noteworthy features emerge not only from the lexical and morphological choices of
authors but also from the graphical representation of this language variety, allowing
the description of a framework of variants which could be considered as a basic
corpus in a possible operation of normalizing the vernacular orthography.
On the developmental stage of Gulf Pidgin Arabic
● Andrei A. Avram
University of Bucharest
Gulf Pidgin Arabic is still relatively poorly documented (for general
descriptions see Smart 1990, Wiswall 2002, Avram 2013b, 2014), in spite of an
upsurge of recent publications on varieties spoken in specific territories (Almoaily
2008, Al-Azraqi 2010, Albakrawi 2012, Almoaily 2013 and 2014, El-Shurafa
forthcoming – on Saudi Arabia; Salem 2013 – on Kuwait; Yammahi 2008 – on the
United Arab Emirates; Næss 2008 – on Oman; Bakir 2010 – on Qatar).
A matter of some debate in the literature (see Almoaily 2008, Næss 2008,
Almoaily 2013, Alghamdi 2014, Almoaily 2014, Versteegh 2014) is whether Gulf
Pidgin Arabic is still a pre-pidgin/minimal pidgin/jargon or rather an already stable
pidgin (in accordance with the developmental stages posited by Mühlhäusler 1997).
While previous work has mostly focused on the morpho-syntactic features of Gulf
Pidgin Arabic to establish its developmental stage, the present paper also examines
evidence from the phonology and vocabulary. The issues covered include: (i)
phonology (see also Avram 2013b and 2014) – the reduction of the inventory of
vocalic and consonantal phonemes and of phonological contrasts; (ii) morphology –
reduplication and compounding; (iii) syntax – categorial multifunctionality (see also
Avram 2012, 2013a, Bakir 2014, Al-Shurafa forthcoming), tense and aspect
marking (see also Bakir 2010, Avram 2012, Versteegh 2014), negation, word order,
18
coordination and subordination; (iv) vocabulary (see also Avram 2013b and 2014):
polysemy, lexical hybrids, synonymy, reanalysis of morphemic boundaries,
circumlocutions. The findings are assessed in light of the criteria suggested by
Mühlhäusler (1997) for determining the developmental stage of pidgins.
B
On Some Aspects of Melhun in Algerian Arabic and its Teaching in a
Translation Class
● Abbes Bahous
University of Mostaganem
Literate or educated Algerians, including University students, often jeer at
their own national literary or artistic productions because of their supposedly low
status vis-à-vis Classical Arabic or MSA ones, considered as canonical. The case of
Melhun poetry taught in class reveals a cultural or sociological inferiority complex
vis-à-vis the Arab East (Machreq) supposedly the source of knowledge in Arabic.
Moreover, this stance deepens when rendering such poems into say English, a
Western language.
This paper examines some aspects of Melhun related to lexis and the
students' reactions / attitudes when facing these texts.
The niktib-niktibu issue revisited
● Peter Behnstedt
Independent Researcher
In my talk I will discuss several theories concerning the regional origin of
these famous shibboleth forms of Maghrebi Arabic.
I will talk about my own and Manfred Woidich‘s interpretations as for its
distribution in Egypt. I will discuss the hypothesis of F. Corriente according to
whom the forms have originated in the north of Egypt in the creolized speech of
Yemenites and at a later stage in the dialect of the bedouin Bani Hilāl, forms which
then were brought on two occasions to the Maghreb. I shall adduce evidence that
the forms partially are already attested in dialects of the Arabian peninsula and
therefore must not be necessarily an innovation originated in Egypt. Nor should
they be interpreted within the framework of some kind of a Yemeni Creole. The
larger part of my talk will deal with J. Owens‘ theory who, too, claims an Egyptian
origin of the forms in question and I shall reply to his partly erroneous criticism of
my interpretation (―the Hawwāra hypothesis‖) regarding the modern regional
19
distribution of them in Upper Egypt. I will adduce new material as for the origin of
―Upper Egyptian-3‖, a niktib- nikitbaw dialect, and evoke some Sudanese data.
Consonant identity in Arabic (dialect) phonology: resonance
● Alex Bellem
University of Durham
This paper treats Arabic consonant identity, focusing on resonance (the
elements I, U and A) in consonants, and the different behaviour this evokes crossdialectally. Much of the phonology literature on emphatics assumes that there is one
process involved in back–front contrasts (analysed as tafxīm / ‗emphasis‘ /
‗uvularisation‘), typically approached as if it were one phenomenon occurring in
isolation. I re-analyse the problem with a more holistic, systemic approach which
sees so-called ‗emphasis‘ as part of a broader patterning of consonant identity. Data
is drawn from several varieties of Arabic (Baghdad, Wasit, Damascus, Jerash, Jabal
ʿĀmil) to show how phonological words in Arabic consist of resonance domains
necessarily associated with one resonance quality (I, U or A). The resonance
identity of consonants within a domain is crucial in determining the extent and
spread of these domains, and thus the perception of ‗emphaticness‘ or ‗nonemphaticness‘.
Integral to the analysis is the demonstration that ‗frontness‘ (the I element)
also spreads across domains – a process called imāla (‗inclination‘) by the Arab
grammarians, but generally disregarded in generative analyses of ‗emphasis‘.
However, dialects differ with respect to the presence of an U domain and thus the
blocking effects on the spread of I: trichotomic dialects, such as that of Baghdad,
have three active resonance domains (A, U and I); however, a dichotomic dialect
like that of Damascus does not have U domains, only A and I domains. In a
trichotomic dialect, a domain-final I cannot spread left into a U domain (triggered
by labials and some velars), so different patterns of ‗backness‘ are seen. Tafxīm is
thus not subject to segmental ‗blocking‘ in the sense usually intended, which
implies that tafxīm is an isolated process; rather, this indicates a whole system of
consonant identity whereby every consonant must be associated with a resonance
quality (i.e. in this theory of phonological representations, a resonance element).
The cross-dialectal differences make the issue of ‗resonance‘ in Arabic
sound systems particularly interesting from a typological perspective. Further, it
provides evidence for the evolution of Arabic emphatics and demonstrates how this
aspect of the sound system has developed across dialects.
20
„When French became Moroccan‟ – How a possessive marker changed
nationality in code-switched discourse
● Najat Benchiba-Savenius
University of Oxford
An in-depth analysis of Moroccan Arabic (MA) and English code-switched
discourse shows how the use of the French ―de‖ transformed into a semi
MA/French ―dyal‖ in certain syntactic structures by bilingual MA and English
speakers in the UK. As a possessive marker, ―dyal‖ can only take a direct Moroccan
Arabic suffix in Moroccan Arabic and not in English. In line with Myers Scotton‘s
(1993) Matrix Language Frame Model (MLF), the well-formedness constraint is a
pre-requisite in that ―dyal‖ cannot be used in an ad hoc manner nor can it be
randomly assigned even in general discourse.
Over time, bilingual speakers dropped the French ―de‖ and merged the MA
marker to form ―dyal‖ which is frequently employed by bilingual speakers today
using certain discourse strategies whereby certain linguistic environments allow the
use of this possessive marker and others do not. The frequency, usage and
implications are discussed in this paper, together with an analysis of lexical
insertion and linguistic accuracy used by bilingual MA and English speakers also
highlighted.
Dialect and Taboo words in the Algerian Literature:
The Case of Ors Baghl by Tahar Ouattar
●Karima Benheddi
Naama University Center
The central core of this present research paper is to shed light on the use of
dialect and taboo words in literature. Since, dialect use in literature has long been
rejected by various authors and speakers all over the world; considering it as a
symbol of underdevelopment. Fortunately literary dialect has struggled to maintain
its place in literary world as a helpful tool and important technique that reinforces
the literary text and serves to distinguish between characters stressing on their
cultural and social background. Thus, the novel is considered as a speech
community and it is also affected by social variables, in this case, the only mean to
show the difference between characters and to be realistic is dialect use- As the case
of inn characters in the sample novel Ors Baghl by Tahar Wattar – how can the
reader expect them to use a formal standard language and the inn is the most
adequate place where you are likely to hear taboo, and slang words. The sample
novel is chosen because it is a fertile field that serves the study. Based on a set of
literary, linguistic and sociolinguistic approaches, the available cultural and
linguistic data in the novel have been analysed and interpreted to unveil the real and
21
ordinary life of the novels‘ fictional characters with an aim to rise dialect awareness
among readers and to capture the post independent Algerian era.
Notes sur le sociolecte propre des jeunes d‟Ouezzane
● Montserrat Benítez Fernández
Universidad Complutense de Madrid/Universidad de Granada
La ville de Ouezzane n‘a pas encore attiré l‘attention des chercheurs dans le
cadre de la dialectologie, ce qui n‘est pas le cas d‘autres disciplines (Elboudrari
1985, 1991; Napora 1998, entre autres).
La situation stratégique de la localisation de la ville devrait nous mettre sur
la voie de l'intérêt que cette ville renferme pour les chercheurs en linguistique. Il
s‘agit d'une petite ville située aux contreforts occidentaux de Jbala dont la
population est étroitement liée aux alentours ruraux proches, mais aussi, jusqu‘à très
récemment, elle faisait partie de la province de Sidi Kacem, dans la région de
Kenitra-Chararda-Beni Hssen, favorisant le contact des variétés sédentaires de Jbala
aux bédouines propres de la plaine atlantique.
Au cours d‘une mission de travail de terrain menée récemment dans cette
ville (Février 2014), on a pu observer que l‘arabe d‘Ouezzane montre certaines
particularités dignes d‘une analyse approfondie.
Lors de cette communication, on va présenter les résultats préliminaires
d‘une étude sociolinguistique, encore en cours, sur la population de la ville. Plus
spécifiquement, on va se concentrer sur la description des traits linguistiques de la
génération d‘informateurs la plus jeune ayant participé au travail de terrain
mentionné auparavant.
bda et gʕǝd en arabe de Tripoli et en arabe de Benghazi (Libye)
● Adam Benkato
School of Oriental and African Languages, London
● Christophe Pereira
LACNAD – INALCO – Paris
Généralement, dans les vernaculaires arabes, bda est un auxiliaire à valeur
inchoative alors que gεəd est un auxiliaire à valeur aspectuelle exprimant la
concomitance (le progressif).
Le but de notre communication est de confronter les valeurs et le
sémantisme de ces deux auxiliaires dans deux parlers de Libye : celui de Benghazi
(Benkato 2014) et celui de Tripoli (Pereira 2008, Pereira 2010). Il s‘agira
notamment d‘examiner les autres valeurs que peuvent prendre ces auxiliaires dans
ces deux variétés - dans leurs emplois comme copule par exemple. Il sera en outre
22
question de montrer que ces verbes auxiliaires ne sont pas employés avec les mêmes
valeurs à Benghazi et à Tripoli.
Cette comparaison nous permettra d‘approfondir notre compréhension des
variétés arabes de Libye. D‘un point de vue diachronique, elle devrait permettre
d'attester une origine différente pour chacune d'elles.
L‟expression de la cause à Tripoli (Libye)
● Najah Benmoftah,
CLESTHIA – Paris 3, France
Seuls les parlers des deux villes les plus importantes de Libye ont bénéficié
d'études approfondies : Tripoli (Cesaro 1939, Pereira 2010) et Benghazi
(Benkato 2014, Owens 1984, Panetta 1943). Quant à l‘arabe du Fezzân, les
documents laissés par William et Philippe Marçais ont abouti à une description
incomplète (Caubet 2004, Marçais 2001). Dans l‘ensemble, ces travaux insistent
beaucoup plus sur la phonétique et la phonologie, ainsi que sur la morphologie ; la
syntaxe reste le parent pauvre de la linguistique arabe.
Le but de cette communication est de décrire les propriétés syntaxiques et
sémantiques de marqueurs de cause employés en arabe de Tripoli tels que liʔanna,
ʕle xāṭǝṛ, māhu, bḥukm et bsabab, à partir de corpus oraux que j‘ai recueillis auprès
d‘informateurs tripolitains. Cette communication devrait permettre d‘approfondir
nos connaissances de la morphosyntaxe de l‘arabe de Tripoli et notamment de
déterminer avec précision l'emploi de ces marqueurs, dont certains sont polyvalents.
ً يٍ انجهىَت اإلدارَت إن: إدارة انخعذد انهغىٌ وانخُىع انثقافٍ بانًغزب
انجهىَت انثقافُت وانهغىَت
● Saïd Bennis
Mohammed V University
س١حش جٌػمحف١فٛ جإلقحهس ذحٌخقٌٝسلس ئٌٛ ٘زٖ جٟٓ ف١جٌطؼذد جٌّمطشقٚ عٕٛ جٌطِٟٛٙ ِفِٟش٠
ٍٝ٘شّ٘ح ػٛ ؾٟخطٍفحْ ف٠ٚ ع ذحٌّغشخٕٛجٌطٚ ش جٌطؼذد١ضذذٚ حعس ئدجسز١ّح ذغٙ جسضرحهٟس ف٠ٛؼحش جٌٍغ٠ٕٛجٌطٚ
سٛ ِٓ ٘زج جٌّٕظ.جٌٍغسٚ ٓ٠ٓ ّ٘ح جٌذ١١ٓ أعحع١ٔٛ ِىٍٝالْ ػ١ك٠ ع١دجْ قٛ ِػً جٌغٜ ألطحس أخشّٟح فٙ١ٍ١ِػ
ْؾىال٠ٚ س١جالؾطّحػٚ س١جٌػمحف
س٠ٌٛٙ ذحٌّغشخ ِٓ أُ٘ ِالِف جٟع جٌػمحفٕٛ جٌطٚ ّٞٛىٓ جػطرحس جٌطؼذد جٌٍغ٠
ذج ػٓ وً أؽىحي١ ِؾطشن ذؼٟ سأعّحي جؾطّحػٍَٝ ػٛ ضمٟ جٌٕحػّس جٌطٜ ٛٗ جٌم١ٍطٍك ػ٠ جٌكؿش جألعحط ٌّح
.ؼ١ّٙجٌطٚ س١جإللقحت
عٚ ػاللطٗ ذّؾشٟ جٌّغشخ فٟ فٟع جٌػمحفٕٛجٌطٚ ٞٛش جٌطؼذد جٌٍغ١ضذذٚ ي ِغأٌس ئدجسزٚطُ ضٕح١ع
ؼحش٠ٕٛ جٌطٚ س١ٍطٗ ِٓ جٌخقحتـ جٌػمحف١غطّذ ضؾى٠ ٟغ ضشجذ١ضمطٚ ُٞٛٙ ؾ١ ضمغٍٝعؼس جػطّحدج ػٌّٛس ج٠ٛٙجٌؿ
ٞٛٙ ؾٌٞٛغٚ ْٟ غمحفٛس وّى١ٔ ذحٌكغح2011 سٛس أعحعٗ جػطشجف دعط١ٍس جٌّك١غ٠جألِحصٚ س١س جٌؼشذ٠ٛجٌٍغ
حٙ ذٝ أضٟش جٌط١جٌطذجذٚ جٌّغطؿذجشٚ س١ ِرحدسجش جٌّإعغس جٌٍّىًٍٝ ػ١ك٠ ٟ أفمٜٛ ِغطٌٝوزٌه ذحٌٕظش ئٚ
س٠ٛق جٌٍغٛجلغ جٌغٚٚ س٠ٛؼحش جٌٍغ٠ٕٛجٌطٚ س١حش جٌػمحف١فٛس جٌخق١طؼٍك ذطٕحفغ٠ ٞدّٛ ػِٜٛغطٚ 2011 سٛدعط
23
ضرؼح.س١ٔجإلعرحٚ س١ ِػً جٌفشٔغٟخ٠س رجش ػّك ضحس١ أؾٕرٜأخشٚ س١ٕهٚ ٚ س١ّ ٌغحش سعٞٛ ضكٟس جٌط١جٌّغشذ
س١ٌد ِؿحٚ قذٍٝشضىض ػ٠ ٞٛٙغ ؾ١ ضمطٟح فٙٔس ِىح٠ٛٙجٌؿٚ س١ٍشجش جٌّك١زٖ جٌّٕطٍمحش ضؿذ ِخطٍف جٌطؼرٌٙ
ّىٓ هشـ ػذز ضغحؤالش٠ ُ ٘زج جٌخنٟ ف.س جٌغحتذز٠ٛؼحش جٌٍغ٠ٕٛ جٌطٚ س١حش جٌػمحف١فٛ جٌخقٍَٝ ػٛس ضم١ضشجذٚ
:حِٕٙ
س وؼٕقش١ٍ جٌػمحفحش جٌّكٚ َٓ جٌٍغحش جأل١١ جالؾطّحػٚ ٓ١١ْ جٌّإعغحضٍٛطّػً جٌفحػ٠ ف١و
؟ُٟ جٌطشجذ١جٌطمغٚ غ١ِٓ ػٕحفش جٌطمط
، جٌػمحفس،َ جإلػال،ُ١ٍس (جٌطؼ١ِّٛطؼٍك ذحٌخذِحش جٌؼ٠ ّح١حعحش جٌّشضمرس ف١ جٌغِٟ٘ح
س٠ٛٙع جٌؿٚ ئهحس ِؾشٟحش جٌّؼطّذز فٙجٌؿٚ س١جٌػمحفٚ س٠ٛحش جٌٍغٙٓ جٌؿ١ش جٌؼاللس ذ١) ٌطذذ...،ٞش جإلدجس١جٌطأه
عؼس؟ٌّٛج
ٌٝ ئٌٟٕس جالخطالف جإلغٛس ٌالٔطمحي ِٓ ِم١ؿٌّٕٙسز جٚحْ جٌنش١طُ ضر١ ٘زٖ جٌطغحؤالش عٌٍٝإلؾحذس ػ
ض١ؿ٠ ِّح. جٌطؼذدٚ عٕٛذز ٌٕغك جٌط٠ثس جٌؿذ١ ضكذد ئهحس٘ح جٌؼحَ جٌرٟ جٌطٟع جٌػمحفٕٛجٌطٚ ٞٛس جٌطؼذد جٌٍغ١ٌؾذ
س٠ٛٙع جٌؿٚف ِؾش٠ جػطرحس أْ ضقشٍٝس ػ١جٌػمحفٚ س٠ٛق جٌٍغٛجٌكمٚ س٠ٌٛٙس ضّفقالش ج١ٌ ئؽىحٟك فٛجٌخ
جفذٚخ جٌش١ضشعٚ ئدجسزٚ ش١ّىٓ ِٓ ضذذ٠ ٟغمحفٚ ٞٛ أعحط ٌغٍَٝ ػٛم٠ ٟغ ضشجذ١ذحٌّغشخ ِٓ خالي ضمط
.ٟع جٌػمحفٕٛجٌطٚ ٞٛح ذحٌطؼذد جٌٍغٙ ػاللطٟس ف١حض٠ٌٛٙج
Les interrogatifs šən, šənu et šəni dans le parler arabe de Tripoli (Libye)
● Marwa Benshenshin
La Sorbonne Nouvelle, Paris 3
A Tripoli, šǝn, šǝni et šǝnu s‘utilisent généralement en tant que pronoms
interrogatifs dans les phrases interrogatives directes et en tant que subordonnants
avec un emploi percontatif dans les questions indirectes. Bien que ces trois mots
partagent le même sémantisme – ils servent tous les trois à s‘interroger sur l‘objet –
leur fonctionnement diffère dans les phrases interrogatives : contrairement à šǝn, les
deux pronoms šənu et šəni disposent d‘une autonomie syntaxique par rapport au
verbe (dans les phrases verbales) et par rapport au thème (dans les phrases
averbales).
En me basant sur des corpus oraux et sur des études précédentes concernant
l‘arabe de Tripoli (Stumme 1898, Pereira 2010), le but de cette communication est
de décrire les emplois de šǝn, šǝnu et šǝni dans la variété d‘arabe parlée dans la
capitale libyenne. Il s‘agira notamment de présenter les fonctions grammaticales
que peuvent assurer ces termes dans les phrases interrogatives verbales et averbales.
Il sera en outre question d‘examiner de quelles propriétés sémantiques et
pragmatiques ils disposent.
24
Standardization, Koineization and Self-Representation:
the Case of the Sedentary Dialects of Northern Oman
● Simone Bettega
University of Torino
In the context of the Gulf Region (or, more specifically, of the countries
which form the Gulf Cooperation Council) the Sultanate of Oman is often referred
to as ―the odd one out‖, because of its peculiarity in terms of history, dress, religion
and language. As far as this last point is concerned, Al Nabhani (2011) correctly
points out that ―Hadari Omanis are specifically aware that their dialect lacks
prestige and that it is mocked and stigmatized in the region‖:the sedentary dialects
of northern Oman – which are what most Arabs refer to when using the label
―Omani Arabic‖ –indeed present a number of traits which are, if not unique, rarely
encountered outside the boundaries of the Sultanate. This presentation is concerned
with certain morphosyntactic features particular to those dialects, which include: the
suffixed pronoun of the feminine second person singular; the suffixed pronouns and
verbal endings of the second and third persons plural feminine; the patterns of
agreement of the non-human plural; the infixing of an -in(n)-particle between an
active participle and its object pronoun; the verbal endings of the second persons of
the imperfect of verbs with final yā. The aim of this paper is to show when and how
features which are perceived as typically ―local‖ by native speakers are replaced by
other, identifying a pattern in this change and possibly suggesting a hierarchy in the
preferences of the speakers. This research is based on data gathered on the field by
the author in 2014, as well as on material drawn from popular Omani TV shows and
You Tube channels.
Is the Spoken Arabic of Siirt Progressing or Decaying?
● Gabriel Bițună
University of Bucharest
This paper focuses on analyzing the development of the Spoken Arabic of
Siirt, based on a corpus containing recordings employed in the city of Siirt, starting
with the ones of Jastrow (1981) and ending with the ones made by me in 2013 and
2014, from informants with ages ranging from as little as 10 years old to more than
65-70.
Following the works of Aitchison (―Language Change – Progress or
Decay?‖ – 1991), Crystal (―Language Death‖ – 2000), Dorian (editor of
―Investigating obsolescence – Studies in language contraction and death‖ – 1992) et
al., the Spoken Arabic of Siirt could be subjected to being treated as a decaying
language or not.
The analysis will take into account all applicable points of view regarding
any traces that could indicate towards the progress (continuous development) or the
25
decay (halted development or continuous decline) of the North-Mesopotamian
variety of Arabic in question.
Focus Strategies in Pidgin Madam
● Fida Bizri
INALCO – Paris
Although closely related (via the circular migration of most of its speakers)
to other varieties of Asian Migrant Arabic Pidgins spoken by a cluster of mainly
South Asian migrant communities in neighbouring Arab countries, Pidgin Madam
proves to be unique in that it is spoken only between Sinhala-speaking Sri Lankan
housemaids in Lebanon and Arabic-speaking Lebanese employers. It appears,
therefore, as a case where a pidginized variety is produced with only one substrate
involved.
Two focus strategies are discussed here: First, the development of a verum
focus device developed from the Lebanese Arabic pseudo-verb bade (originally
denoting desire or intention). Second, an intonational pattern creating an IP
boundary and delimiting an initially-detached topicalized constituent. The topic is
not limited to one syntactic role in the utterance, it could be a subject, a verb, an
object, a subordinate clause where the intonation acts as a correlator delimiting the
protasis of correlative sentences. The same strategy also co-ordinates narrative
sequences through tail-head linkages, whereby the main verbal predicate of the last
clause finds itself as an initially-detached topic at the beginning of the new clause.
These strategies are quite innovative with regard to both the superstrate and
other Asian Migrant Arabic Pidgin varieties. A look at the Sinhala language from a
pragmatic perspective points towards a possible influence from the substrate where
equivalent focalized structures appear at a much lower threshold than in any of the
Indo-Aryan languages to which Sinhala is related, or even than in any of the
Dravidian languages that have historically participated in shaping the Sinhala
focalizing arsenal. Examples from Colloquial Sinhala will therefore be discussed, in
an attempt to assess its possible impact on Pidgin Madam.
Le fonctionnement des déictiques spatio-temporels en arabe algérien.
Sémantisme de base et relations interlocutives
●Aziza Boucherit
Université Paris Descartes – PRES Sorbonne Paris Cité
Dans cette communication, je me propose de décrire le fonctionnement des
déictiques spatio-temporels en arabe algérien en tenant compte de leur sémantisme
de base et des relations interlocutives dans lesquelles se construit l‘échange verbal
déterminé par la position spatio-temporelle des participants à l‘acte d‘énonciation.
26
Comme il a été démontré en son temps par Bühler (1 934), la signification
des déictiques, type ici, maintenant, dépend d‘un « centre déictique », c‘est-à-dire
d‘un repère constitué d‘un sujet, d‘un lieu et d‘un temps (soit je – ici – maintenant),
déterminé par l‘« orientation subjective » des interlocuteurs. La prise en compte des
coordonnées de cette orientation subjective conduisant à l‘emploi de tel ou tel
déictique selon trois modes principaux : la demostratio ad oculos, la deixis am
Phantasma (« à l‘imaginaire ») et la deixis anaphorique et cataphorique.
Souvent, les déictiques spatio-temporels sont envisagés en termes de
degrés. Pour ma part, je considèrerai que les déictiques spatiaux articulent une
opposition entre < ICI > et < NON ICI > et, en parallèle, que les déictiques temporels
articulent l‘opposition < MAINTENANT > vs < NON MAINTENANT >.
En d‘autres termes, les référents de < ICI > et < MAINTENANT > sont
présents et accessibles ad oculos ou am Phantasma (à l‘imaginaire) aux
interlocuteurs qui partagent un champ perceptif commun ; l‘inverse valant pour
< NON ICI > et < NON MAINTENANT >.
Le corpus, constitué de textes oraux divers, est examiné à partir de ces
notions et en rapportant les déictiques à l‘instance d‘énonciation (récit, discours
direct/rapporté) (Benveniste 1974) dans laquelle ils sont utilisés.
” كاٌ“ بٍُ انًُىال انُحىٌ واالطخعًال فٍ انذارجت انخىَظُت
● )Mehrez Boudaya( ّس٠دِٛكشص ذ
ٔظٛؾحِؼس ض
ّ ً٘ :ٌٟ جإلؽىحي جٌطحٟٕظش ف٠ ْي جٌركع أٚكح٠
س١ٍؿحش جٌّكٌٍٙ جٟس ف١ٕؾٗ جعطؼّحي ذؼل جألذٚئْ أ
س٘ح ؟ٛس ضطٛسز ِٓ فٛ فٛ٘ َكس أ١س جٌفق١س جٌؼشذ١ٕس – خحسؼ ػٓ أذ١ٔغٛ– ِػً جٌذجسؾس جٌط
؟ٍٟ جٌفؼً؟ جٌٕحعخ جٌفؼ،" ْ " وحٛ٘ ،جٔد ٘حِس ِٓ ٘زج جإلؽىحيٛش ؾ١ػ٠ ٖرؾح ٔشجّٛٔ جخطشٔح
جٌكشف؟ جألدجز؟
: ًكس ِٓ ِػ١س جٌفق١ جٌؼشذٟفّح ٔؿذٖ ف
)46 – 1 ، جٌىطحخ،ٗ٠ٛر١وحْ جألِش (ع
.1
)45 – 1 ، جٌىطحخ،ٗ٠ٛر١وحْ ػر ُذ هللا أخحن (ع
.2
)71– 1 ، جٌىطحخ،ٗ٠ٛر١ ٌش ِٕٗ (ع١وحْ أٔص خ
.3
:ٛ – ِٓ جعطؼّحالش ِٓ ٔكٞ جٌؼحدِٟٛ١ٌ ٌغس جٌخطحخ جٟ٘ٚ ،س١ٔغٛ جٌذجسؾس جٌطِٟح ٔؿذٖ فٚ
رس١وحٔص جٌّق
.4
وحْ جٌٍؼد
.5
ٔسٛح عخ١ٔوحٔص جٌذ
.6
س٠ٛوحٔص جٌّطش ل
.7
ْ
ٍؼد٠ ْوح
.8
ًذخ٠ ٗ١ٍّوحْ ؾحء خ
.9
ٕؿف٠ ٗقٚ سٍٝ ػٜمش٠ ْوح
.10
ٔؿفٜوحْ لش
.11
ْ وحْ فالٚجٌٕحط جٌىً ؾح
.12
ٖٛ ذٍٝ قذ ػٟرى٠ ٖ ِحٛكد خ٠ ٛوحْ جٌخ
.13
ه وحْ ؽفشن١ٍ ػٟرى٠ ِح
.14
27
.15
وحٔه ؾح ٞؾ١د ِؼحن جٌخرض
٠ؿؼٍٕح ٔالقع أْ جٌذجسؾس جٌطٔٛغ١س قحفظص ػٍ ٝؾٍّس جعطؼّحالش " وحْ " جٌؼشذ١س جٌفق١كس،
ٚضؿحٚصضٗ ئٌ ٝجعطؼّحالش غ١ش جٌط ٟقذد٘ح جٌٕكحز ف ٟجٌّذٔٚس جٌٕك٠ٛس جٌطشجغ١س.
ٔفطشك أْ جعطؼّحي " وحْ " ذٙزٖ جألٚؾٗ ف ٟجٌذجسؾس جٌطٔٛغ١س ٠خنغ ٌّرحدب ػحِس ٠غ١ش ػٍٙ١ح
ٔظحَ جٌٍغسّ ،
ٚأْ ذؼل ِح ِ٘ٛ ٛؾٛد جٌ َٛ١فذٌّ ٜح وحْ ذحألِظ.
ٌٚالعطذالي ػٍ٘ ٝزج جالفطشجك ٔغٍُّ ذّح ٚسد ف ٟجٌؾش٠ف ( )2002 / 1999خٍف١س ٔظش٠س :ضم٘ َٛزٖ
جٌخٍف١س ػٍ ٝجػطرحسجش أٚسد٘ح ِكّذ فالـ جٌذ ٓ٠جٌؾش٠ف ف ٟئهحس جالعطذالي ػٍ ٝجٌّٕٛجي (ئْ،ن) [ ئْ ،ن
٘ ٛجخطقحس ألهشٚقس جٌؾش٠ف ٚضمشأ :جإلٔؾحء جٌٕكٌٍ ٞٛىٚ ] ْٛأُ٘ خٛ١هٙح :
ّ
ئْ جٌٕظحَ جٌٍ ٟٔ٢غس ٠كحفع ػٍ ٝػاللحش ذٕ٠ٛ١س دالٌ١س لذّ٠س فِ ٟغط٠ٛحضٗ جٌطؿش٠ذ٠س
(جٌؾش٠ف )2002،1:254/ 1999
ّ
ئْ جٌٛجعُ ٌذالٌس ِح ٠طؼشك "ٔط١ؿس جٌكشوس جٌذالٌ١س ئٌ ٝفشٚف جٌضِٓ ،ف١طغ١ش ػرش
جٌطحس٠خ ضغ١شج ذط١ثح ،فطغطرذٌٗ ذأدٚجش أخش ٜفِ ٟشجقً فٙ١ح ٠رمِ ٝكحفظح ػٍٚ ٝعّٗ ٌرؼل جٌؼاللحش ذٓ١
جألذٕ١س ( جٌؾش٠ف ) 324 : 1 ، 2002/ 1999
أْ جٌكشوس جٌذالٌ١س ٌٙح لحٔٙٔٛح ٚ،أْ ٔرش٘ٓ ِٓ ؾٙس أخش ٜػٍّ ٝ
ِٓ غح٠حش جٌركع أْ ٔرش٘ٓ ػٍّ ٝ
أْ
ذؼل ِح فٔ ٟك ٛجألِظ قذٚط ٌٙح لذسز ضىّ٠ ٓٙىٓ أْ ٔف ُٙذٙح آٌ١حش ٘زٖ جٌكشوس ،فٕك ٛجألِظ [ ٔٚمقذ
جٌٕظش٠س جٌٕك٠ٛس جٌطشجغ١س ] ػٕذٔح ِخرش ذّح ف ٟجٌؿٙحص جٌّفغش ِٓ لذسز ػٍ ٝفِ ُٙح ف ٟجٌؿٙحص جٌّغ١ش ٌٕظحَ
جٌٍغس.
ِٓٚغح٠حش جٌركع أ٠نح ضؿشذس آٌّ١س ضفغ١ش٠س ٌٙزٖ جٌكشوس جٌذالٌ١س ف ٟجٌطحس٠خ :جإلٔكحء
grammaticalisation
ٔٚم ُ١جٌركع ػٍ ٝغالغس ألغحَ:
جٌّؼحٌؿس جٌطشجغ١س ٌىحْ ف ٟجٌٕظش٠س جٌٕك٠ٛس جٌؼشذ١س ( ْ .ْ .ع )
.1
وحْ ذ ٓ١ؽم١محضٙح جٌغحِ١حش.
.2
ِؼحٌؿس ِٕٛجي جإلٔكحء ٌىحْ.
.3
Field Description and Theoretical Formalism:
The case of Spoken Arabic in Algeria
● Farouk A. N. Bouhadiba
Université d‘Oran Es-Senia
This presentation considers the failure of the structural model to describe
the facts of language in Algeria and Spoken Arabic in particular. For this, it draws a
general account of previous structural debates on this variety and the inadequacies
between theoretical persuasions and field observation and exploration. An
illustrative sample of the dynamics of language use in Algeria is then examined in
order to demonstrate what is meant here by the new concept of ―Complexe de
Langue‖. The author then draws some conclusions and offers some insights into
how such a linguistic situation should be tackled and accounted for.
28
Young Tuatians Ethnodialectological Perceptions of Dialectal Boundaries:
A Diachronic Comparative Study
● Bachir Bouhania
University of Adrar
Dialectology and dialect geography assert that actual linguistic borders
correspond to past political ones (Auer, 2005), and that former sociohistorical
events account for the lay people‘s cognitive representations of their own dialectal
boundaries. Starting from these postulates, the present research is carried out with
young university students from the department of English at the University of
Adrar, southern Algeria. The study compares ethnodialectological maps drawn by
Tuat students at two different periods of time, 2002 and 2014. Its aim is twofold;
first it seeks to discover any differences in the participants‘ cognitive maps of their
mother-tongues‘ boundaries, and whether the latter coincide or diverge from each
other synchronically and diachronically. Second, it endeavours to discover and to
demarcate dialect areas by comparing students‘ hand-drawn maps.
Sample n°1 consists of 45 second year students of the academic year 2002,
while the second comprises more than 60 third year participants from 2014-2015.
The results show that the learners do not agree upon the dialectal boundaries, and do
not share knowledge about isoglosses and transition zones. Furthermore, dialect
areas and dialect continua (Chambers & Trudgill, 1998) are also discussed, for there
are no sharp breaks between the various dialects but dialect continua with language
islands (Zenete, for instance) interspersed among them.
Consequently, our hypothesis is that the informants‘ ethnodialectological
maps reflect linguistic history through geographical distributions of the dialects
(Fukushima & Heap, 2008). The maps do not correspond to the objective reality of
spatial boundedness, isoglosses and heteroglosses, but to subjective mental
representations.
Contrastive Analysis of Code switching phenomenon among
Northern and Southern Algerian university students
●A.S. Réda Boukli-Hacene
African University of Adrar
The linguistic situation is very complex due to its social, ideological and
political considerations on one hand and the existence of four groups of language on
the other: Semitic (Algerian Arabic), Hamito-Semitic (Berber) – each one of both
exists with different variants – in addition to Latin (French) as well as Classical
Arabic (Semitic).The coexistence of Algerian Arabic, Berber and French in the
Algerian society, presents a total contradiction towards the language policy which
was undertaken by the Algerian political power since the independence in 1962
until nowadays on one hand. On the other hand, it influenced language practices of
29
Algerian people leading to Diglossia, Code-switching and Code-mixing. In other
words, the sociolinguistic and sociocultural reality of the Algerian society denies
totally the idea of monolingualism (i.e. the arabization policy) that was promoted by
Algerian politicians.
Although the above linguistic situation engendered many sociolinguistic
phenomena; it was not our concern to carry out a complete and exhaustive analysis
of all of them, but rather a contrastive comparative analysis of Code-switching
among university students of West Northern vs. West Southern Algeria.
C
Le parler de Msek – Beni Itteft (El Hoceima) revisité en 2014:
un parler arabe à la frontière de la berbérophonie
● Dominique Caubet
LaCNAD-INALCO, CJB
Ce parler a été décrit pour la première fois par Amal Maghdad en 1993.
Plusieurs descriptions de parlers Jbala avaient été publiées au début du 20ème siècle,
puis des travaux importants avaient été réalisés par des chercheurs espagnols depuis
une vingtaine d‘années, mais personne n‘avait encore décrit le parler des Beni Itteft,
qui n‘appartient pas vraiment aux parlers Jbala, mais qui partage avec eux et avec
les parlers villageois algériens de nombreux traits.
Après un premier travail dans le cadre d‘un master et d‘une communication
aux Journées de Tetouan par Khalid El Jattari (2013), nous avons décidé de revisiter
cette région en 2014 et les données présentées ici ont été recueillies lors d‘une
mission conjointe ethnobotanistes-linguistes effectuée dans le cadre du PICS « La
montagne et ses savoirs » et du Programme Jbala du Centre Jacques Berqueen
février 2014 avec Yildiz Thomas, UMR CEFE 5175, Montpellier, Khalid El Jettari
et Amal Maghdad, elle-même qui est aujourd‘hui traductrice à Tanger. C‘est grâce à
elle que nous avons pu retrouver l‘une des familles où elle avait enquêté à l‘été
1992.
Nos informateurs étaient une jeune femme d‘environ 35/40 ans et son fils
de 13 ans. La famille est arabophone, mais cette région est marginale, à la frontière
de la berbérophonie rifaine ; les arabophones sont donc en situation minoritaire, ce
qui n‘est pas si courant. Ainsi, le jeune garçon a appris le berbère qui est la langue
parlée dans la cour de l‘école. L‘entretien a été mené par Yildiz Thomas sur
diverses techniques, en particulier concernant les huiles (d‘olive, d‘amande amère)
et la fabrication et la conservation du pain et de la levure. 20 ans après, quelles
évolutions ?
30
Semantic Effects of Etymology in the Use of giddām and wara in Traditional
Negev Arabic
● Letizia Cerqueglini
Ben Gurion University of the Negev, Israel
The prepositions giddām (‗in front‘) and wara (‗behind‘) describe in
Traditional Negev Arabic (TNA) spatial relations on the horizontal plane, in the
Front and Back Regions respectively, between a Figure-object (F) and a Groundobject (G), with respect to which F is located, e.g. ‗the tree (F) is in front of me
(G)‘. According to Svorou (1993) the main lexical sources of spatial prepositions
are nominal or adverbial. Human and animal body-parts represent the largest
inventory of nominal sources, as in the case of giddām, etymologically related to
gidm ‗(human) foot‘, whereas wara, not etymologically related to any concrete
object, represents an adverbial source. Fresh semantic observations of TNA spatial
language show that giddām is used to express the Front Region of a restricted class
of G-objects such as horse/man/donkey, e.g. ad-dims giddām al-ḥṣān, ‗the stone is
in front of the horse‘, while it is never used with objects like stone/tree: in such
cases, other locative strategies are applied (e.g. astronomic directions). I argue that
since the root g.d.m. is related to the idea of ‗foot‘, ‗movement‘ and ‗direction‘,
giddām is used with animate G-objects showing properties like [mobility],
[orientation], [facedness]. These objects prime the Object-Centered Perspective,
based on intrinsic features (face, back...) of G. giddām is not used with G-objects
such as tree/stone, which have no intrinsic front or back and prime Egocentric or
Allocentric (astronomic/ geocentric) Perspectives. In contrast, wara describes the
Back Region of G-objects attracting both Object-Centered and Egocentric
Perspectives, e.g. al-kurrah wara al-ḥṣān/aš-šajarah ‗the ball is behind the
horse/tree‘. This means that the lexical sources of grammaticalised spatial
prepositions affect the selection of G and of the Perspectives according to which
prepositions are used.
Syntactic Constructions in Arabic Dialects of Central Asia
● Guram Chikovani
Free University of Tbilisi
Syntactic constructions different from literary Arabic language have
developed in Central Asian Arabic dialects as a result of contacts with non-kindred
Indo-European (Tajik, Dari) and Turkic (Uzbek, Turkmen) languages.
During my scientific missions to Central Asia, instances of code switching
were identified, where Turkish izafet is borrowed by informants as a loan
translation.
The most characteristic types of sentence in QAD are the following: 1. SPO
(Subject- Predicate-Object): pōšō gāl i͜ walad ―Pasha said to the boy‖; 2. SOP
31
(Subject-Object-Predicate): bōy i͜ bint ḫušrūya gāl-ki ―Bei said to the beautiful girl‖;
3. OPS (Object-Predicate-Subject): mōrati i͜ hama mānṭi-gāl-ki ―He said: I don‘t
give him my wife‖. The type SOP is spread most of all in Arabic of Central Asia.
On the status of the interdental fricatives /ṯ/, /ḏ/, and /ḍ/ in Gaza City
●William Cotter
The University of Arizona
As De Jong (2000) noted in his analysis of the dialect, the status of the
historical interdental fricatives, /ṯ/, /ḏ/, and /ḍ/ in Gaza City is unclear. Early
dialectological work (Bergsträsser 1915) notes the stop counterparts, [t], [d], and
[ḍ], as the primarily realizations of the interdental fricatives in Gaza. However, the
texts contained in Salonen‘s (1979/80) account of the dialect provide a contrasting
hypothesis, with interdental fricative reflexes for both /ṯ/ and / ḏ/ and a questionable
status of /ḍ/ with dialectal realizations varying between [ẓ] and [ḍ] (Salonen 1979:
38).
Stemming from fieldwork conducted in Gaza in May 2013, this study will
re-examine the status of the interdentals in Gaza City. Preliminary results suggest
that for /ṯ/ and /ḏ/ the present dialect of Gaza appears to be firmly in line with
Bergsträsser‘s earliest account; showing widespread use of the stop counterparts [t]
and [d] in casual speech. With respect to /ḍ/, the corpus shows widespread use of
the emphatic stop [ḍ] across multiple generations and genders. However, in the
oldest generation of Gaza speakers there does appear to be at least some evidence of
use of the emphatic interdental /ḍ/.
Given what appears to be some minor variation in the oldest generation of
Gaza speakers, this study will examine the position of the emphatic interdental in
the Gaza data in an attempt to test the hypothesis put forward by Al-Wer (2003).
Namely, that the process of change from the plain interdentals /ṯ/ and /ḏ/ to their
stop counterparts is a clear case of merger. However, the change in the emphatic
interdental /ḍ/ to its emphatic stop counterpart is not a phonological merger but a
straightforward sound change, as the dialect did not maintain the distinction
between the two phonemes in the first place (Al-Wer 2003: 29).
32
D
Overabundance in the Arabic dialect of Tunis:
a diachronic study of plural formation
● Ines Dallaji
University of Vienna
and
● Ines Gabsi
Austrian Academy of Sciences
During our fieldwork in Tunis in the framework of the Vienna-based project
―Linguistic dynamics in the Greater Tunis Area: A corpus-based approach‖ we
conducted research on plural forms of the dialect of Tunisia‘s capital. Our main
purpose was to collect data absent in historical sources or our own corpus in order
to add this data to the dictionary of Tunis Arabic we are about to create.
As the consulted historical sources (e.g. the Takrouna glossary by
Marçais/Guîga, Singer‘s grammar of the dialect of Tunis) also contain nouns with
two or more plural forms, another purpose of our research was to find out if the
listed forms are still used and if plural doublets differ in meaning or not.
The research was based on a list of approximately 200 nouns and conducted
with the help of almost 30 informants, most of whom were younger than 35. This is
due to the fact that the focus of the project lies on youth language and on drawing
conclusions about the actual linguistic situation in Tunis and its suburbs.
Our paper is a first approach to study overabundance in the Arabic dialect
of Tunis. In particular, we are going to deal with the question, why certain nouns are
prone to multiple pluralisation, and give examples for plural doublets with and
without difference in meaning. The comparison of collected data with forms listed
in historical sources enables diachronic research that may also allow drawing
conclusions about processes of linguistic dynamics.
A comparison between Fezzanese nomadic and sedentary varieties, based on
the texts collected by Ph. Marçais
● Luca D‟Anna
University of Naples ―L‘Orientale‖
Fezzānese dialects represent one of the most interesting varieties of
Maghrebi spoken Arabic and still need much effort in order to be fully described.
The importance of their study stretches far beyond the knowledge of the linguistic
dynamics of the area, since, as W. Marçais pointed out, they represent a crucial spot
on the line that divides Mashreqi from Maghrebi Arabic. The varieties spoken in the
area, in fact, frequently baffle the traditional isoglosses employed to distinguish pre33
Hilālī from Hilālī dialects and start to acquire, especially in their nomadic
specimens, Oriental traits.
The texts collected by Ph. Marçais and published by D. Caubet, A. Martin
and L. Denooz in 2001 represent a first step towards the knowledge of such
varieties. A first description, attempted by D. Caubet in 2004, already yielded
interesting results, calling for further research and investigation.
Starting from these premises, a comparison between the nomadic and the
sedentary varieties spoken in the area, both represented in the texts represented by
Ph. Marçais, will be carried out in the limited time at our disposal. All the texts have
been analysed employing Caubet‘s Questionnaire de dialectologie du Maghreb
(2001) and showed, alongside typical Maghrebi traits, a few peculiarities that seem
to question some of our traditional distinctions between Bedouin and sedentary
dialects. The preliminary results of such analyses will be the object of our
discussion, while new researches, employing informants of different ages, will
clarify in the next future the development of a dialectal group that displays all the
typical features of a transitional area.
Egyptian Dialect for a Democratic Form of Literature?
● Francesco De Angelis
University of Milan
This paper compares two different ways of approaching literature and
language in Egypt. In particular, I concentrate on the use of Egyptian colloquial in
literature, specifically in prose. I look at the ideas of Naǧīb Maḥfūẓ and Ṭaha
Ḥusayn on Egyptian dialect and contrast them with those of intellectuals and writers
contemporary to Maḥfūẓ and Ḥusayn, such as Salāma Mūsā, Luwīs ‗Awaḍ and
Muṣṭafā Mušarrafa, the first Egyptian author to write a novel entirely in patois.
Naǧīb Maḥfūẓ, for example, in a radio interview, described dialect as a
disease affecting his fellow-countrymen and preventing them from attaining social
as well as technical progress. In Ṭaha Ḥusayn‘s opinion, dialect is unworthy of
being called a language and unfit to fulfill the aims of intellectual life.
On the other hand, intellectuals like Salāma Mūsā maintain that the use of
dialect, even as an official language, and a linguistic reform are the most important
pre-requisites for the progress of Egypt. Extremely interesting, moreover, is Mūsā‘s
idea that the use of colloquial in literature would give birth to a literature for
everybody, that is a popular or democratic literature.
34
Linguistic Study about Syrian Rap Songs
● Emanuela De Blasio
Università degli Studi della Tuscia
There is a deep connection between music and the desire for redemption
and renewal among Arab youth. Rap is an art form that has had a grip among the
youth of the Arab countries, from Iraq to Morocco and it is a channel through which
they denounce, directly or metaphorically, social injustices.
The texts are centered on the protest against corruption, poverty, social
inequality and the assertion of their national identity.
The young dissent in the Arab world is expressed through music and in
particular through the rap by strong language, sometimes vulgar.
As also stated the linguist Calvet (1981), the song is a historical document.
The song must be object of study, such as literature, cinema, because, like other
human productions, it talks about the society.
Rap songs provide interesting material of sociolinguistics and they are an
example of mixed speech and language contact. The text, though it's not the only
element of a song, remains central and through its analysis you can do interesting
considerations not only in the social and historical but also linguistic and
philological context.
In this work there will be taken into consideration some texts of the Syrian
rapper singer from Ṭarṭūs, Abu Hajar (Abū Ḥaǧar), whose songs, after a careful
listening, were transliterated and translated and they are object of linguistic study
for what concerns the phonology, verbal and nominal morphology and syntax.
The study examines the cases of code-switching, code-mixing and
neologism, loanwords, the semantic widening or narrowing of a term.
Language is not a uniform block, immutable but it evolves over time. Every
language changes the vocabulary and its structures in relation to the passage of time
and in relation to the mutations that occur in culture and society. The texts of the
songs may be a mirror of such change.
Urbanization and Dialect Levelling: the Case of pre-Hilali Tlemcen Arabic
● Zoubir Dendane
Tlemcen University
Research in contemporary dialectology and linguistics has shown interest in
the impact of urban development on language variation and change. The rapid
urbanization of Tlemcen in the past decades has resulted in a great number of
changes in the so-called pre-Hilali dialect of this long-established city. On the basis
of data collected from the observation and recordings of speakers settled in Tlemcen
speech community today, this paper intends to highlight some of the most important
dialect changes that have occurred at the lexical, morphological and phonological
35
levels. These clearly result from the long-term migration of rural people towards the
city and hence the contact of two types of Arabic dialectal forms. The article will
also bring to light another outcome of the co-existence of Tlemcen Arabic and the
other varieties, namely a type of dialect levelling as far as some linguistic features
are concerned.
Les fluctuations de la frontière entre arabe littéraire et arabe dialectal : les
glosses observables dans les éditions Būlāq et Muḥsin Mahdi des Mille et une
Nuits
● Joseph Dichy
Université Lumière-Lyon 2 et Laboratoire ICAR
L‘on oppose souvent les éditions Būlāq et Muḥsin Mahdi des Mille et une
Nuits en décrivant l‘une comme rédigée en arabe littéraire et l‘autre comme relevant
d‘un mixte d‘arabe littéraire et d‘arabe dialectal, appelé arabe moyen.
Un examen attentif de l‘édition Muḥsin Mahdi montre qu‘on y trouve les
traces de plusieurs arabes moyens (expression à mettre au pluriel : les arabes
moyens étant constitués du « mélange » de l‘arabe littéraire et d‘un dialecte donné,
il serait illusoire de penser qu‘il n‘existerait qu‘un seul « arabe moyen » ; Dichy,
2010). Les parlers en présence étant essentiellement les dialectes syrien et égyptien,
on trouve donc, dans cette édition, un usage des arabes moyens syrien et égyptien.
Une analyse parallèle de l‘édition Būlāq nous a réservé une surprise : les
deux ensembles de dialectes ci-dessus y sont présents à un degré bien plus élevé
qu‘il n‘était attendu.
Une différence fondamentale se fait toutefois jour entre les deux textes,
quant à la nature de la fluctuation entre dialectes et arabe littéraire. Les seconds
semblent bien l‘emporter sur le premier dans l‘édition Muḥsin Mahdi (J. Lentin,
2004 ; Dichy, 2010), à l‘inverse de l‘édition Būlāq. Cette intuition doit toutefois être
soumise à l‘examen. Nous avons procédé à des analyses fines dans une perspective
comparative. Celles-ci apportent un éclairage supplémentaire à notre hypothèse de
travail de 1994, qui postulait la présence de deux types d‘arabes moyens, selon qu‘y
prédomine (syntaxiquement, morphologiquement, lexicalement) l‘arabe littéraire ou
un dialecte donné (hypothèse affinée et enrichie par A. Medfai, 1998).
La présente contribution proposera une description des deux types d‘arabes
moyens dans ces éditions, et apportera, ce faisant, de nouvelles précisions au
modèle de la polyglossie de l‘arabe (Dichy, 1994, 2007). Au passage, la langue
utilisée dans l‘édition Būlāq devrait recevoir une description affinée.
36
Pausal form in Il-Čillī (Southern Turkey): an acoustic study
● Emilie Durand-Zuniga
The University of Texas at Austin
Pausal forms have been documented in many Arabic dialects spoken in
places like Egypt, Yemen, Palestine, Lebanon, Southern Turkey and Malta. The
existing literature typically provides a more or less detailed impressionistic account
of the pausal phenomena found in the different dialects at stake. In this presentation,
I will provide the results of what is, to my knowledge, the very first acoustic
analysis of pausal forms in Arabic.
Typically, pausal forms are defined as the forms words take at the pause
(i.e. at the end of a sentence or speech unit). They usually differ from the regular
word forms in that they undergo certain phonological changes word-finally. While
both consonants and vowels can be affected by the pause, this study focuses on
vowels in non-emphatic environments in both open and closed syllables. More than
3,500 tokens of word-final vowels were extracted both at the pause and in other
contexts out of 8 hours of recorded sociolinguistic interviews performed by the
author with 15 female informants. For each token, vowel duration and formants
were measured in PRAAT. All informants were born and raised in Il-Čillī
(Tekebaşı), an Alawite village of the Hatay province of Southern Turkey, and
recordings took place on site in May-July 2014.
By providing a comparison of pausal vs. non-pausal vowel formants and
duration for each vowel, the results reveal the most striking effects of pause on nonemphatic vowels in this dialect, namely the raising of long /ā/ and short /a/ in closed
syllables, and the lowering and/or diphthongization of /i/ (<ī and <at) in open
syllables. The position of /a/ in open syllables and /u/ in both open and closed
syllables will also be discussed.
E
نهجت ياردٍَ فٍ يُشاٌ عهى انهغت
● ٍكزَى فاروق أحًذ انخىن
(Karim Farok Ahmed El-Kholy)
ٓ٠ ِحسد،ٍٛلٛؾحِؼس أسض
حِٙفشجدضٚ حٙر١ ضشجوٟضطمحهغ فٚ ، 1جقذٚ ً أفٌٝد ئٛ ضؼٟح جٌؿغشجفٙؼ٠صٛ جخطالف ضٍٝس ػ١ؿحش جٌؼشذٌٍٙئْ ج
ًجقذ ئال أْ ٌىٚ ً أفٌٝؿحش ئٌٍٙدز جٛ جٌشغُ ِٓ ػٍٝػٚ. ُ٠ي جٌمشآْ جٌىشٚ غرطص ذٕضٟ جٌطِٝغ جٌٍغس جٌفقك
ِٓ حٙفحالضفحق العطمحت. حٕٙ ضفطشق ػٚؿحش أٌٍٙش٘ح ِٓ ج١ح ِغ غٙ١ح لذ ضطفك فٙ١ٍس هشأش ػ٠ٛج٘ش ٌغٛؿس ظٌٙ
ؿس١ػرش جٌضِٓ ٔط- غ جٌٍغحش١ّ ؾٍٝشجش ضطشأ ػ١ضٍه جٌطغٚ – س ِّحغٍس٠ٛشجش ٌغ١ح ٌطغٙػٛ ٌخنٚ أ،جقذٚ ًأف
جًِ ضإغشٛضٍه جٌؼٚ ،ش٘ح١غٚ ،س١ٔجٌرذٚ ،س١جٌػمحفٚ ،س١حع١جٌغٚ ،س١جالؾطّحػٚ ،س١ جٌؿغشجف: حِٕٙ ،جًِ ػذزٛش ػ١ضأغ
ش ضٍه١ جخطالف ضأغٌٝ أِح جالفطشجق فّشدٖ ئ. س٠ٛشجش جٌٍغ١ دسؾس جٌطغٟ وّح ضإغش ف،س٠ٛج٘ش جٌٍغٛٓ جٌظ٠ٛ ضىٟف
س٠ٛشجش ٌغ١ؿس ِح ٌطغٌٙ عٛس خن١ٔ ئِىحٟٕؼ٠ ِّح. ٖدٛؾٚ دسؾسٚ ًِد وً ػحٛؾٌٛ فمحٚ ؿسٌٙ ً وٟجًِ فٛجٌؼ
ؿحش ضأغشجٌٙ ٌٝس ئ١ جٌشغُ ِٓ ضؾؼد جٌؼشذٍٝػٚ .َ جٌٍغس جألٟح فٙ ضؾحسوٟؿحش جٌطٌٍٙس ج١ح ذمٌٙ ٌُ ضخنغ
37
ٌٝص ؾٕرح ئ١ْ جٔذغحس٘ح فرمٚجفش ٌرؼل جٌٍغحش قحي دٛط٠ ٌُ سذّحٞ جٌزٟٕ٠جًِ جٌّخطٍفس ئال أْ جٌظشف جٌذٛذحٌؼ
.حٙ١جمف فٌٛح ِغ ذمحء أغش٘ح جٕٙ ضؾؼرص ػٟؿحش جٌطٌٍٙؾٕد ِغ ج
ؿسٌٍٙ جٟس ف٠ٛج٘ش جٌٍغًٛ سفذ جٌظ١ عرٟ فِٕٙ دزٛس جٌّٕؾ٠ جٌغحٌٝ ئٞٛي ذحٌذسط جٌٍغٛفٌٛس ج١ّ٘ألٚ
ٍٝ ػٙٔ؛ ألٜػس جألخش٠س جٌكذ١ؿحش جٌؼشذٌٍٙ جٟس ف٠ٛج٘ش جٌٍغٛ جٌرحقع ػذَ ئغفحي جٌظٍٝح فؼٍٙ١ٍضكٚ س١ٕ٠جٌّحسد
حٙٔس؛ ئال أٛح ػرش جٌؼقٙ١ٍس هشأش ػ٠ٛشجش ٌغ١ظ ضغٚقذٚ ،ٓ٠ؿس ِحسدٌٙ ٟس ف٠ٛج٘ش ٌغٛد ظٛؾٚ ِٓ ُجٌشغ
.حٙ ذؼنٟح فٕٙضش ػ١ّضٚ ،حٙ ذؼنٟس ف١ؿحش جٌؼشذٌٍٙجؽطشوص ِغ ج
سٛ فاْ ٌشفذ جٌطط،ؿس جالعطؿحذس ٌٍّإغشجش جٌّخطٍفس١س ٔطٛجٌططٚ ش١ئْ وحْ لذس جٌٍغحش أْ ضقحخ ذحٌطغٚ
ج٘شٕٛح جالسضذجد ذحٌظ١ٍؾد ػٚ ٌزجٚ. ٕٙ١ٔجٛخ ل١ضشعٚ ٞٛس جٌٍغُٛ جٌططٙ فٟس ف١ّ٘س أ٠ٛج٘ش جٌٍغٛ ٌٍظٟخ٠جٌطحس
٘زج جألعحطٍٝػٚ .َ جٌمذٟس جٌنحسذس ف١س جٌؼشذٛ ػقٌٝس ئ١ٕ٠ؿس جٌّحسدٌٍٙ جٟدز فٛس جٌّشف٠ٛشجش جٌٍغ١جٌطغٚ
ٟح فٍٙ١ٍضكٚ حٙ١ٍ هشأش ػٟس جٌط٠ٛشجش جٌٍغ١جٌطغٚ ٓ٠ؿس ِحسدٌٙ ٟس ف٠ٛج٘ش جٌٍغٛ سفذ جٌظٌٝذف جٌركع ئٙ٠
ِغ،حٕٙ ػٙ١ِح جفطشلص فٚ ،ٜس جألخش١ؿحش جٌؼشذٌٍٙ ِغ جٙ١ٓ ِح جضفمص ف١ض ذ١١ّ ِغ جٌط،ع٠ء ػٍُ جٌٍغس جٌكذٛم
ً١ٍح ذحٌطكٙ١ٔشفذ فٚ :س١ر١ج٘ش جٌطشوٛ جٌظ: ٍٝج٘ش ػٛلذ لغّٕح ضٍه جٌظٚ. ج٘ش٘حٛ ٌظٟخ٠س جٌطحسٛسفذ جٌطط
ج٘شٛجٌظٚ . د جٌؿٍّس١ضشضٚ ،حط١لٚ ،جؽطمحقٚ ،مّحتشٚ ،ذٕحءٚ ،س ِٓ ئػشجخ١جٌقشفٚ س٠ٛج٘ش جٌٕكٛجٌظ
،فقً خحهةٚ ،ٟ ٌفظٍٝذٚ ،ٟضٛس ِٓ جٔغؿحَ ف١ضٛس جٌق٠ٛج٘ش جٌٍغًٛ جٌظ١ٍح ذحٌطكٙ١ٔشفذ فٚ: س١ضٛجٌق
ُ١ّضؼٚ ،جٔطمحي جٌذالٌسٚ ،ذ١وًٛ جٌط١ٍح ذحٌطكٙ١ٔشفذ فٚ: س١ٌج٘ش جٌذالٛجٌظٚ . ش١غ١ضٚ ،ئِحٌسٚ ،ِمحهغٚ ،ٔرشٚ
.س ذٍغحش جٌّؿطّغ١ٕ٠ح ضأغش جٌّحسدٙ١ٔشفذ فٚ: س١ج٘ش جالؾطّحػٛجٌظٚ . ـ جٌذالٌس١ضخقٚ ،جٌذالٌس
Le capital culturel dans la communication interculturelle
● Kamal El Korso
Université d‘Oran
On constate que la pratique interculturelle joue un rôle important tant dans
l‘apprentissage et dans l‘acquisition de la compétence interculturelle et dans
l‘enrichissement du capital culturel des étudiants. Le progrès de ces derniers justifie
ce qu‘indique D. Veronique et R. Vion (1995) : « Des savoir faire
communicationnels montrent l‘investissement complexe du sujet dans la mise en
œuvre du code, travail sémiotique indissociable des manifestations d‘une société qui
s‘exprime, elle, à travers le recours coordonné à des méthodes interactionnelles, par
le biais de rapports de place négociés, et par l‘intermédiaire de procédés
d‘affirmation du self ». Cependant, on a l‘impression que la progression des
étudiants et l‘enrichissement de leur capital y sont plutôt marqués par un auto
apprentissage et un auto perfectionnement. Dans cette dynamique, l‘école semble
n‘avoir qu‘un rôle limité. En effet « la découverte culturelle n‘est pas un processus
systématiquement déclenché par l‘apprentissage scolaire, mais plutôt, en général, le
fait d‘une disposition individuelle qui engage la relation à l‘altérité de chacun »
(Coste, Moore et Zarate 1999).
La question est donc de déterminer quel rôle positif peut y tenir l‘école.
38
Learning Arabic-as-a-foreign language at American universities
● Moha Ennaji
International Institute for Languages and Cultures – Fès
The Arab world is characterized by multilingualism in the sense that many
languages and varieties are used in different domains, viz: Classical Arabic,
Standard Arabic, Colloquial Arabic, Kurdish, Berber, French, Spanish and English.
Education and urbanization have contributed to increased contacts between the
various languages in use, on the one hand, and the Arabic varieties on the other
hand. There are approximately 250 million native speakers of Arabic. In learning
this language, one is learning a new culture and a whole new way of life.
This paper describes Arabic-as-a-foreign language programs at American
Universities that integrate spoken Arabic with Modern Standard Arabic in the same
course. The underlying philosophy and possible objections are discussed. It is
argued that this is the most efficient way to prepare the current generation of foreign
students to deal with Arabic diglossia, since most of these students are interested in
gaining overall proficiency in the language and not just reading classical texts.
F
L‟arabe dialectal aleppin de Hanna Dyâb dans son récit de voyage
● Paule Fahmé-Thiéry
EPHE, Paris
Je présenterai brièvement le manuscrit du voyage réalisé en 1708 et rédigé
en 1764, l‘itinéraire du voyage et la biographie de l‘auteur. Ce manuscrit a fait
l‘objet d‘une traduction en français dont la publication est prochaine.
Des exemples permettront de constater à quel point la langue utilisée par
Hanna Dyâb est un dialecte remarquable par la prégnance et la subsistance, près de
trois siècles plus tard, de locutions imagées toujours utilisées, de références
arabisées aux langues étrangères (ottoman notamment, français, italien), d‘usages
métrologiques et de prononciations. Dans ce sens, on abordera également les
« sons » tels qu‘ils peuvent être entendus à travers les transcriptions en arabe.
L‘examen comparatif de la traduction en français et du texte arabe de
certaines séquences permettra de mettre en évidence la distance entre le sens littéral
et le sens compréhensible par un lecteur francophone. La poursuite des objectifs de
fluidité, de restitution sans folklore des « sentiments » ou des « compliments » par
exemple révèle cette distance et illustre la couleur spécifique de cet arabe aleppin.
39
Some words of ancient Semitic origin in the current Sudanese Arabic dialect
● Khalid Mohamed Farah
Independent Researcher, Khartoum
Without pretending to be totally exhaustive, this paper attempts to present
and comment on a number of almost exclusively Sudanese colloquial Arabic words,
whose origin could be traced back to some specific ancient Semitic languages, both
extinct and still in use, other than the ordinary standard classical Arabic language
which is obviously, the main source or stem of all the contemporary Arabic dialects
spoken all over the Arab World and elsewhere. It could indeed, be argued that
virtually all the contemporary Arabic dialects contain certain words whose origin
could be attributed to some old Semitic languages: Babylonian, Aramaic, Sabaean,
Syriac etc, however, the existence of such distinct and peculiar ―Semitic‖ words in
the Sudanese Arabic is particularly interesting, given the fact that it is generally
held that the Arabic speaking community in the Sudan is rather relatively
historically recent, as well as somewhat geographically and culturally peripheral.
Mixed Terminology as a Feature of Middle Arabic in Paul of
Aleppo‟s Journal of His Travels between 1652 and 1659
● Ioana Feodorov
The Institute for South-East European Studies of the Romanian Academy
Paul of Aleppo, Archbishop of the Church of Antioch and All the East (b.
1627), the son of Patriarch Macarius III Ibn al-Za‗īm, is the author of a lengthy
journal in Arabic (670 fol. in the longest copy available), which comprises travel
notes, a chronicle of the Antiochian Patriarchate, historical information, and
comments on various topics connected to the Church, religious practices, etc.
Besides Arabic, this author employs vocabulary specific to several languages –
mainly Greek and Turkish, interspersed with Romanian, Polish, Hungarian, or
Russian words – in a declared effort to make his text a vivid a mirror of the facts
that he witnessed while journeying to Constantinople, Moldavia, Wallachia,
Ukraine, and Russia (1652-1659). I present in my contribution the various types of
borrowings (or mere transfers into Arabic) present in Paul‘s journal and to propose
explanations for their necessity in given contexts. The recurrent borrowing of Greek
words by Christian Arabs is a recognized language feature, originating in their
status as heirs of the Byzantine culture. However, the interference of Ottoman
Turkish words – well reflected in Paul‘s notes – leads to conclusions as to the mixed
lexical features of the Middle Arabic specific to Syrian Christians in the 17th
century. If the rich Church-Greek terminology is not a surprise for an Archbishop of
40
the Antiochian Church, the presence of Ottoman Turkish terms in descriptions of
the Moscow Court, for instance, reflects the difficulties that he encountered in
describing realities foreign to his realm. While shedding light on the way Ottoman
Turkish influenced the variety of Arabic spoken by Levantine Christians, Paul‘s
philological comments – added whenever he used a peculiar foreign word – allow
an insight into the author‘s knowledge of Classical Arabic morphology and syntax.
My remarks are chiefly based on the copy of Paul‘s Journal recorded as Arabic Ms.
6016 at Bibliothèque Nationale de France (311 fol. r/v), which has just started to be
researched properly from a philological perspective, following the completion of its
edition, soon to be published.
Ḥāšāki yā bintī! On Alethic and Deontic Modalities in Spoken Arabic from
Syria
● Daniela Firănescu
Dalhousie University
This paper adds a link to a series of articles (most of them published)
devoted to modalities in spoken Arabic from Syria (Damascus and Aleppo) that we
have presented in AIDA conferences, in the last decade. This time, we focus on
modalities such as ‗necessity‘, ‗possibility‘, ‗impossibility‘ (commonly defined as
‗alethic‘, but sometimes included in the ‗epistemic‘ modalities) and the modal
categories of ‗permission‘, ‗recommendation‘ (with the sub-categories of
‗advisable‘, ‗commendable‘, ‗desirable‘, etc.), ‗obligation‘, ‗defend / not allow /
impede / prevent / obstruct / forbid‘ – or ‗deontic‘ modalities.
The title contains an illustration of a semantically complex modal
expression (Ḥāšāki yā bintī! – ―far be it from you, my daughter!‖), in which
various shades of meaning meet, making possible, contextually, the convergence of
the alethic and deontic modalities and their blending into a hybrid modal sense.
By analyzing the discursive values of modal expressions in their pragmatic
context of utterance, we aim at observing in depth matters related to: specialization
of modal expressions in conveying specific discursive meanings related to the two
categories of modalities examined; the extent of interchangeability versus semantic
exclusivity, related to context and conventionalized speech acts; grammaticalization
(where it occurs) aspects; the connection between these two categories of modalities
and their contextual interference within verbal interaction.
41
G
The Contribution to Palestinian and Transjordanian dialects based on lettercorrespondence between Gustaf DALMAN and local informants
●Aharon Geva Kleinberger
University of Haifa
In 2013 I discovered tenths of letter-correspondence between the German
world-known dialectologist Gustaf Dalman (1855-1941) and five local informants.
These letters were discovered in dusty boxes at the archive of Dalman Institute in
Greifswald/Germany where he used to teach. As we know, G. Dalman wrote his
famous masterpiece on Central Palestinian dialects, Arbeit und Sitte in Palästina
which was published in the thirties of the last century and reprinted 1964.
The discussed letters shed new light not only on the life of this renowned
scholar but handles us also a deep glance into Palestinian and Transjordan Arabic
dialects of the first third of the twentieth century.
The lecture includes linguistic and historical details of this corpus between
three Palestinian informants one of them the well-known doctor and anthropologist
Tawfīq Canaan, one Transjordanian informant and an English noble lady who
resided in Nazareth. The letters were written between the years 1900 and 1933,
most of them in the German Sütterlin script and in thousands of transcriptions of the
local Arabic dialects.
Expressing Certainty and Uncertainty in Baghdadi Arabic
● George Grigore
University of Bucharest
In this paper I shall present some linguistical ways to express epistemical
modalities, with a special focus on certainty and uncertainty. Based on a corpus of
data in the Spoken Arabic of Baghdad recorded by me two years ago, the present
analysis shall point out the main modal verbs, the verbs with modal meaning,
adverbs and adverbial expressions, adjectives, pragmatical particles and so on, used
in different constructions to introduce the degree of credibility of an assertion.
42
Why languages change, and why they don‟t
● Smaranda Grigore
and
● Jonathan Owens
Bayreuth University
While it has been observed that the rich number of varieties of Arabic make
it a particularly interesting language for observing language change, inductively
deriving concrete generalizations from individual case studies has been the
exception in Arabic dialectology. In this presentation we would like to present two
diametrically opposed developments in Arabic, one a case of remarkable stability
across varieties separated by some 1200 years of history, and one a case of
remarkable change across varieties separated by a less period of 600 years. The first
case pertains to Emirati and Nigerian Arabic. Not only the verb paradigm, but more
interestingly the discourse conditions governing the choice of overt and null
subjects have shown no evidence of change over 1200 years. This will be
demonstrated using measures of anaphoric discourse reference developed in Owens
et al. 2009, 2013. The second pertains to idiomaticity in Egyptian and Nigerian
Arabic, where the idiomaticity of Nigerian Arabic is shown on qualitative and
quantitative terms to be vastly different from that of Egyptian, even though
Egyptian Arabic is the direct ancestor of Nigerian Arabic.
The study highlights two basic aspects of language change. From the first it
can be hypothesized – comparative studies in this respect are lacking – that so long
as anaphoric discourse reference is maintained in speech communities, the
underlying morphological paradigms will change relatively little, and not at all in
their basic values. The second confirms what is an often unstated truism of language
change that non-core components (non-basic vocabulary, discourse markers) are
more liable to change than are core ones (phonology, morphology, basic
vocabulary). The dramatic degree of difference, however, isolates idiomaticity as an
important phenomenon driving language change.
Syrian Coastal Dialect in drama and comedy of Syrian film production
● Narine Grigoryan
Institute of Oriental Studies, University of Vienna
During these turbulent times it is interesting to see how Syrian film
producers/ directors used in the past Coastal dialect and what is the message sent by
modern Syrian series in the same dialect.
Renowned Syrian film director Abdellatif Abdulhamid with his Rasael
Shafahiyyah (Verbal letters) are put vis-à-vis Leith Hajo‘s, a younger but also
prominent Syrian director of Dheya Dhayy‘a (Lost Village). The language in
Abdulhamid‘s heroes is simple as his heroes are, while in more modern Hajo‘s
43
works Syrian Coastal dialect is sometimes not easy to understand, so the viewers in
other parts of Syria or other Arabic countries where series were aired need subtitles
to understand the expressions.
A comparison is made between the ―realistic‖ Abdulhamid‘s characters and
Hajo‘s Jaude and As‘ad that are full of humor. There is a transparent line where
drama and comedy meet, as the Abdulhamid‘s drama is humorous, colorful, while
the lively comedy of Hajo brings us to dramatic reality.
Linguistic remarks on the dialect of al-Buraimi, Oman
● Elisabeth Grünbichler
Institute of Oriental Studies, University of Vienna
Al-Buraimi is the principal town of the oasis in eastern Arabia which bears
the same name, in the north of the Sultanate of Oman, on the border between Oman
and the United Arab Emirates. Until October 2006 thecity belonged to the region of
aẓ-Ẓāhira and is now the capital of the newly created province of al-Buraimi. The
dialect of al-Buraimi was covered in Clive Holes‘ groundbreaking study on the
dialect geography of Oman, published in 1989. The Arabic spoken in al-Buraimi
has been classified by him as a Bedouin dialect of the northern desert of Oman. In
contrast with the rest of Oman, the dialect of al-Buraimi does not share all typical
Omani features, but shows resemblances to the eastern Arabian group.
In my paper I will present some phonological and morphological features of
the dialect based on own fieldwork. For this purpose, I will prepare a grammatical
sketch of the dialect which mainly relies on information gained through interviews
with speakers of Buraimi Arabic. Furthermore, I will deal with lexical peculiarities
comparing and enhancing the data presented in P. Behnstedt and M. Woidich‘s
Wortatlas der arabischen Dialekte (Leiden, Brill 2011-2014). Finally I will go into
the question whether or not there have been significant changes concerning the
dialect of al-Buraimi since Holes‘ fieldwork done nearly 30 years ago.
A phonetical sketch of the Arabic dialect spoken in Oran (North-western
Algeria)
● Jairo Guerrero
University of Cádiz
Oran is the second largest city of Algeria after the capital Algiers. It is an
important harbour town that is home to over 800.000 people. Fieldwork-based
researches on the Arabic dialect of Oran are very scarce and most of them date back
to the early twentieth century: Doutté (1904) and Boualem (1987).
44
This study aims to provide a description of the phonological system
displayed by the dialect involved. I will also analyze several phonetical aspects such
as the dissimilation and assimilation processes occurring in stems containing
sibilant sequences or the devoicing involving pharyngeal /ḥ/. Special attention will
be paid to the distribution of the two reflexes of classical qāf: voiceless uvular stop
/q/ and voiced velar stop /g/.
My study is based on data gathered by means of recordings and a
questionnaire during a four-month stay in the city of Oran (from February to June
2014). Most of my informants were young students at the University of Es-SeniaOran. This research stay resulted in a short article that was published by RomanoArabica XV (2015).
H
Policing loyalty to Moroccan Arabic on Facebook
● Atiqa Hachimi
University of Toronto
This paper is an effort to understand metalinguistic discourse in an
increasingly globalized and mediatized Arabic-speaking world. It explores in
particular the contestation in online metalinguistic discourse from the perspective of
the Maghreb-Mashreq language ideology – the hierarchical relationship between
Mashreqi (Middle Eastern) and Maghrebi (North African) vernacular Arabic
varieties (Hachimi 2013). Specifically, data come from a Facebook page created by
Moroccans and dedicated exclusively to the ‗Blacklisting‘ of co-nationalartists who
converge to Middle Eastern Arabic varieties in mediatized pan-Arab encounters.
The paper examines these artists‘ linguistic practices made available in embedded
videos and their metalinguistic and metapragmatic framings by the Facebook
community. The paper shows the ways in which the ‗Blacklisting‘ is informed by a
gendered form of folk ―verbal hygiene‖ (Cameron 1995) that demands national
dialect loyalty, especially from female cultural figures. It also shows that the verbal
hygienists‘ condemnation or exoneration of dialect loyalty do not always match the
artists‘ actual linguistic practices and stylistic choices. The paper argues that the
anxieties and language ideological debates implicit or explicit on the Facebook page
are not exclusively about language, but more broadly, they unravel the complex
relationships between linguistic choices and practices, morality, and today‘s
conceptualizations of Moroccan national identity.
45
Italian Words in the Palestinian Dialects
● Moin Halloun
Bethlehem University
The last survey which was carried out in 1922, dealt with languages usually
spoken in Palestine. This survey showed that Italian speakers (455) were less than
the English speakers (3008), French (716), and German (1781). In spite of that
hundreds of Italian words are used in the Palestinian dialects, more than the
influence of all the other languages combined.
Italian words are not limited to Jerusalem area (318) and Galilee (132),
where the majority of Italians lived, but also in areas where the number of Italian
speakers was small (only 5 people).
As a matter of fact, most of Italian words in the Palestinian dialects are exist
also in the Ottoman Turkish language. After examining the phonology of the three
languages, one can see clearly that these words entered directly from Turkish and
not from Italian.
Ex.
ٖجسدٚ wārda!
‗A word used by stone workers to warn people around before an explosion‘.
The same word appears in Turkish جسدجٚ. The origin of this word is in Italian guardia
which means: Look out!, Take care of youself!
alisṭa أٌغطح
The Palestinians say: kullo alisṭa or āḫir alisṭa to mean that everthing is
fine or everything is wonderful. Two words of the same meaning are found in
Ottoman Turkish language: ārista and alisṭa. The verb allestire in Italian means ‗to
orgnize‘. The word allistito has a similar meaning.
The purpose of this survey is to build the lexicon of the of Italian
vocabulary that passed to the Palestinian dialects with the intermediation of
Turkish. Moreover it will emphasize the morphology accured between these three
language in the process of transmission.
أٌ عالقت بٍُ صىاحت انعزبُت انًعاصزة وصىاحت انذارجت:يٍ انصىاحت انخقابهُت إنً انصىاحت انخزبىَت
انًغزبُت؟
● (Mbarek Hanoun) ٌِرحسن حُى
ؾحِؼس ِكّذ جٌخحِظ
،س جٌّؼحفشز ذحٌّغشخ١جٌؼشذٚ س١س جٌّكى١ٓ ٌٍؼشذ١١ضٛٓ جٌق١حْ جٌٕغم١ ِٓ خالي ذ، ٘زج جٌركعٟ ف،ٝٔغؼ
ٌٝ جٌّّىٕس ئcontrasts
)ٕحش٠ جٌطمحذالش (جٌطرحٍٝف ػٛلٌٛجٚ "ٓ١س "ٌٍغط١جضٛجػذ جٌقٛػشك ٌرؼل جٌمٚ
:ٍٝجٌرشٕ٘س ػ
ٓ ّٔو١ؼحسك ذ٠ ٟجضٛؽ ف١ لذ عّف ذٕغٍٟجفٛش٘ح جٌط١ ضذذٟفٚ ٟجضٛٔحش جٌٕغك جٌقٛ ِىٟ أْ جالخطالف ف.1
"؛ّٞٔو "ػحدٚ "ٟك١"ضفق
46
ٓ؛١ِطٛٓ جٌّٕظ١" ذٟجضٛش جٌق١ٗ ذـ "جٌطؿغ١ّٓ ضغّف ذّح ٔغ١ جٌٍغطٟٓ ٔغم١س ذ١جضٛ أْ جالخطالفحش جٌق.2
س١ٓ جٌطشذ١غّف ذأفك جٌشذو ذ٠ س١ظ جٌٍغس جٌؼشذ٠س ضذس١ٍّ ػٟٓ جالػطرحس ف١س ذؼ١ٍ أْ أخز ٔطحتؽ جٌذسجعس جٌطمحذ.3
.جضسٛجٌقٚ س١ٓ جٌطشذ١ ٌٕمً جٌشذو ذٚحش أ١ٔجٌٍغحٚ
différentielle
س١جضس جخطالفٛح فٙٔش أ١جقذز غٚ جضسٛس ف١س جٌّكى١جٌؼشذٚ س جٌّؼحفشز١جضس جٌؼشذٛ أْ ف.4
.لسٛس جٌّٕط١ٔغك جٌؼشذٚ ذسٛس جٌّىط١ ٔغك جٌؼشذ،ٓ١١ٓ فشػ١ْ ِٓ ٔغمٛضطى
:ٌٝذف ٘زٖ جٌذسجعس ئٙ ض، رٌهٍٝذحالػطّحد ػٚ
خحفس؛،ظ٠ُ ٌغس جٌطذس١ٍ لٍد ضؼٟ ؾؼٍٗ فٟ فٟٔش جٌٍغح١جٌطغٚ عْٕٛ ِذخال إلػحدز جالػطرحس ٌٍطٛ أْ ضى.1
ِؼؿّٗ؛ٚ جػذٖ جٌخحفسٛػحضحٌٍغس ضكىّٗ لٕٛع ِٓ ضٕٛ أْ وً ض.2
حش؛١مؼٌٛذ جٌقحٌف ٌىً ج١ع جٌؿٕٛغص جٌط١ٌ جٌّؼحفشزٚحس أ١س جٌّؼ١ أْ جٌؼشذ.3
ّح ِؼح؛ٌٙ ِّٕٞٛطٍد ضٚ ٍٟجفٛجٌذجسؾس ِطٍد ضٚ ٝٓ جٌفقك١ضحش ذٚ أْ جعطػّحس جٌطفح.4
ٓ١ّ غٟٔح وّىغد ٌغحِٕٙ جالٔطالقٚ ،ٟٙ جٌؾفٞ أ،ًؼشفٗ جٌطف٠ ؾد جالٔطالق ِّحٛغط٠ أْ جعطػّحس جٌّؾطشن.5
.ٗ ٌغطِٜٛغطٚ س١ػحدجضٗ جٌٕطمٚ ٞٛذٖ جٌٍغ١ٌشفٚ ٗػد ٌٍغطٛجٌطؼحًِ جٌّغطٚ ،ٝثٗ الوطغحخ جٌفقك١ٙ٠
Yūsuf aš-Širbīnī‟s Hazz al-Quḥūf: Some insights on the diachrony of Egyptian
Arabic
●Ashraf Hassan
University of Naples ―L‘Orientale‖
Hazz al-Quḥūf bi-S̆arḥ Qaṣīd Abī Šādūf by Yūsuf aš-Širbı̄nı̄ (fl. 1665-1687)
is a unique work in pre-modern Egyptian Literature. The work is in two parts. The
first is plentiful of anecdotes on the Egyptian peasants‘ (fallāḥīn) modus vivendi,
together with various linguistic and social observations , and it is written in mixed
Middle Arabic and Egyptian Arabic
(EA). The second , instead, is a poem (in
Egyptian Delta Arabic) ascribed to an Egyptian peasant named Abū Šā dūf , with ašŠirbı̄nı̄‘s comment ary on it.
The work offers a very large corpus of EA as it was spoken in the 17 th
century either by Egyptian urban population, ahl miṣr, or its rural one, ar-rayyāfa.
In my paper, I intend to shed light on what Hazz al-Quḥūf would provide us
of material that helps understanding EA diachronically on various levels:
Phonological: the differences in EA pronunciation (urban vs. rural), the
development in EA of Standard Arabic interdentals, the vowel alternation of the
some words first syllable;
Morphological: several morphological changes regarding the quadriliteral
verbs, the verbs shifting from IV Form to I Form, the use of different maṣdar for I
Form verbs, the alternation of the defective verbs vowel, the diminutives, the dual,
the use of different plurals;
Syntactic: the negation, the demonstratives, the agreement verb-subject;
Morphosyntactic: the EA modals (rāyiḥ, „ammāl, yā rēt, ḥiss-... etc.), the
temporal expression by the verb kān, yikūn;
Lexical: lexemes changes (i.e. lexemes that went obsolete, lexemes that
substituted others, newly introduced lexemes), semantic change, baby talk lexemes.
47
Concerning some negative markers in South Iraqi Arabic
● Qasim Hassan
University of Basra
The study of negation in South Iraqi Arabic (henceforth in this paper SIA)
has sadly been an uncharted territory in cross-dialectal studies. In contrast with the
thoroughly documented written language of Modern Standard Arabic and Classical
Arabic, describing the negative morphemes in the spoken SIA presupposes an
extensive of natural speech as a source. However, Abu Haidar (2002) has recently
provided the most serious work in this respect. She starts describing some negative
particles in SIA, discussing them separately, and then citing examples given by her
respondents. The purpose of the current study is to show that the lack of accurate
written sources for the negative markers in SIA led Abu Haidar to arrive at negative
conclusions in this respect. I would like to start with some remarks on the instances
Abu Haidar cited for SIA; I will show that these instances are misleading and
inadequate. I will then discuss some forms of negative morphemes in SIA that she
never introduced in her study. The source material for this study comes from the
typical folk poetry and songs from this region, where certain types of negative
markers have become stereotype, but little attention has been paid to.
Alternate + Shift: The multilingual manoeuvres of Palestinian political
speakers in Israel
● Nancy Hawker
University of Oxford
On 31 July 2013, Israel Eichler of the United Torah Judaism party opposed
a bill regarding raising the proportionate electoral threshold for a political party to
enter the Israeli parliament by ostensibly addressing the other small parties that
would be excluded if the bill were passed:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=D8tpxI0osKk
―Naḥnu ma‗kum bi-niḍālkum min ‘ajil ad-dimokratīya,‖ in Arabic:
―We are with you in your struggle for democracy.‖
To which Ahmad Tibi of the Arab Movement for Change responded:
―Mir di araber badanken aykh af der tmikhe eygn demokratye,‖ in Yiddish:
―We, the Arabs, thank you for the support [for your] own democracy‖.
The mutual trespassing of these declarations in the other group‘s language
signalled an opportunistic alliance of the two parties that otherwise have little in
48
common (except, perhaps, a flair for provocative rhetoric). They failed to defeat the
bill, and 17 March 2015 marks the first Israeli parliamentary elections in which
ideologically diverse Arab parties have to unite in order to pass the new threshold.
Under these adverse circumstances, how do the languages used by Arabicspeaking politicians serve to convince voters to notch up the percentage? Do they
speak in fuṣḥā to evoke nationalist sentiment, in Hebrew to gain the trust of Jewish
Israelis, or in Palestinian „āmmīya to show that they are ―one of the people‖? And
when they do use ‗ammīya, what effect does the urban variety have on the
Bedouins? Do the politicians borrow Hebrew elements when it is pragmatic to do
so, and how do they react to their constituents‘ mixing of Hebrew in the Arabic
matrix?
With fresh evidence from fieldwork on the campaigning trail of Palestinian
candidates, we will be better equipped to investigate these questions.
Intonational marking of questions across Arabic dialects: areal features and
isolated patterns
●Sam Hellmuth
●Rana Almbark
University of York
Question intonation varies cross-linguistically (e.g. Rialland, 2007), despite
claims of linguistic universals involving high pitch (Bolinger, 1978). This paper
reports the results of a comparative analysis of question intonation in a sample of
spoken Arabic dialects, from the Intonational Variation in Arabic (IVAr) corpus
[www.york.ac.uk/res/ivar]. The corpus contains recordings from 12 speakers
(6M/6F) each in a regionally defined subset of colloquial dialects (Morocco,
Tunisia, Egypt, Jordan, Syria, Iraq, Kuwait, Emirates, Yemen) and in a range of
speech styles (read > spontaneous).
We present the results of prosodic annotation of read speech interrogatives
elicited using a scripted dialogue task (Hellmuth & Almbark, in prep.). The task
yields six lexically distinct tokens per speaker of: broad focus declaratives (dec),
wh-questions (whq), yes-no-questions (ynq) and coordinated questions (coo). The
position of the stressed syllable in the last word of each utterance is varied to
facilitate analysis of the nuclear accent contour, and the last word is segmentally
parallel across all dialects, permitting cross-dialectal comparison of nuclear
contours in different utterance types. Prosodic annotation was performed by two
transcribers, using labels based on the Tones and Break Indices (ToBI) annotation
system (Beckman, Hirschberg, & Shattuck-Hufnagel, 2005).
The results confirm that intonational marking of questions in Arabic is
diverse. In some dialects a ynq is indicated by choice of nuclear accent category
(e.g. Yemen: nuclear rise-fall), but in others by the choice of boundary tone (Egypt:
H% instead of L%); in some dialects marking of whq and ynqs is the same, whereas
in others they differ completely (final rise-fall vs. final fall). Our main case study
49
documents a previously undescribed pattern in Tunisian Arabic, whereby an
additional syllable bearing a mid-high ‗question tone‘ is appended to the last word
in yes-no questions, regardless of the number of syllables in the host word.
Spatial Language in Traditional Negev Arabic: Corpus Data
● Roni Henkin
Ben-Gurion University of the Negev
Spatial language research is predominantly based on experimental
fieldwork methods current in cognitive and anthropological linguistics. Recorded
corpora in these domains usually pertain to specific tasks, whereas long corpora of
spontaneous discourse, such as narratives and interactional situations, are
considered inadequate, as the specific linguistic/cognitive issues targeted may be
absent or vague in the situational context, and are in any case not subject to control.
But corpus data reveal aspects of spatial language that experimental data
cannot. A recent dissertation on spatial language in Traditional Negev Arabic
(TNA), based on experimental fieldwork among the Ṣāniʿ tribe (Cerqueglini 2014),
has produced findings which may now be submitted to corpus analysis; I will show
how the 280,000 word corpus of TNA spontaneous discourse, mainly oral history,
folk stories, and personal narratives, constitutes an invaluable source of semantic
and cultural information. It shows the culturally specific use of all three spatial
Frames of Reference, found by experimental methods to be prevalent in this spatial
system. Two examples follow (more in the talk):
a) experimental data show cardinal directions to be extremely prevalent.
But only the corpus can show that east is used four times as much as south; I will
offer some explanations for this.
b) experimental data show no spatial use of ‗left‘ and ‗right‘; the corpus
indeed shows ‗right‘ mainly as a legal term for an oath, and as a cultural term in the
highly coded hosting system, whereby coffee is always served to the right. For
spatial location we often find cardinal directions: ‗I was sitting on my
grandmother‘s eastern knee and my brother was on her western knee‘.
The corpus also provides data for non-manipulable arrays, including
mountains and rivers.
It highlights culturally salient items, reflecting cultural practices and
enabling optimal coverage of the dialectal spatial system with complementary
methodologies.
50
Old vs new: vanishing features in sedentary Jordanian
● Bruno Herin
INALCO – Paris
The traditional dialects of Jordan, whether sedentary or Bedouin, are
receiving a growing amount of attention. Since Cleveland (1963) and Palva (1984),
the varieties now spoken in Jordan have been classified into four types: biʾūl, bikūl,
bigūl and yigūl. While only the last two are indigenous, the biʾūl and bikūl types
originated from Palestine in the aftermath of the 1948 ethnic cleansing and the
massive influx of Palestinian refugees into Transjordan. It is now recognised that
the bigūl dialects (1) belong to the sedentary southern Levantine group with
distinctive features acquired through contact with contiguous Bedouin varieties
(Palva 2008) and (2) are most closely related to Ḥōrā ni dialects rather than
Palestinian dialects (Herin 2013). The dialect of Amman, while still exhibiting
considerable variation, is stabilising (Al-Wer 2007). It presents features traceable to
its two main sources (urban Palestinian and sedentary Jordanian) and forms found
in neither source (Al-Wer, in press).
Unlike Ammani Arabic, which is an emerging variety, the traditional
Jordanian varieties are undergoing dialect levelling. The goal of this presentation is
to provide an account of the changes that are occurring in one of these sedentary
dialects such as the genitive exponent, verbal morphology, the negative copula and
a large number of function words.
Social integration and dialect divergence in coastal Palestine: Gaza & Jaffa
● Uri Horesh
Northwestern University – Evanston
and
●William Cotter
The University of Arizona
This is a study of a Palestinian speech community which has split into two
as a result of ethnic cleansing and displacement. The city of Jaffa, on the
Mediterranean coast of central Palestine, was brutally emptied of over 90% of its
inhabitants in 1948 during the ‗Catastrophe‘ (Nakba in Arabic). These Jaffa
residents who were driven out of the city became refugees, many of whom fled to
Gaza, some 69 km south of Jaffa.
Being a refugee in Gaza carries a social stigma, partly as refugees are
identifiable through dialect differences. The traditional dialect of Jaffa differs from
that of Gaza in a number of ways. This is one prime example of two urban
Palestinian coastal dialects – three features which are known in Arabic dialectology
to indicate convergence of dialectal features – which have nonetheless diverging
features.
51
1. (q) – In the Jaffa vernacular, /q/ is invariably realized as a glottal stop
[ʔ]. In Gaza, it is variable, whereby the traditional dialect manifests it as a voiced
velar stop [ɡ] (Salonen 1979/80, de Jong 2000), but a glottal stop exists as well.
2. (AH) – in Jaffa and most non-Gaza urban and rural dialects, the wordfinal feminine suffix /-a/ is raised to [e] in phonetically non-back environments.
This raised variant is not typical of indigenous Gaza and other southern Palestinian
varieties (Bergsträßer 1915, Al-Wer 2007).
3. (ʕ) – the newest and most advanced variable, a change in progress for
contemporary Jaffa speakers, involves the lenition of the voiced pharyngeal
fricative into a glottal stop, a vocalized variant or total deletion.
The current study uses a corpus of sociolinguistic interviews with Jaffaorigin speakers who currently reside in Jaffa (50%) and Gaza (50%) to statistically
and qualitatively explain the different trajectory in which these two dialects have
progressed in contact with and isolation from one another.
Voices and registers in the [dialect] poetry of Fuʼād Ḥaddād
● Bohdan Horvat
Institute of Philology
Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv
Fuʼād Ḥaddād produced a comparatively large corpus of poetry in the
Egyptian dialect. The eight volume – dīwān – of his works contains more than
twenty collections of poems which represent his polygenre and polyphonic poetical
oeuvre. One of the characteristics peculiar to his style is combining different and
even seemingly dissonant genres in one text. Exploiting the capabilities of formal
verse components the imām of ʻāmmiyya poets created such characters as the
Misaḥḥarātī and the Arāgūz each having his own identifiable voice. Human beings
of all ages are not the only ones who speak in Ḥaddād‘s poetry, for one may
recognize in it voices of puppets, animals or even household items. In this paper I
analyze the registers in which these voices were produced and try to answer
questions about what makes them distinguishable and recognizable as well as where
they are interrupted by the voice of the poet (in meditation or addressing the
audience). While on one hand Ḥaddād‘s poetry leans on the oral tradition as means
of unmediated approach to an audience and implies synthetical arts such as theatre
and performance, on the other hand its language argues the boundless potentiality of
the written dialect to produce senses and meanings.
52
I
Some Features of the Arabic Spoken in Hasköy (Turkey), as Inferred from a
Version of the Tale of “Mem and Zin”
● Ștefan Ionete
University of Bucharest
Hasköy is a town in Eastern Turkey, in the province of Muș. The
inhabitants of this town form an Arabic speaking community. Arabic is only used,
as a language of communication, within this community, as, in the region, Turkish
and Kurdish are widely spoken.
In this paper, I intend to present a short description of this variety of Arabic,
the most northern Anatolian one. Here, I am taking into account the review of the
distinctive phonetic characteristics, as well as of the morpho-syntactic ones, both
verbal and nominal. Besides this, I will include in the paper some features of the
phrase‘s syntax.
This paper is based on a version of the tale of ―Mem and Zin‖, recorded by
me in the town of Hasköy, in the summer of 2014.
J
خصائص صىحُت ويعجًُت فٍ نهجت بعض قبائم يُطقت عظُز انًًهكت انعزبُت انظعىدَت
● (Salem Mohammed Jafsher)عحٌُ ِكّذ جفشز
ٕح١١ؾحِؼس ف
يظاهز نهجت يُطقت عظُز
س٠ؿحش جٌكؿحصٌٍٙػس جّٛض٘ح ػٓ ِؿ١ّس ض٠ٛ ػذز ِالِف ٌغٍٟش ػ١ ِٕطمس ػغٟؿحش فٌٍٙ جٞٛضٕط
ؿحش جٌّٕحهكٌٙ ٓ١ضؿحٔظ ذٚ حسٙس جٔق١ٍّشٖ ذؼ١ّىٓ ضفغ٠ ِحٛ٘ٚ ،ّح ذرؼلٙد فالش ضشذطٛؾٚ ِٓ ُذحٌشغ
:ش١ ِٕطمس ػغٟس ضغّغ ف١ٌس جٌطح١ؿٌٍٙج٘ش جٛجٌظٚ .سزٛجٌّزو
ٞش ِػً ْجِ َمشؾًُْ أ١ّس ق١ٔؼشف ذطّطّح٠ ِحٛ٘ٚ )َ (جي) ٌطقرف (أٟف ف٠ّح ً ٌٍطؼش١ِ َئذذجي جٌال
دجٛؾرً جٌغٚ ذز١حِس عشجز ػرٙ ضٟسز فٛٙ ِؾٟ٘ٚ ،ًُجٌ َمشؾ
مًحٛفطف ِح ذؼذ٘ح ػٚ ، ذؼل جٌىٍّحشٟ قزف ّ٘ضز جٌمطغ فٌٝس ئ١ِحًٙ ذؼل عىحْ جٌّٕحهك جٌط١ِ
َم
أخنشٚ أقْ ّش:ٞ أ،نش
خ
،ش
ّ
ق
:
ٌُٙٛل
ٛٔك
،حٕٙػ
َم
َم َم
.)(ٌَم ْٗ ِح ٌي:) (ٌَمُٗ ِح ٌيُٟ فٌٙٛ وم،ًفٌْٛ ٘حء جٌغحتد جٌّطكشن ػٕذ جٕٛغ ّى٠ أصد جٌغّشجز
ٌُٙٛسؾحي جٌكؿش ومٚ ْص٘شجٚ ؿحش لرحتً غحِذٌٙ ٟ فٟ٘ٚ ف٠جش ٌٍطؼشٚجٌرحء وأدٚ جعطؼّحي جألٌف
.ًٙ جٌىًٟ فٙجذى
سٙٓ ِٓ ؾ١جٌؾٚ سٙٓ جٌىحف ِٓ ؾ١ ئػّحي جإلذذجي ذٟ٘ٚ جش ذظح٘شز جٌىؾىؾسٚش عىحْ جٌغشٙؾط٠
ف قحٌِه؟١ و:ْٚذ٠ش٠ ؼ قحٌؼ؟٠ٚ ،.ه١ٍػ
،نٛأذ
:حْٙ ذٚذ٠ش٠ ،ؼ١ٍػٚ ،ػٛأذ
:ٌُٙٛ ِػً لٜأخش
ِ
ِ
ِ
.ف قحٌه١ وٞ أ.ؼ قحٌظ٠ٚ ٌُٙٛ جٌؿكحدس ِػً لٚ ذز١ وً ِٓ عشجز ػرٟف١٘ٚ ظح٘شز جٌىغىغس
53
ٟٕ لرحتً ذٟ فٟ٘ٚ ً جٌؿرٟرَمً ف١ٌ جٚ ، جٌؿذجسٟذجس ف١ٌجٚ ، ًّ جٌؿٟ َمًّ ف١ٌْ جٌٛٛم١حء ف٠ ُ١لٍد جٌؿ
ْذز لكطح١سفٚ ذؾش
.طحِشؾً رج ذذج٠ س:ٌْٛٛم١ ف،ٞ جٌزٕٝالً ذّؼٛفِٛ ً " جعّحٚحِس لكطحْ "رٙ ضُٟ فِٙجعطخذج
From Bodily Posture to Progressive Aspect Marker
●Najib Ismail Jarad
University of Sharjah
The fact that posture verbs tend to grammaticalize into aspectual markers of
progressivity in a wide-range of (un)related languages makes them particularly
interesting objects of study. The present paper aims to contribute to our
understanding of how the active posture participle yālis (sitting) plus imperfective
verb have come to express the progressive aspect in Emirati Arabic. The proposed
answer to this puzzling question involves the claim that, cross linguistically,
progressive constructions are known to originate from locative constructions in
which the agent is described as in the midst of an activity. Therefore, if X is
reading, then X is regarded as being located in the midst of reading; ongoing
activities are construed as locations in which agents find themselves in (e.g. John is
in the middle of reading). The transfer from a bodily posture to a progressive
construction can be explained as the result of a unidirectional transfer from the more
concrete domain of space to the more abstract domain of verbal aspect. This
development may thus involve a metaphorical process whereby the abstract
meaning of progressive aspect is conceptualized in terms of the concrete meaning of
bodily postures.
The function of yālis (sitting) as an auxiliary verb –like appears to be the
result of a grammaticalization process, as certain principles of grammaticalization
such as extension, desemanticization, and decategorialization were found to apply
to it. Data from Emirati Arabic variety suggest that yālis (sitting) has undergone
semantic and morphosyntatctic changes but retained its phonetic content. This is not
unusual since phonological change is not reliant on syntactic change. As part of the
new construction, the active participle yālis (sitting) has also changed its argument
structure.
What can peripheral Arabic dialects tell us about the prehistory of Semitic?
● Otto Jastrow
Tallinn University
Classical Arabic is cast into a very rigid system of root and pattern which
dominates the morphology. Verbs must follow this root-and-pattern system because
otherwise it would not be possible to inflect (conjugate) them. Nouns likewise
54
follow this pattern, which is applied also to loan words, e.g. barnāmaǧ, pl. barāmiǧ
―programme‖. In Modern Standard Arabic (MSA) the treatment of foreign loan
words is less rigid; they are mostly put in the plural by means of -āt. In the modern
dialects this tendency has become much more pronounced: Loan nouns are usually
no longer treated as consisting of root and pattern, and even loan verbs can be
inflected by simply adding the respective inflectional pre- and suffixes to an
unchanging base.
When looking at some peripheral Arabic dialects (and even more so at
some Neo-Aramaic idioms) we find that even in the inherited lexicon roots are not
any more preserved as the unchanging core of a word but are subjected to farreaching changes: loss of radicals, radicals changing place, erosion of the
dichotomy of strong and weak verbs etc.
This gradual unraveling of the unique Classical Arabic (and, in fact,
Semitic) morphological type opens a new perspective on the emergence of this
structure during the pre-history of Semitic. The process can be imagined as the
inverse of the present one: the gradual establishing of a more and more rigid
structure by means of analogy, structural adjustments and a strong pressure towards
a symmetrical and transparent morphology.
Translating the Lebanese dialect in Rashid Al-Daif‟s Tiṣṭifil Mῑrῑl Strῑb
●Safa Alferd Abou Chahla Jubran
●Felipe Benjamin Francisco
University of Sao Paulo
The purpose of this research is to analyze the translation decisions of the
Lebanese dialect on the novel Tiṣṭifil Mῑrῑl Strῑb ( د٠ً عطش٠ش١ِ ً)ضقطف, written by
Rashid Al-Daif, as taken by each of his foreign translators. Based on the theory
proposed by Antoine Berman in his work La traduction et la lettre, ou L‟auberge du
lointain, we selected the case of the dialectal verb yiṣṭifil that occurs on the title of
the novel and only once in the body of the source text. Berman argues that there are
―deforming tendencies‖ taking place during the translation of literary prose, which
keep the translation away from its ethical aim by destroying the ―letter‖ of the
source text so as to keep the meaning transmission. The deforming tendency we
focused at is called ―the destruction of vernacular networks or their exoticization‖
which plays an important role erasing the dialectal elements which are abundant and
very clear all long the text. Taking the case of the verb yiṣṭifil and the ways it was
translated into Brazilian Portuguese, Spanish, Italian, French and English, we
discussed here how successful each of the translators was in neutralizing this
deforming tendency.
55
Interjections: Cases of linguistic borrowing in Nigerian (Shuwa) Arabic code
switching
● Jidda Hassan Juma‟a
University of Maiduguri
Nigerian (Shuwa) Arabic is spoken by a considerable minority in Nigeria
specifically in the northeastern part of the country. As a minority language in
contact with many ethnic- based languages in the area, it has over the years,
frequently borrowed linguistic elements -specifically interjections- in interaction or
conversations with other ethno-linguistic groups. These interjections are widespread
among the different languages spoken in the area to such an extent that their origin
is hardly identified as they appear belong to any of the languages they were found
used in them. In this work we highlight the frequent occurrence of these elements in
a language corpus in different social setting i.e. monolingual village or city based,
group discussion monolingual city based and group discussion of multilingual
nature also based in the city of Maiduguri. The study found that some of these
elements were peculiarly used in the city whether monolingual group discussion or
multilingual. Some other elements i.e. (interjections) were found in monolingual
setting village based and were also marginally shared by the group discussion
monolingual or multilingual. The structure of the elements seems to be shared by all
the languages in which they were used in the text and that is why it is difficult to
identify the elements with a specific language structure and therefore no specific
language in the region can claim its origin as they are widely spread and used by
different languages. Coupled with this, is the fact that these elements do not change
in form or structure even when they are borrowed or used in Nigerian (Shuwa)
Arabic texts from different social setting.
K
Syrian Dialect: Main Features in the Vernacular of Ḥomṣ
● Najla Kalach
Università degli Studi della Tuscia
My paper is based on the dialect spoken in the city of Ḥomṣ, located in the
Central part of Syria. The goal is to present the main data, collected after the
beginning of the civil war in 2011. The recordings contain elements of dialect
spoken by natives who decided to escape from Syria. The sources were gathered
throughout Italy and various Arab countries such as United Arab Emirates, Egypt,
Qatar.
The native language might have been influenced by this kind of emigration
and that is the reason why the linguistic analysis presents the peculiarities of al56
ḥomṣiyya on a phonetic and morphological level and a general description of
syntax.
Lutte de la Poésie vernaculaire néo-arabe contre le colonialisme au MoyenOrient et au Proche-Orient
● Elie Kallas
Université de Trieste
Le prestige de la langue arabe standard, favorisé par les institutions
médiévales et contemporaines, est si intériorisé, que même les auteurs peu instruits
avaient souvent recours à des usages non vernaculaires, classiques, standards ou
pseudo-corrects. L‘éducation scolaire dans le « monde arabe » était élitaire, et elle
est toujours déficitaire dans plusieurs pays néo-arabophones. Ceux qui ne
connaissaient pas l‘arabe scolaire et ceux qui voulaient s‘exprimer dans l‘idiome qui
leur était plus familier devaient-ils se taire, même contre les colonialismes anglais et
français ? Il y eut toujours dans les pays néo-arabophones, des littératures
populaires, quoiqu‘elles soient documentées par écrit à une date postérieure, ou
« corrigées », pour les « nobiliser » souvent en langue arabe standard « savante ».
La poésie populaire de protestation sociale ou anticoloniale, nationale et panarabe, a
connu une popularité énorme dès la deuxième moitié du 19 ème siècle au MoyenOrient et au Proche-Orient. Accuser ses poètes d‘hérésie linguistique ou d‘être antiarabes, ennemis du panarabisme et de l‘Islam, isolationnistes et valets du
colonialisme, parce qu‘ils s‘expriment dans leurs langues maternelles non scolarisée
– est une idéologie où schizophrénie sociale et hallucination, dédoublement et
sentiment de persécution s‘entremêlent; refusant l‘unité dans la diversité,
ressuscitant une littérature écrite en une langue scolaire, essayant d‘enterrer une
littérature parlée qui respire à pleins poumons.
Investing in Tunisian Dialectology: al-Bashir Khrayyif‟s Al-Dagla fi „Rajinha‟
● Boutheina Khaldi
American University of Sharjah
، جٌمقس،س٠جٚس (جٌش١ُ جألدذٙفُٛ ٔق١ٓ ضطؼ٠ ِطحٌغ جٌمشْ جٌؼؾشٟٓ ف١١ٔغٛ ذؼل جألدذحء جٌطٜجسضأ
ْح ألٙضىٍفٚ ٝح ِٓ ضقٕغ جٌٍغس جٌفقكٙخشؾ٠ ً ح١ٍٔح ً ِكٌٛ حٙس جوغحذ١ ذغ، جٌذجسؾس،س١ِؿس جٌؼحٌٍٙس) ذح١جٌّغشق
ُ٘ٚ س١ جألػّحي جألدذٟشُ٘ ف٠ٛس؛ فطق١ِٛ١ٌُ جٙحض١ قٟح جٌٕحط فِٙغطخذ٠ ٟس جٌط١ؼ١غص جٌٍغس جٌطر١ٌ شز١جألخ
.ً ج ِقطٕؼحٛخٍك ؾ٠ ْٝ جٌفقكٛطكذغ٠
،ٍٗ) ِٓ لر1949-1909 ( ٟػحؾٚ جٌذٍٟػٚ ،)1983-1917 ( ف٠ش خش١ٌزٌه وغش أدذحء أِػحي جٌرؾ
ٍانذقهت ف
ٗط٠جٚ سٟف ف٠ش خش١ فحٌرؾ.س٠جٚحش جٌش١ٓ ؽخق١جس جٌذجتش ذٛ جٌكٟس ف١ِؿس جٌؼحٌٍٙفىشز ققشج
ٚ ًح ؾٍّسِٙٓ سفل جٌرؼل جعطخذج١ قٟ ف.جسٛد جٌكٚس خحسؼ قذ١ِ دفغ ذحٌؼح،ً جٌّػحي١ عرٍٝ ػ، عزاجُُها
57
َػذٚ جلغٌٛ ذحٟ جٌشلٟفطٗ ضىّٓ ف١ظٚ ػالضٗ؛ جّٔحٍٝظ ِؿشد ٔحلً ٌىالَ جٌٕحط ػ١ٌ د٠ٓ أْ جألد٠الً ِؼطرش١ضفق
.ش٠ٛجٌطقٚ جألدجءٍٝجإللطقحس ػ
ٍانذقهت ف
ِٓ س ِٓ خالي ّٔحرؼ ِٕطمحز١ِ جألدذحء ِغ جٌؼحٟس ضؼحه١ف١سلس جٌركع ٘زٖ وٚ َضمذ
ٌُس؟ أ١ِؿس جٌؼحٌٍٙ جعطخذجَ جٟف ف٠ش خش١ ٔؿف جٌرؾٜ ِذٞ أٌٝ ئ:ٓ١ٌ عإجٍٝي جإلؾحذس ػٚ وّح ضكح،عزاجُُها
؟ٟٔغٛخ جٌطٕٛ جٌؿٟٕس ف١ذ جٌخحفس ذّٕطمس ِؼ٠ؿس جٌؿشٌٙ ذ١مـ ذزٌه فثس ِٓ جٌمشجء ال ضؿ٠
Le parler arabe urbain marocain. Nouveaux phénomènes phonétiques :
l‟affrication de [t] et le désemphatisation de [r]
●Mustapha Khiri
Université Moulay Ismail – Meknès
Le parler urbain marocain est un mélange des parlers citadins et ruraux avec
une domination plus au moins légère de ces derniers selon les villes. Plusieurs
chercheurs ont présenté des études sur les parlers urbains marocains. D‘autres
distinguent entre les parlers citadins des anciennes cités impériales et les parlers
urbains des nouvelles agglomérations contemporaines où se côtoyaient les anciens
citadins des ruraux qui s‘y installaient depuis le début du 20 siècle.
Entre ces deux parlers en contact en ville nait des phénomènes linguistiques
et sociolinguistiques. Au début, le parler rural est fortement stigmatisé par rapport
au parler citadin. Après et avec la consolidation du parler urbain (mi citadin mi
rural), on a vu naitre des variétés linguistiques selon le sexe. Le [g] rural est
privilégié par les hommes alors que le [q] citadin l‘est par les femmes. On a
constaté également, que pendant une longue durée, les filles préféraient prononcer
un [r] (entre [l] et [r]).
Actuellement et depuis plus de dix ans, nous avons observé deux
changements phonétiques intéressants dans les réalisations linguistiques en ville.
Les locuteurs réalisent un [tʃ] affriqué au lieu de [t] tandis que les locutrices
prononcent un [r] désemphatisé.
Quelle est l‘origine de ces deux réalisations phonétiques ? Sont-elles
attestées dans tous les environnements linguistiques ? Concernent-elles toutes les
tranches d‘âge de la population ? Quelles sont les facteurs sociolinguistiques de
l‘adoption de ces deux phonèmes ?
Third Person Masculine Singular Pronominal Suffix(es) in the Arabic Dialect
of Latakia
● Maciej Klimiuk
Universität Heidelberg
We can distinguish two third person masculine singular pronominal suffixes
in the Arabic dialect of Latakia. The most commonly used form is that that acquires
the -u suffix in words ending with a consonant (-C), and the -āh, -ōh, -āh form which
58
applies to words ending in a vowel (-Ca, -Cu, -Ci). This differs in the Damascus
dialect, for example, where we observe a lengthening of only the last vowel in the
syllable in word sending with a vowel and with the pronominal suffix-o. The second
pronominal suffix has the -(a)hne form, and most often occurs with the pseudoverb
fī / fā(fī + -hne>fáhne) and with two verbs with special forms with the pronoun hne: staḥkáhne and šəftáhne. In contrast to the two verbs mentioned above, the form
fáhne is rare and now only used by older generations. The pronominal suffix (a)hne has so far, only been observed in the Antakya, Samandağ, and Altınözü
dialects. The origin of this pronoun is not entirely clear although, according to some
academics, it is a remnant of an emphatic mode (energeticus).
In my presentation, I will present the two types of third person masculine
singular pronominal suffixes in the dialect of Latakia. I will also explain how they
function in the dialect and discuss their possible origin.
Is the Maghribian Arabic vowel system really due to a Berber substratum?
● Maarten Kossmann
Languages and Cultures of Africa – Leiden
The sedentary Arabic dialects of Algeria and Morocco – both Hilalian and
Pre-Hilalian – have undergone enormous changes vis-à-vis what seems to be
reconstructible for earlier Arabic varieties in their short vowel system. These
changes can be resumed under two major developments:
(1) The change of a three vowel distinction /a/, /i/, /u/ to a binary opposition
/ə/, /u/, in which the latter is relatively rare, and, especially in the far west, mainly
found in the vicinity of velar and uvular consonants.
(2) The introduction of a syllabic constraint that implies that a short vowel
is not allowed in open syllables. In some varieties this is paired to avoidance of
CCC clusters, giving rise to large-scale metathesis.
These two features are highly similar to what is found in the Berber
languages of the same region, which have one short vowel (ə), phonemic
labialization in velars and uvulars, and no short vowels in open syllables. Therefore,
it is no wonder that many scholars consider the Maghribian vowel system the result
of a Berber substratum.
This talk reviews some of the evidence for this substratum, focussing on the
historical development of the Berber vocalic and syllabic system, which seems to
have followed similar lines to Maghribian Arabic.
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Some Observations on the Aramaic and Syriac Substrata of Cypriot Maronite
Arabic
● Mario Kozah
American University of Beirut
The Aramaic component in the Eastern Arabic lexicon has been the subject
of a number of preliminary lexicographical and etymological studies that have
attempted to establish the Syriac origins of words within the Arabic word-stock of
certain dialects and most particularly in the Lebanese colloquial (Féghali 1918;
Hobaika 1939; Freyha 1973; Nakhla 1973). However, an overall assessment of the
Aramaic substrata of the Eastern Arabic lexicon that takes into consideration
historical continuity and stratification is a desideratum that has yet to be attempted.
As a peripheral insular dialect, Cypriot Maronite Arabic (CMA) may provide a
more reliable linguistic context for comparative lexicology of this sort. According
to A. Borg CMA attests in a clear fashion to the early interaction of historical
bilingualism in Arabic and Aramaic (Borg 2002: 45). This paper will attempt to
draw on the CMA lexicon as well as field notes from interviews with native
speakers of CMA to make certain preliminary observations regarding this neglected
dialect‘s Syriac and Aramaic lexical and syntactic substrata and its relationship with
Lebanese colloquial.
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Le relateur -Vn en arabe de Sicile : exemples et remarques linguistiques
● Cristina La Rosa
Université de Catane
Le relateur -Vn (Lentin 1997 ; Owens 1998), également appelé morphème
de liaison (Ferrando 2000) et tanwīn connectif, est un suffixe ayant la fonction
syntactique de ‗lier‘ le substantif non déterminé à l‘attribut qui le suit. La genèse du
relateur -Vn, attesté dans plusieurs variétés d‘arabe telles que, entre autres,
l‘andalou (Corriente 1977, 1980 ; Ferrando 2000, 2004), le soudanais (Owens
1993), le judéo-arabe (Blau 1965), l‘afghan (Ingham 1994), l‘uzbèke (Fisher 1961)
et l‘arabe du Naǧd (Ingham 1994), est loin d‘être connue : selon une première
théorie (Baneth 1945, Blau 1965, 1993) le suffixe /-an-/-in-/-un- n‘est qu‘un résidu
du tanwīn de l‘arabe classique ayant la fonction de marquer l‘indétermination du
substantif ; d‘après une deuxième théorie (Owens 1998, Ferrando 2000), il s‘agit,
par contre, d‘un morphème indépendant du tanwīn classique qui a développé la
fonction syntactique de liaison nominale. Il s‘agirait d‘un archaïsme, conservé dans
quelques dialectes périphériques et non périphériques, déjà attesté au début de
l‘époque islamique et donc précédent à la standardisation de l‘arabe classique
(Ferrando 2000). La seule variété d‘arabe occidentale dans laquelle le morphème /an/ avait été relevé jusqu‘à récemment était l‘andalou, dont le vaste corpus est très
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riche d‘exemples. Quelques spécimens du relateur –Vn dans les formes /-an/ et /-in/
ont dernièrement été attestés dans l‘arabe de Sicile (Lentin 2007, La Rosa, à
paraître), variété d‘arabe maghrébin non hilālien dont les caractéristiques demeurent
encore largement à reconstruire. Le but de la présente contribution est celui
d‘analyser les exemples attestés dans quelques-unes des œuvres siculo-arabes, telles
que la Chronique de Cambridge et les Diplômes, en les comparant avec les
exemples andalous, afin de tenter d‘éclaircir le contexte linguistique dans lequel le
relateur -Vn est utilisé et sa fonction morpho-syntactique dans l‘arabe de Sicile.
A Linguistic Reevaluation of the Egypto-Sudanese Dialect Grouping
●Thomas A. Leddy-Cecere
University of Texas at Austin
Global treatments of Arabic dialect classification (e.g., Kaye and
Rosenhouse, 1997; Versteegh, 2001; Weninger, 2011) generally identify EgyptoSudanese as a macro-level subgrouping along side North African, Levantine,
Mesopotamian, and Peninsular dialect areas; the goal of the present study is to
assess the linguistic validity of this Egypto-Sudanese classification. Utilizing data
from three Egyptian and three Sudanese Arabic varieties (those of Cairo, il‗Awāmra, and il-Bi‗ērāt, as well as Khartoum, al-Šukriyya, and Abbéché) in
comparison with those of three localities (Jerusalem, Mecca, and Benghazi)
immediately outside the proposed dialect area, I examine twenty-four features
drawn from the domains of phonology, nominal and verbal inflectional
morphology, and closed-class lexicon. Drawing on innovative glottometric methods
presented by François (2014) in addition to more traditional isogloss mapping
techniques, I demonstrate that an Egypto-Sudanese grouping roundly fails to
account for the nature of the linguistic data: while the Egyptian and Sudanese
varieties respectively show a degree of cohesion amongst themselves, no
convincing picture emerges of a broader Egypto-Sudanese subgroup either by
weight of common isoglosses or by the presence of uniquely shared features
potentially diagnostic of a taxon. In light of this finding, I propose that it is in fact
non-linguistic material, in the form of prevailing historical, political, and sociocultural views, which has driven the field to adopt the Egypto-Sudanese
classification; the lack of correspondence between these traditional understandings
and the dialect data examined is cause not only for a reexamination of the primary
tier of Arabic dialect classifications but also for a closer scrutiny of the accepted
wisdom of other academic disciplines with regard the relationship between Egypt
and the Sudan.
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Sur quelques types de propositions circonstancielles syndétiques
dans les dialectes arabes
● Jérôme Lentin
INALCO – Paris
Les dialectes arabes connaissent en général une construction (comparable à
celle de la langue standard, avec wāw al-ḥāl) w + {NP (déterminé) + Prédicat} / w
+ {Prédicat locatif etc. + NP (indéterminé)} pour former des propositions
circonstancielles, décrivant un ‗état‘ lié d‘une façon ou d‘une autre (par exemple par
une concomitance temporelle) au procès décrit dans la proposition principale. Cette
construction connaît des variantes diverses, en particulier une où, lorsque NP est un
pronom personnel indépendant (PP), l‘ordre w ~NP est inversé :‟ana w-rāyiḥ vs w‟ana rāyiḥ ‗tandis que je partais‘.
Après avoir dressé un inventaire aussi complet que possible des
constructions attestées dans l‘ensemble des dialectes arabes, on s‘interrogera sur les
valeurs de la construction de base et de ses diverses variantes, et sur le rôle central
qu‘y joue la conjonction w. Pour la variante {PP + w + Prédicat}, on essaiera de
montrer l‘influence probable qu‘ont exercée sur son émergence d‘autres
constructions (par exemple PP w NP) qui utilisent également le pronom personnel
indépendant immédiatement suivi de w.
Vestiges of ʼasmāʼ al-fi‘l in the Modern Arabic Dialects
●Aryeh Levin
The Hebrew University of Jerusalem
In Arabic grammatical terminology the term ʼasmāʼ al-fi„l refers to certain
interjections denoting a sense of an imperative verb, such as nazāli – ―Go down!‖,
halumma – ―Come here!‖.
Some vestiges of imperative forms which belong to this category can be
found in modern Arabic dialects. For example: lēk – ―Here is‖, ―Look!‖,which
originates in old Arabic ʼilayka, occurs in Damascus and in the Galilee ; „indak and
„andak – ―Stop!‖, in Syrian and Palestinian dialects, „andāk – ―Watch out!, Beware
of!‖ occurs in Casablanca; nazāli – ―Get down!‖ in the Beduin dialect of Qašqa
Dārya, in Central Asia (Uzbekistan).
This paper proposes to discuss some synchronic and historical aspects of
these and of other imperative forms, originating in old Arabic ʼasmāʼ al-fi„l.
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Dialy – Status Constructus or A New Grammar of the Moroccan Body
● Diana Lixandru
Independent Researcher, Lisbon
Mais n'allez pas croire au moins que c'est pas par la
bouche qu'elles parleront. Et par où donc [...] parlerontelles donc? Par la partie la plus franche qui soit en elles, et
la mieux instruite des choses que vous désirez savoir, [...]
par leur bijoux.
The present article revisits the representation of the body in a Moroccan
form of contemporary art: Dialy (Dyāli), a theatre play, throughout which we seek
to explore the emergence of a new discourse and rapport with the body. Written and
performed in Moroccan dāriğa, Dialy comes in a long series of Aquarium
productions, a small Rbati theatre company. Their portfolio includes a generous
number of theatre forum sketches (theatre for development, with a strong
participatory approach), where stringent contemporary social themes (clean art,
polygamy, sexual tourism, abortion, women and politics) are brought to the public
in the form of a theatre play. Given the strong social component of the shows,
Moroccan dariğa is the language used. As one of the lead Dialy actresses states in
one of her interviews: ―Mttalna w ḫtābna ša„b b-lloġa yǝfhemha‖ (We preformed
and addressed the audience in a language they understand).
Among the many merits Dialy has is its shedding light on a dormant
discourse and a shift in paradigm when it comes to portrayal of the body. Unlike its
highly metaphorical representation in modern poetry and other forms of art (like
songs) or the pedagogical engineering of this topic in old literary texts, the play in
question makes use of a naked language, priding itself on calling the things by their
names in nowadays society. Therefore, the main purpose of the article is to follow
the transition from order to disorder, chaos (fawḍā) and explore this trio of terms
vagin (in French), -farğ (in Fuṣḥā), -tabbūn (in Dāriğa) and the layers of meaning
derived from employing them. At the very heart of the play, the act of naming the
female sexual organ was what stirred most the viewers and non-viewers. The many
interpretations and reactions to the performance can only but prove the absence of a
unitary perspective on the body. The article will argue how this brief example of a
new art tries and draws a new map, while breaking with the well embedded body
discourse structured on the binary oppositions mṣentioned by Foucault: body/soul,
flesh/spirit, licit/illicit, allowed/forbidden, and the Moroccan triptych of ḥšūma-„īb„ār.
63
Another look at the development of postverbal negation in dialectal Arabic
● Christopher Lucas
SOAS, University of London
In certain Arabic dialects of Egypt, the southwestern Levant, Oman
(according to Reinhardt 1894), and perhaps sporadically elsewhere, it is possible in
at least some contexts to express negation with the enclitic element-š alone
(henceforth X-š), instead of with the more familiar and more widespread bipartite
mā X-š construction. In a recent paper, Wilmsen (2013) advances a novel
hypothesis regarding the development of X-š: rather than being an innovation
relative to mā X-š, achieved by ‗dropping‘ mā, X-š is, according to Wilmsen, at least
as old as its bipartite counterpart, having developed independently of the latter from
an earlier use of -š as a marker of interrogation, whose own origin Wilmsen does
not believe is šayʾ‗thing‘.
The present paper offers a critical examination of Wilmsen‘s proposals,
making the following main arguments.
I) Relative to mā X-š, the number and spread of dialects in which X-š occurs
as a negative construction is tiny, andits occurrence is possible only in a subset of
grammatical contexts in Palestinian and Cairene (and different contexts in each of
these dialects; Lucas 2010). These facts should be explained by positing a handful
of independent parallel innovations of negative X-š via mā-dropping or other
mechanisms. Wilmsen‘s alternative, which entails positing massively parallel
independent losses of negative X-š in dialects lacking the construction today, is less
parsimonious.
II) There are dialects recorded in the twentieth century in which there is a
clear reflex of šayʾas a postverbal negator, e.g. various Moroccan dialects with
ma…šay (Caubet 1993: 68, Heath 2002: 212) and (ma…)-šey in the Ṣaʿīdī dialect
described by Khalafallah (1969: 100–2).
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Towards a collaborative database of Arabic dialectology
●Alexander Magidow
The University of Rhode Island
The past two centuries of Arabic dialectology in the western tradition have
produced incredible quantities of data on the spoken dialects of the Arab world, but
very little of this data is available in a meaningful, standardized electronic form.
Some scholars have digitized dialect data, but typically in the form of flat
spreadsheets, and rarely to a standard that allows for easy search and access, nor can
they make this data publically available. It is also not easy to map this data, and
indeed most dialect maps are made by hand rather than automated.
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To address these issues, I propose creating an online, collaborative,
searchable database of dialect data with intuitive input interface and multiple forms
of data visualization. I have developed a basic prototype of this application, and in
this talk I will present my solutions for data storage, data input, and data
visualization. The database structure is designed for storing morpholexical data (in a
manner similar to a dictionary), though the structure should also be flexible enough
to handle phonological and syntactic data. The interface itself is designed to be
intuitive and easy to use, hiding most of the internal database structure from the
user. It is hoped that researchers carrying out descriptive fieldwork could input their
data directly into the database, and then could use that data to output a template for
a traditional descriptive dialectology article such as those normally published in the
AIDA proceedings or the Encyclopedia of Arabic Language and Linguistics.
The latest prototype application has been developed with the Django web
framework, which allows for easy sharing of source code and easy portability. I
expect that by the time of the AIDA conference the prototype will be significantly
more sophisticated, and may by that time be based on a different framework such as
MIT's Datahub or the Vienna Corpus of Arabic Varieties (VICAV). If possible,
source code will be released under an open source license.
NESSMA TV: Towards a Middle Maghrebi Arabic?
● Emanuela Magrini
Tuscia University of Viterbo
It is well-known that in the diglossic Arabic society dialects are primarily
used as the favourite means of expression in everyday communication among Arabs
and that they are generally used in informal situations. On the other hand, Modern
Standard Arabic (MSA) represents the language of all formal contexts. Thus, we
find it on the written media, such as newspapers, books, street signs,
advertisements, and it is also the language of public speaking and news broadcasts
on radio and television.
The present paper offers a clear example of the usage of dialectal Arabic in
one of the fields in which MSA is usually spoken, namely that of the mass media,
and in particular that of television. The case in point, almost unique in the Maghreb
area, is that of the Tunisian TV channel Nessma TV. Programmes and commercials
of the channel, founded in 2007, are broadcasted in dialectal Arabic, unlike what
happens on other Arabic language channels like Al-Jazeera, BBC Arabic or Al„Arabiyya, where MSA is used.
This article, based on the analysis of excerpts from programmes
broadcasted by Nessma TV, raises two main questions:
- Is a particular linguistic variety mainly used in the channel programmes or
can we identify and compare different dialectal varieties?
- Can we affirm that in the programmes a middle Maghrebi Arabic is used?
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How does Emirati Arabic stand in relation to other Arabic dialects?
● Ahmad Makia
Sharjah Art Foundation
This presentation surveys Arabic dialects, specifically Emirati, in Dubai. It
will look at how different dialects are distributed in the city along race and class
lines. Given Dubai‘s cosmopolitan and globalized state, the local Arabic corpus is
spoken in a varied collection. In most encounters, residents will accommodate their
speech to sound more suitable to their listener, thus making spoken Arabic in Dubai
a very dynamic and fluid component of daily life. Yet, Emirati, the local parent
dialect, is safeguarded and rarely trickles into the public domain of spoken Arabic
in the city. Even rarer is for local media to broadcast in Emirati, instead favoring
Lebanese and Egyptian programming. Only the local population speaks Emirati,
while migrants scramble between collections of other Arabic dialects when
conducting daily transactions. The relationship between other Arabic dialects to the
local position of the Emirati dialect will be discussed and analyzed in this
presentation.
The history of kedé in Sudanese Arabic and in Arabic-based creoles: from
speaker-oriented modal marker to polysemous subordinator
● Stefano Manfredi
CNRS, SeDyL (UMR 8202)
This paper deals with the issue of the relation between modality and clausal
subordination and how this relation can be revealed by synchronic data from
different languages (Nordström 2010). In more detail, the paper provides a semantic
analysis of the modal marker kedé in Sudanese Arabic (Trimingham 1946) and in
the Arabic-based creoles of East Africa (i.e. Juba Arabic, Miller and Manfredi forth;
Ki-Nubi of Bombo, Wellens 2005; Ki-Nubi of Mombasa, Luffin 2005). By
describing the synchronic meanings of kedé, the study argues that this marker
expresses a set of related modal functions developed along the lines of the
grammaticalization path speaker-oriented modality > subordinate modality (Bybee
et al. 1994).
Against this background, it is noteworthy that the use of kedé as clausal
subordinator represents an innovative development of Arabic-based creoles in
which it introduces different types of subordinate clauses, in possible combination
with other subordinators inherited from Sudanese Arabic. The question can
therefore be raised as to which semantic category underlies the increase of the
functional scope of kedé in Arabic-based creoles and as to whether creolization
resulted in a complication of the clausal subordination of the lexifier language.
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The Fox Has No Limits –
A Humorous Story from the Tarabin an-Nuweb‟a Bedouin Tribe, Sinai
Peninsula, Egypt
●Yafit Marom
University of Haifa
The Tarabin an-Nuweb‘a (TN) is a settled branch of the Bedouin Tarabin
tribe. The village is situated on the east coast of the Sinai Peninsula, on the northern
outskirts of Nuweb‘a, a town whose population consists mainly of Egyptians from
the Nile Valley. The people of the TN number a few hundred. They basically earn
their living from the tourist activities along the Red Sea coast, an area that in the last
few decades has been intensively developed as a site for foreign tourists.
Since I began my fieldwork research among the women of the TN in 2005,
I have collected hundreds of recorded texts. Most of the texts deal with several
kinds of monsters and supernatural beings, miracles, holy people, the evil eye,
animals speaking a human language, and more. Other texts include personal
narratives about the women lives, such as love, marriage, sexuality, female
circumcision, etc.
One fascinating recorded text is about a sly fox who deceived a whole
group of animals that wanted to have a feast. He devoured all the prey they had
hunted while they were asleep, but he made them think that it was the hyena who
had done this. He used a very humorous trick... Eventually, the other animals beat
the innocent hyena instead of the guilty fox. Two versions of this story were
recorded among the TN women, and one version among the Ahaywat women, a
neighboring Bedouin tribe.
The proposed paper will present a short background about the tribe and
about the fieldwork and will focus on the chosen story. The presentation will be
followed by authentic soundtracks with their transcription and translation (using
power point facilities).
The use of the Egyptian Arabic Wikipedia as a linguistic corpus: methodology
and sociolinguistic repercussions
● Lucía Medea-García
Autonomous University of Barcelona
This presentation examines the advantages and drawbacks of the use of the
Egyptian Arabic Wikipedia (EAW) as a linguistic corpus and explores the
sociolinguistic repercussions that would derive from its use as a linguistic resource.
The EAW started in 2008 and is the first and the only Wikipedia written in
one of the Arabic dialects – Egyptian, in this case. Since its beginnings it has been
surrounded by controversy, as this initiative is considered by most as an attack on
the Arabic language and the pan-Arabism.
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Among its advantages, it is one of the few resources with written dialectal
data on electronic media, as well as free, quick and easy to access. However, it
presents some drawbacks that need to be addressed when used as a linguistic tool.
The main disadvantage is its high level of linguistic variation, caused by the lack of
an official writing system, on the one hand, and by the submission of articles in
Modern Standard Arabic as a way to discredit the project, on the other hand.
The use of EAW as a linguistic corpus can entail several sociolinguistic
implications. It can be used as a basis for the creation of other Wikipedia projects in
the Arabic vernaculars, and it can serve as a tool for the teaching of Arabic as a
foreign language. Furthermore, it constitutes an interesting testing ground for the
creation of a writing system, that could be applied in future language policies of
Egypt and the Arab World.
By promoting EAW as a corpus for research on language, the linguistic
status of the Egyptian dialect is enhanced and, by extension, its social perception
can ameliorate. This linguistic acknowledgement broadens and improves the social
recognition of its speakers, and at the same time questions some of the language
myths existing about the Arabic language.
Debating Persepolis: Language and Power in Postrevolutionary Tunisia
●Reem Mehdoui
University of California
When the 2007 French-Iranian animated film, Persepolis, was dubbed into
Tunisian dialect and broadcast on the privately owned Nessma TV in October 2011,
it immediately resulted in attacks on the station‘s offices and its owner‘s house. The
popular demonstrations and heated debates, not to mention the lawsuit against
Nessma, that followed galvanized public opinion for months afterwards. The film‘s
visual depiction of God and candid examination of taboos (such as alcohol, sex and
sexuality, etc.) were perceived by most Tunisians as an affront on their own faith
and values. All the more so given the timing of the broadcast of the film – a couple
of weeks before the first postrevolutionary elections in which the Islamic party,
Ennahda, was taking part.
The film may indeed have been used to demonize political Islam and
Ennahda, but my summer research in Tunisia shows that language (i.e., the Tunisian
dialect) played an important, if overlooked, role in fueling the outrage of
demonstrators. My field research in Tunisia and interviews have led me to conclude
that most demonstrators were indeed protesting the use of the Tunisian dialect
(which for them is a debased form of articulating the sacred) and used the umbrella
framework of religion and politics as a more convenient vehicle for their
frustrations. Relying on filmed debates, documentaries and personal interviews, as
well as on archival research and newspaper articles, my paper will rethink and shift
the debates around Persepolis from the secular-sacred Manichean dichotomy to the
politics of dubbing and the vernacular. The Tunisianized Persepolis represents a
very rich case not only for the study of the relationship between the sacred and the
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vernacular, but also for the exploration of the shifting functional boundaries of
Arabic dialects (vis-à-vis MSA or foreign languages) in the public sphere.
„Diglossia‟ versus „standard-with-dialects‟: (what) does itmatter? (Rerevisiting a conceptual framework for a typology of language situations)
●Gunvor Mejdell
University of Oslo
The concept of 'diglossia' has been used to characterise Arabic language
communities for more than 80 years (since Marçais 1931) and as a sociolinguistic
model for nearly 60 (Ferguson 1959). It has ever since been challenged and
modified, but largely remained (only occasionally ignored or passed over) the
conceptual framework for analysing Arabic language practices.
In this paper, I wish to reflect on the typological aspects of the concept:
what does it imply when we consider the Arabic dialects we are studying as part of
a construct (ideological, sociocultural, linguistic) labelled ‗diglossia‘ – as opposed
to dialects of another typological construct, namely ‗standard-with-dialects‘? The
perspective is – naturally – comparative, and I will draw on language cases
considered ‗diglossic‘ and others that are not.
What properties of ‗diglossia‘ may be maintained as being distinctive, what
properties appear different by degree or not significant at all, with regard to
developments in
- the status of spoken varieties
- the impact of 'standard language ideology'
- style and register variation
- the mutual structural impact of the standard language and spoken/dialectal
varieties.
Spelling Tendencies in Written Moroccan Arabic
● Marcin Michalski
Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznán
For some time now, various varieties of vernacular Arabic used in Morocco
(Moroccan Arabic) have been used in writing in publications such as literary works,
journalistic texts or advertising. Like other Arabic dialects, Moroccan Arabic has no
codified spelling standard. Authors who write it employ, often inconsistently, their
own rules that may be, roughly speaking, phonetically oriented or follow the model
of the orthography of Standard Arabic. The phenomenon of Moroccan Arabic used
in modern publications has not been much studied. Pioneering work in this area has
been done by Aguadé (2005, 2006, 2013) and Hoogland (2013), the matter,
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however, needs further research. Aiming at presenting some new data, the paper
discusses spelling tendencies identified in a corpus of printed literary works that
have not yet been described. They concern: marking gemination; marking
assimilation; the spelling of the hamza; the type of the word-final alif in various
parts of speech and its interchangeability with ٗ ـand ;ـسthe spelling of the
preposition l- ‗to‘; and marking vowels by means of matres lectionis, sometimes
different for the same sound. Another issue is the spelling of some units, such as
negative and vocative particles, temporal-aspectual markers (ka-, ta- and ġa-) and
some numerals, as joined to another word or as separate words. The analysis shows
that it is impossible to speak of a stable system of spelling rules for this variety of
Arabic, some tendencies can, however, be identified.
Towards a diatopic dictionary of spoken Arabic varieties: challenges in
compiling the VICAV dictionaries
● Karlheinz Moerth
● Daniel Schopper
● Omar Siam
Austrian Academy of Sciences, ICLTT
The research being presented here is part of a number of text technological
projects with a strong interest in eLexicography. These projects constitute a joint
research agenda of the University of Vienna and the Austrian Academy of Sciences.
Thematically, the project is situated at the borders of variational linguistics and
language technology research. The transdisciplinary and applied approaches
pursued in these Digital Humanities projects have already created demonstrable
results with respect to research-driven tool development and the work on
interoperability mechanisms such as e.g. encoding standards or language related
norms. One result of these endeavours was an innovative interface offering a single
point of access to several lexical databases. Our presentation will deal with the
technical background of these efforts and touch on issues relevant to research both
in the fields of NLP and dialectology focussing on new technologies and their
applicability to the field of Arabic dialectology. Important key words in this respect
are Semantic Web and Linked Open Data.
This research has been based on a collection of digital lexicographic
resources that are being created as part of the VICAV project (Vienna Corpus of
Arabic Varieties), which is a virtual platform to host and exchange a wide range of
digital language resources (such as language profiles, bibliographies, lexical
resources, corpora, NLP tools, best practices or guidelines) and the TUNICO
project (Lexical dynamics in the Greater Tunis area: a corpus based approach;
Austrian Science Fund P25706-G23). In addition to a dictionary of Damascus
Arabic, dictionaries for the varieties of Rabat and Cairo are being compiled. A
fourth item on the list is a small, micro-diachronic dictionary of the variety of Tunis
which is being created as part of the TUNICO project.
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N
Les variétés arabes de Ghomara ? s-sāħǝl vs. ǝǧ-ǧbǝl (la cote vs. la montagne)
●Amina Naciri-Azzouz
Université de Saragosse
Aujourd‘hui Ghomara est un ethnonyme qui regroupe les neuves tribus
situées entre les fleuves Lāw et Urīnga (nord-ouest du Maroc). D‘une part, on
trouve les tribus côtières : Bni Zǝžāl, Bni Zyāt, Bni Bu Zra et Bni Grīr ; et d‘autre
les tribus situées à l‘intérieur : Bni Sǝlmān, Bni Smīħ, Bni Mǝnṣūr, Bni Rzīn et Bni
Xālǝd. Cette division est faite avec un intérêt uniquement méthodologique car les
pluparts des tribus bordantes la Méditerranée s‘étendent vers l‘intérieur.
Le but de cette communication est de présenter les premiers résultats de ma
thèse doctorale qui concerne sur l‘étude des variété(s) arabes chez les Ghomara.
Grâce à mes travaux de terrain en Bni Zyāt (Qāʕ ʕasrās et Targha) et Bni Sǝlmān
(Ħǝnnāšǝn et Zāwya), en mars et août 2014, j‘ai pu recueillir et analyser un corpus
oral qui reflète les différences au niveau phonétique-phonologique et au niveau
morphologique entre les deux tribus ghmāra.
Dans ce contexte, je présenterai ces différences en comparaison avec les
traits des variétés de Jbala déjà décrites (cf. Vicente 2000 ; Moscoso 2002). Au
même temps, j‘essayerai de préciser les facteurs extralinguistiques qui expliquent
pourquoi les variétés intérieures sont plus conservatrices que les variétés côtières où
les facteurs d‘identité tribale et ethnique peuvent intervenir mais pas seuls ; ainsi on
trouve d‘autres facteurs sociaux et spatiaux, tels que la mobilité et la scolarisation
de la population ghomari.
More on Early East African Pidgin Arabic
● Shuichiro Nakao
Kyoto University
Compared to the progresses indescriptive linguistic studies on Nubi, little
has been done on its early attested history since Kaye & Tosco (1993), which
examined Jenkins (1909), the second oldest vocabulary of Nubi. Importantly, this
previous study pointed out that there seemed to have been two Arabic varieties in
the early 20th century in Uganda, which they labeled ―Ugandan Pidgin Arabic‖
(basilect) and ―Ugandan Dialectal Arabic‖ (acrolect).
This presentation analyzes archival sources of such Arabic varieties in
Uganda (Cook 1905, Meldon 1913, Owen & Keane 1915, and a manuscript letter
written in 1898), and shows the following points, regarding the diversity of early
Nubi.
71
(I) EXISTENCE OF BASILECTAL AND ACROLECTAL VARIETIES. Cook (1905)
and Meldon (1913) apparently record both basilectal and acrolectal varieties, and
this fact well supports Kaye & Tosco (1993)‘s assumption. Especially, Cook (1905)
distinguishes them by the layout (although he mentions nothing about them). Owen
& Keane (1915) represents the basilect.
(II) USE OF ACROLECTAL VARIETY IN CORRESPONDENCES. A letter
appearing in the appendix of Meldon (1913)and a manuscript letter (in the file:
Dugmore, William Francis Brougham Radcliffe, Lt-Colonel (1868-1917), 2012-039, National Army Museum, London) show the use of the acrolectal variety to write
letters by Nubi of that time. Thus, it is assumable that the two varieties were in the
diaglossic hierarchy among the early Nubi community (Besides, Nubi then also
might have spoken Swahili, Luganda, and their ethnic languages).
(III) DIVERSITY IN THE EARLY 20TH CENTURY NUBIAND PRESENT-DAY
ARABIC CREOLES. The early Nubi sources show more diversity than the current
Nubi dialects in Uganda and Kenya. In contrast, several evidences (e.g. from the
presenter‘s fieldwork in Juba) show that the Arabic pidgin/creole spoken around
Juba in the early 20th century was more similar to early Nubi.
Le Petit Prince in Algerian Arabic: a lexical perspective
● Aldo Nicosia
University of Bari
In the Arab cultural panorama, the novella Le Petit Prince, by Antoine de
Saint-Exupéry, represents a unique case: apart from several versions into Modern
Standard Arabic (MSA) and Tamazight, it has been translated into each of the three
main varieties of Maghrebi Arabic. Both the Tunisian and Moroccan translations
were signed by two well-known researchers and supporters of their national mothertongues (respectively Hedi Balegh in 1997, and Abderrahim Youssi in 2009).
The object of this paper is the lexical and morpho-syntactic analysis of the
Algerian version by Talbi and Brousse, published by Barzakh in 2008. In the
complex linguistic map of Algeria and the on-going battle for/against arabization, it
seems interesting to see how the present translation has been welcomed.
My aim is to underline which strategies the translator used to re-write, adapt
and even domesticate the source text in a arabo-islamic cultural context. I will
compare the Algerian translation with the Tunisian and the Moroccan ones, through
the analysis of a collection of data that are presented qualitatively and numerically.
Apart from negotiating Arab identity through a strategic use of „āmmiyya,
translators demonstrated that it has all of the elements that enable it to be a language
for creative literature. They sometimes insert classical register terms amidst a
stylistically non classical Arabic sentence, some other times they use spoken Arabic
constructs, so creating a sort of binary tension in their texts. We‘ll discuss cases
where the choice to translate a word in a MSA register or in Algerian Arabic seems
72
not supported by stylistic justifications. This kind of ―unfaithfulness‖ to the local
term may have practical functions. Sparkling idioms give also a three-dimensional
touch and situate the novella in an Arab macrocosm.
O
األدب وانفٍ بانذارجت انًغزبُت ودورِ فٍ حزطُخ انهىَت
ػرذ هللا ؽش٠ف وساٌٌِ(● (Abdellah Cherif Ouazzani
ؾحِؼس جٌؿذ٠ذز
جٌّغحسذس ،أقذ جٌٍٙؿحش
جٌذجس٠ؿس وّح ٠غّٙ١ح ػَّٛ
ضؼطرش جٌؼحِ١س جٌّغشذ١س أ ٚجٌذجسؾس جٌّغشذ١س أٚ
ِ
ِ
جٌّغحسذسِٚ ،كى١س ف ٟذؼل
ٌٕقف
جألَ
جٌٍٙؿس
أٔٙح
جٌؼش ِذ١س٠ٚ ،غطؼٍّٙح أغٍد جٌّغحسذس وٍغس جٌطٛجفً وّح
ِ
جٌّٕحهك وٍغحْ غحٔٚ ٞٛرٌه ف ٟجأللحٌ ُ١جٌٕحهمس ذحٌٍغس جألِحص٠غ١س.
ٚجٌٍغحْ جٌّغحسذ ٟػحِس ٘ ٛئسظ ٌٍكنحسز جإلعالِ١س ق١ع ضأغش ذٍغحْ جٌؾؼٛخ جٌغ١ش جٌؼشذ١س جٌطٟ
عحّ٘ص ف ٟذٕحء ٘زٖ جٌكنحسز وحألٔذٌغ ،ٓ١١جألِحص٠غ ٚجألضشجن.
ٌ ٚىً ِٕطمس ف ٟجٌّغشخ ٌٙؿطٙح جٌخحفس ،ق١ع ضخطٍف ِٓ ِٕطمس ألخشِ ِٓٚ ٜذٕ٠س ألخشٜ
ٚػِّٛح جالخطالفحش هف١فس ٚال ضإغش ػٍ ٝجٌفٚ ُٙجٌطٛجفً.
ٌىٓ جٌذجسؾس جٌّغشذ١س جٌّغطؼٍّس ف ٟأَمغٍد جٌّذْ ٘ ٟققٍ١س ضّحصؼ غمحفٌٚ ٟغٚ ،ٞٛجٌؼحِ١س وزٌه
ئال أٔٙح ِؿشد والَ ضٛجفً ١ٌٚغص ذٍٙؿس.
ٚذكىُ جْ جٌٕخرس جٌّطؼٍّس وحٔص ؾذ ِكذٚدز فحألدخ جٌؼشذٚ ٟجإلعالِ ٟوحْ ِكذٚد جالعطؼّحي،
ٚجٌمقحتذ جٌؾؼش٠س جٌّٛصٔٚس وحٔص ضمق ٟؽش٠كس ور١شز ِٓ جٌّؿطّغ ،فىحْ ٌضجِح جْ ٠طكشن جٌّؿطّغ ٕ٠ٚطؽ جدذح
ٍ٠ر ٟجقط١حؾحضٗ ٠ٚؼرش ِٓ خالٌٗ ػٓ ّ٘ٚ ِٗٛآِحٌٗٚ ،ذمذس ِح ظٙش جدخ ٚفٓ ذحٌٍغس جٌؼشذ١س جٌفقك ٝذمذس ِح
ظٙش جدْ ٚفٓ ِٛجص ٞذحٌذجسؾس جٌّغشذ١س ٌٍ١رٔ ٟفظ جالقط١حؾحش ٠ٚإدٔ ٞفظ جٌٛظحتف.
فحٌطٕٛع جٌفغ١فغحت ٟف ٟجٌؾؼش ٚجٌطشجظ جٌّغشذ ٟجٌؾؼر ٚ ٟجٌفٍىٍٛس ٚ ٞجإلذذجع جٌفىش٠ ٌُ ٞمطقش
ػٍ ٝجٌّؿحي جٌذ ٟٕ٠جٌذػ ٞٛفمو ٌٚىٓ ضؼذجٖ جٌِ ٝؿحالش ِطؼذدز ضٙطُ ذك١حز جٌفشد ٚجٌّؿطّغ ،عٛجء ضؼٍك جالِش
ذحٌغ١حع ٟأ ٚجالؾطّحػ ٟأ ٚجٌّؿحي جالدذ ٟجٌٛؾذجٔ ٟجٌّطؼذد ٚجٌفشد ٞوحٌشغحء ٚجٌّذـ أ ٚجٌقٛف ٟجٌّطؼٍك
ذحٌطشذ١س جٌشٚق١س أ ٚجٌؼؾك جالٌ ٟٙأ ٚجٌّذ٠ف جٌٕرٚ ،ٞٛعحُ٘ ف ٟجٌكفحظ ػٍ ٝجٌ٠ٛٙس جٌّغشذ١س جٌٕحذؼس ِٓ رجش
ِفىشز ٌكنحسز أفٍ١س ٚمحسذس ف ٟجٌمذَ جِطضؾص فٙ١ح جٌؿزٚس جألِحص٠غ١س ذحإلفش٠م١س ٚجألٚسٚذ١س ٚجٌؼشذ١س
جإلعالِ١س.
ٚعٕططشق ف٘ ٟزج جٌؼشك ٌىً ٘زٖ جٌّٕحرؼ ذحٌذسط ٚجٌطكٍِ ً١غ ضمذ ُ٠أِػٍس ِؼرشز.
Le lexique de l‟azawān. Une aproche ethnolinguistique
●Ahmed-Salem Ould Mohamed Baba
Universidad Complutense de Madrid
L‘Azawān est la musique traditionnelle des Biḍān chantée par les Īggāwən
(chanteurs traditionnels professionnels) sur tout le territoire du Trābəl-Biḍān
(Mauritanie, Sahara; ouestmalien, sudouestalgérien). Malgré la controverse au sujet
de son origine, il est logique de penser qu‘il est né d‘un métissage de plusieurs
musiques, à savoir la musique Ṣanhāžä, la musique arabe et l‘africaine.
73
L‘azawān a joué un rôle important dans la conservation de la tradition
orale, notamment le patrimoine poétique ḥassānī car les Īggāwən ont mémorisé une
grande partie de cette poésie populaire lə-ġnä et l‘ont conservée de génération en
génération jusqu‘à nos jours
Les points à traiter sont les suivants:
●Un historique de l‘azawān, patrimoine musical des Biḍān, et ses rapports avec la
poésie populaire.
●Analyse du lexique relatif à l‘azawān (voies, modes, instruments, chants etc.).
●L‘analyse du point de vue ethnolinguistique des éléments culturels du lexique
d‘azawān.
P
Some Thoughts about Description and Teaching of Arabic Dialects
● Victor Pak
Institute of Asian and African Studies, Moscow State University
There is little doubt that specific features of the rhythmical structure of any
given Arabic dialect or a group of dialects can cause major difficulties in
understanding Arabic colloquial speech. Teaching and describing of the rhythmical
structure of Arabic dialects is usually based on the segmentation in syllables.
Syllable is regarded the minimal unit of prosodic description. The problem is that
such a way of speech segmentation is usually based on previous experience in
learning European languages. The result is that for instance the number of syllable
types in descriptions of Damascus Arabic is rating from 8 to 22 where as in formal
(Classical and MSA) and Egyptian Arabic we are usually speaking about one short
(CV), two long (CVV, CVC) and two superlong (CVVC, CVCC) syllables.
Such difference in number and types of syllables is due to the fact that in
some Arabic dialects the syllables include consonant clusters consisting (in some
cases) of two, three and even more consonants before and after a vocal
(CCCvCCC). It must be noted as well that these clusters often arise as a result of the
elision of short vowels (what usually takes place almost in all known Arabic
dialects when a morpheme is added to a word causing the changes in syllable
segmentation).
The obvious similarity of morphological structure of Formal and Colloquial
Arabic makes it reasonable to search for such minimal units of presentation and
segmentation of Arabic speech which could be applied to the description of the
rhythmical structure of different dialects. These units can be found in the medieval
Grammatical Theory of Arabic. In their basic form they consist of a consonant with
a short vowel (Cv) and a consonant with a zero-vowel (CØ). Combinations of these
two kinds of units (which are known as harfs) constitute a ―deep‖ morphological
structure with different variants of its realization on the surface phonetic level.
Subsequently the rhythmical structure of different Arabic dialects can be presented
in simple models of alternation of these two kinds of units.
74
Non-main clause linking in Gulf, Syrian and Maghrebine Arabic
● Maria Persson
Centre for Languages and Literature, Lund University
“… hypotactic or paratactic relations among clauses are logical relations, not
necessarily syntactic ones. Counting up things that look like subordinate clauses is
not the way to arrive at judgments about relative hypotaxis or parataxis.”
(Johnstone, 1990, p. 222)
At AIDA 2013 in Doha, I presented data, based on corpus analysis, to show
how switches between verb forms and clause forms are used as general markers of
hypotaxis, but also as discourse markers, in Gulf and Syrian Arabic (Persson 2013).
I also demonstrated how this discovery leads to a reanalysis of non-main clause
linking in these dialects, with implications, for example, for the classification of
clauses in the grammar of these dialects.
The study behind my presentation sprung from comparative research on
non-main clause linking in various forms of Arabic and in general Semitic that had
led to the discernment of a scale for marking non-main clause linking that goes well
beyond traditional conjunction marked hypotaxis. During 2014/2015, more studies
on the topic have been published or are being printed (Isaksson forthcoming,
Isaksson and M. Persson forthcoming, Persson forthcoming a, b).
Among other things, the comparison between Syrian and Gulf Arabic
revealed similarities in the basic marking of hypotaxis (the scale of markedness),
but also obvious differences in frequency, and context of use, for the least marked
non-main clauses, as well as differences in the use of discourse markers.Since the
actual distribution of these similarities and differences was unexpected, and since
some of the similarities were shared also with other Semitic languages, the choice
has been made to broaden the study of Arabic dialects and include Maghrebine
dialects. A first preliminary database of Moroccan and Tunisian Arabic has recently
been collected will now be transcribed in preparation for analysis.
At AIDA 2015 I will present the results of a first comparison between the
Moroccan/Tunisian recordings and previous studies as to the types of non-main
clause linking used. Preliminary analyses so far suggest, not surprisingly, major
differences, but also important similarities. As the study in an initial stage, a vital
goal of my presentation is to invite to a stimulating discussion on the usefulness of
the theory, including the scale of markedness for clause linking and the overall
syntactic model proposed, on Mahgrebine Arabic.
75
A case of colloquialization of the text:
the Kyiv manuscript of “The Travels of Macarius”
● Yulia Petrova
A. Krymskiy Institute of Oriental Studies of the National Academy of Sciences of
Ukraine
The present study examines the linguistic features of the well-known
17th century historical source ―The Travels of Macarius Patriarch of Antioch‖,
written originally in Christian Middle Arabic by Archdeacon Paul of Aleppo. There
is an abridged version of this document, dating back to the 18 th century, preserved
in Kyiv. The scribes who probably addressed the redrafted text to a certain reader or
customer, made a lot of structural and stylistic changes. The quality of the variations
in the text demonstrates that the scribes felt free in dealing with its original. As a
result, a new version was created, differing from the expanded manuscripts in many
respects. Linguistically, the text appeared to be more ―informalized‖ than that one
of Paul of Aleppo. The results of our collation of the manuscript versions show that
the proportion of ―colloquialized‖ forms and features increases across the modified
text, not only at the phonetic and morphological level, but also in vocabulary and
syntax. A general tendency towards ―koineization‖ may be observed, especially in
the lexical field, given that the scribes made efforts to replace unknown foreign
words and ―high‖ classical variants by generally known or even plainly colloquial
ones. We should bear in mind that since the language variety discussed is Middle
Arabic, it is scarcely possible to develop guidelines for the use of colloquial
features. Nevertheless, we point out to some tendencies that are observable in the
studied source and may shed light on the Arabic diglossia history.
Linguistic Archeology of peripheral Arabic
●Tornike Pharseghashvili
Free University of Tbilisi, Institute of Asia and Africa
The main part of my speech will be the topic about the importance of good
exploration of dialects. Because they didn‘t go through the same development way
as the classic Arabic language did. And just because of that, some Arabic dialects
keep many important ancient words and structures, which are not preserved in
fuṣḥā. That‘s the matter of the name of this topic. The Study of dialects better to
behave like archeology. It must go step by step to the new discoveries. The paper
deals with linguistic peculiarities of peripheral Arabic dialects spoken in Central
Asia, Turkey and Morocco, as well as in Malta. Peripheral Arabic Dialects manifest
various linguistic features, which are mainly caused by their close linguistic
contacts with non kindred Indo-European, Turkic, Berber and other languages. They
contain extremely rich material for the study of the history of Arabic language and
internal development tendencies of Arabic linguistic material.
76
The dialectological material of peripheral Arabic recorded in Central Asia
and published in Tbilisi (Tsereteli G. 1956, Chikovani G. 2002) show that Bukhara
and Qashqa-Darya Arabic Dialects have preserved many archaic features. A
significant linguistic picture has resulted from the development of Arabic dialect in
the non-identical linguistic environment when they co-existed, being in linguistic
contact with Tajik and Uzbek languages over centuries.
Forms and functions of active participles in Šāwī Arabic
● Stephan Procházka
Institute of Oriental Studies – Vienna
Several studies have shown that active participles can be regarded as a third
aspectual and/or temporal form in most if not all modern Arabic dialects. In spite of
many common traits it seems obvious that there are significant differences between
the dialects, in particular with regard to the usage of participles to express a
perfective aspect. The situation is further complicated by the fact that semantic
notions of the verb influence the possibilities how they can used syntactically. My
paper will deal with the Bedouin-type dialects called spoken on the northern fringes
of the Syrian Steppe. The focus will be on the dialects of the Harran-Urfa region in
Turkey but I shall also consider Šāwī varieties spoken in Syria.
In those Šāwī dialects which are spoken within the borders of Turkey active
(and passive) participles are commonly used to express evidentiality. Thus, they
possess not only aspectual but also temporal functions as the evidential always
refers to the past. This usage has most likely developed under the influence of
Turkish. A special category of action verbs realize the active participle in the form
faʿlān rather than fāʿil. These participles seem to describe a state which can be
compared to transient characteristic (mostly of a person), e.g. waǧʿān ―being ill‖ or
ʿašgān ―being in love‖.
R
The Arabic Diglossia: What is next?
● Oleg Redkin
● Olga Bernikova
Saint-Petersburg State University
More than half a century has gone since Ch. Ferguson introduced the term
―diglossia‖ which have been widely used by dialectologists and applied to the
simultaneous coexistence of Standard Arabic and vernacular Arabic. Meanwhile the
time has gone and it is necessary to revise whether the term diglossia still reflects
77
the real state of the current linguistic continuum in the Arab world. So the question
is: does diglossia still exist in the Arab world, or there is mono- or polyglossia?
In fact such extralinguistic factors as spread of information and
communication technologies, mass media, development of infrastructure, social and
economic life, as well as migrations have brought along unifications of local koinés,
emergence of new dialectal ―melting bowls‖ in centers of political and economic
life.
Conventional dialectal division based on territorial feature is to a certain
degree a conditional one and does not reflect the entire picture. Meanwhile each
group of dialects includes a number of koinés, numerous dialectal style variants and
isoglosses.
In spite of abundance of data related to the Arabic dialects nowadays we
can rely on the results of only few field investigations which have been carried out
after 2010. At the same time the Arab world has undergone through rapid and
dramatic changes. The changes have affected the state and distribution of Standard
Arabic, as well as the spread of other languages – French and English. It is most
likely that during the last decades the linguistic picture faced significant changes
and new field investigations of local dialects must be carried out. At the same time
the goals and objectives of modern Arabic dialectology have to be revised.
Al-Fuṣḥā or al-ʻĀmmiyya: what is the priority in the Arabic language learning
programs?
● Oleg Redkin
● Olga Bernikova
Saint-Petersburg State University
The present research aims to define the place of al-fuṣḥā and al-ʻāmmiyya
in the Arabic Language Learning Programs in high schools. For this purpose we
need to create an optimal pedagogical model that reflects the percentage ratio of
different varieties of Arabic in educational programs. The study is based on a
comparative analysis of the Arabic language teaching traditions in a number of
higher educational institutions in the United States, Europe, Russia and some Arab
countries.
Today there are three basic varieties of Arabic that are included in
educational programs worldwide, which are MSA (Modern Standard Arabic,
Classical Arabic and dialects). In the United States, Arabic teaching primarily
focuses on the development of communicative skills. Moreover, the colloquial
language which is taught in fact it is a kind of ―medium language‖ between MSA
and dialects. Grammar material in this type of programs is reduced to a minimum.
Meanwhile in Russian universities, there is a tendency to teach Classical Arabic
with its profound study at all linguistic levels.
The optimal pedagogical model, focused on the four-year education cycle
should consider the following proportional distribution between Standard Arabic
78
and the colloquial one. The first two years of studying should be dedicated to
Standard and Classical Language learning. The percentage of colloquial classes
should be no more than 20% of the total amount of lectures. On the third year of
study it is advisable to include in the program one of the dialects of Mashriq, while
on the fourth year – one of the dialects of Maghreb. Study of any dialect should take
no more than 10% of the total Arabic language learning program. The present
model is to be applied to those educational programs in which Arabic is the major.
The almighty imperfect: multifunctionality of a
morphological category in Arabic
● Jan Retsö
University of Gothenburg
The morphological variety of the imperfect in the „Arabiyya language has
no counterpart in the spoken forms known today. The modal distinctions marked by
the morphemic opposition between the indicative, subjunctive and jussive are in
many dialects coded by other morphemic and syntactic means: preverbal affixes,
periphrastic constructions of different kinds.
There are, however, plenty of evidence from quite a few dialects, e.g. those
spoken on the Arabian Peninsula, that the imperfect can have a lot of different
functions similar to those marked by the different modes in the „Arabiyya without
any corresponding morphological marking. The paper will give examples of this
multifunctionality.
The multifunctionality of the simple imperfect in Arabic dialects is not an
isolated phenomenon. Ample traces of it are found even in the „Arabiyya itself. An
example is the widespread use of the imperfect indicative as a pure narrative tense.
This is sometimes explained as a case of ‗historical present‘. This category is,
however, problematic and its definition should be reconsidered. It should also be
pointed out that the syntax of the imperfect in the Arabic dialects in question is
paralleled in other ancient Semitic languages. The difficulties in deriving the
morphology and syntax of the imperfect in many Arabic dialects together with the
striking parallels in other Semitic languages demand rethinking and new
suggestions of diachronic and typological relationship between Arabic dialects, the
„Arabiyya and the close relatives of these two language forms.
79
lā-kān yā ṣuġri līya twalli:
Conditional and irreal structures in South Tunisian Bedouin Dialects
●Veronika Ritt-Benmimoun
Institute for Oriental Studies, University of Vienna
Conditional clauses have been intensively investigated for Classical Arabic
and also for many modern Arabic dialects, among them the dialect of Damascus
(Bloch 1965), Baghdad (Grigore 2005), Mardin (Grigore 2008), the Bedouin
dialects of the Arabian Peninsula (Ingham 1991), and the Negev Bedouins (Henkin
2000). They have not been investigated thoroughly in Maghrebian dialects (a
chapter in Owens 1984, and Caubet 1993). Relying on my texts on the dialect of the
Marazig-tribe in Southern Tunisia (Ritt-Benmimoun 2011), on several other
published texts, and on informal conversation I will try to elaborate on the syntactic
structure of conditional clauses in the Bedouin dialects of Southern Tunisia, on their
function and their semantic reference induced from the context. Ingham who
investigated these parameters for Eastern Bedouin dialects will be my basis for
comparison concerning similarities between Eastern and Western Bedouin dialects.
The time/aspect model will be explained and the verb forms used in both real and
unreal conditional structures. The latter will be divided into hypothetical and
counterfactual conditionals. I will list the conditional markers that introduce the
protasis and the apodosis and explain whether they can be used with suffixes or not.
I also wish to take a look at the use of conditional markers in vernacular Bedouin
poetry. Also a comparison with the conditional system used in Tunisian sedentary
dialects, e.g. Tunis, would be of interest. Another question will be if there are
structures that do not use a marker for expressing irreality, an example of this is
giʿattu lʿibtu ġādi! ―You should have gone on playing up there!‖
The Use of Quranic Components in Colloquial Egyptian Arabic
● Gabriel M. Rosenbaum
The Hebrew University – Jerusalem
The language of the Quran is regarded in Islam as the word of God, and as
such is inimitable and the most beautiful and perfect. The colloquial (any
colloquial), on the other hand, is regarded in Arabic speaking societies as inferior, a
corrupted version of Classical/Standard Arabic. Yet, many Quranic components
constitute a part of the colloquial vocabulary, and thus the ―elevated‖ and the
―inferior‖ meet and create a kind of a mixed style.
Colloquial Egyptian Arabic (CEA) contains many Quranic components that
are frequently used in everyday speech, either intact or in changed forms and
versions. The accepted meanings as they appear in the Quran are sometimes
preserved in CEA, too, but occasionally they are different, sometimes with no
connection at all to the original context and meaning. Many of these components
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also appear in written literature, in addition to quoted verses of the Quran that are
not a part of the CEA vocabulary.
This paper will describe this phenomenon and show examples of various
methods of the use of Quranic words and phrases in CEA, with examples collected
from the mouths of the native Egyptians and from written texts.
An acoustic analysis of Levant Arabic dialects: similarities and differences
●Judith Rosenhouse
SWANTECH Ltd. and Technion – I.I.T. – Haifa
Acoustical phonetics of Arabic has been a developing research field since
the last half-century, but not enough research of this field already exists. This talk
aims at a relatively detailed comparison of acoustic features of a certain dialect
region, the Levant, which has not been done so far, to the best of my knowledge.
At first, acoustical features of F1, F2 and duration of Arabic dialects in the
Levant countries are presented. (We refer to Syria, Lebanon, Jordan, Israel and the
Palestinian Authority.) From Israel the vowels of two regional dialects–the Galilee
(GD) in the north and the Mouthallath ('Triangle') in the center (MD) are discussed
(based on Amir, N., O. Amir and J. Rosenhouse, to appear, 2015). The vowel
systems of the Levant dialects reveal (as expected) similarities and differences,
found even between the GD and MD. Gender-based differences have also been
found (as expected). Indeed, the phonetic and descriptive literature presents such
similarities and differences between short and long vowels in their spectral
structures and durations, and these will be discussed in the talk.
The second part of this presentation focuses on vowel lowering of /i/ >/e/
and /u/ > /o/, found in some of the Levant dialects, including the GD and MD.
Vowel lowering is usually linked to pharyngealization in the literature on Arabic
dialects, as well as other languages. But in GD and MD, pharyngealization could
not cause the phenomenon, because pharyngeal consonants did not appear in the
tested words. I would like to suggest that this finding reflects the combined process
of ‟ima:la expanded by a ―natural‖ articulatory acoustic-phonetic process. This
combination results in an on-going vowel merger process, which in some Levant
dialects has already yielded vowel neutralization of /i/ and /u/ to schwa.
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Arabic-Hebrew code switching in the spontaneous speech of Israeli Arab
students
● Judith Rosenhouse
SWANTECH Ltd. and Technion – I.I.T. – Haifa
and
● Sara Brand
Bar Ilan University, Department of Arabic, Ramat Gan, and Oranim College, Tiv'on
It is well known that constant inter-language contacts affect languages,
revealed in the use of Code Switching (CS) (Bullock &Toribio, 2009; Grosjean,
2008; Muysken, 2000; Myers-Scotton, 2006). This paper reports a research of
Arabic-Hebrew CS in Israel, where as well known, Hebrew is the dominant
language and Arabic is a minority language. Not much literature exists on CS
between these languages in Israel, and this study aims to contribute to the field.
Several Arab Students of Oranim College from various native-Arabic-speaking
social groups (categorized by religion, birth place and gender) participated in the
study. They were urban and rural Muslims and Christians, as well as Druze and
Bedouin speakers. They were recorded in 23 spontaneous conversations and in 21
semi-formal interviews following a questionnaire. No non-native speakers of Arabic
participated in the conversations and interviews. CS differences have been found
between the speakers' social sub-groups (i.e., religion, birth place and gender).
Thus, CS items occurred in 14% of the Druze recordings, in 7% of the Bedouins'
and the rural Christians' material, in 6% of the urban Muslims' material, and in 4%
of the urban Christians' and rural Muslims' material. CS rates varied in the two
discourse types (conversation or interview), the discussed topics and the linguistic
elements. This talk focuses on some of the linguistic findings of the study,
demonstrated by morphological and syntactic examples. Most of the code-switched
elements were nouns, as expected. Fewer than those were CS in verbs and discourse
markers. Many combinations of CS in noun- and verb-phrases also occurred. The
findings are discussed with relation to a few socio-pragmatic motivations and are
compared to CS between Arabic and other languages (e.g., Abu Haidar 2002,
Boumans 1998, Boumans and Caubet 2000).
The paper is based on Dr. Brand‘s dissertation entitled Arabic-Hebrew
Codeswitching among Arabic Speaking College Students: Structural,
Sociopragmatic and Psycholinguistic Dimensions which was submitted for the
degree of doctor of philosophy to the Department of Arabic, Bar-Ilan University,
Ramat Gan, Israel, and approved on 20.1.2014. The supervisors were Professor
Judith Rosenhouse, Professor Joel Walters and Professor Eliezer Schlossberg.
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Rap voices of North Africa: Code-switching in the Maghrebi Hip-Hop
● Sergii Rybalkin
Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv
The research is based on analyzing the texts of contemporary (2005–2015)
Maghrebi Hip Hop, especially Moroccan, Algerian, and Tunisian bands. The study
focuses on the linguistic aspects of the Maghrebi Rap songs: Codeswitching
(mixing the languages together in one track); bilingualism or multilingualism (using
of two and more languages); figures out the place of MSA and its dialects; sheds
light on the meaning of some dialectal terms functioning in the Hip Hop songs.
The Art of Rap becomes in the 21 st century not only a way of selfexpressing or experimenting with sound mixing (as a traditional part of urban youth
culture it was during the last decades of 20st century), but also a form of proving a
national identity, based on the language and social fundamentals.
Hip Hop culture in the states of Maghreb is a fusion of Arabic, European,
and African traditions. The linguistic phenomenon of Maghrebi Rap continues to be
a point of research interests for a number of scholars since 2010 and the beginning
of protests in Tunisia. However, the quantity and quality of North African Hip Hop
bands increase in rapid terms, the topics and meanings of lyrics develop, become
deeper and more concerned with traditional Arabic Arts, preserving in the same
time the French and American origins.
The Codeswitching becomes an inalienable part of Maghrebi Hip Hop
songs under both frames of MSA and its dialects. Arabic in the Rap lyrics is mixed
with different European languages, mostly French and English, but some bands
could use Spanish, German, Dutch, or local regional languages such as Tamazight.
S
Innovation of New Words Borrowed from French
into the Algerian Dialect by Young Adults
● Nabila El Hadj Said
Naama University
Among the multilingual countries all over the world, Algeria can be cited as
a perfect example of linguistic complexity.
Despite the fact that the linguistic situation in Algeria is still problematic, it
can be described as a real laboratory for sociolinguistic studies because of the
diglossic, bilingual and even multilingual situations that prevail. These linguistic
situations have created a phenomenon of mixing between languages. Thus code
switching has become a very common practice among all the individuals of the
Algerian society. Bilingualism (Arabic, French) in Algeria is dictated not only by
the necessity of communication, but also by the heaviness of history (Colonialism),
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i.e., French language has left its effects which were radicalized in the Algerians‘
thought, personality as well as their dialect.
It is noticeable, nowadays, that the dialect used by adolescents and young
adults in our society is sometimes odd because they tend to code-switch, code-mix
and borrow words especially from the French language, and this leads to the
innovations of new words and structures that did not exist few years ago.
The study aims at exploring and explaining the process of ‗Borrowing‘ in
the Algerian Society reflected in the younger generation. Due to the influence of the
French culture and the worldwide technologies, the Algerian dialect is shifting from
the range of the Arabic language to the emergence of a new variety where the
French words dominate the speech.
The results of the study proved that young adults are integrating borrowings
in their talk because they are influenced by the French culture, and are adopting
French habits, behaviours and language in order to gain prestige within the society
as they consider French more prestigious than their language, except for the new
concepts introduced with technologies such as: the internet. Consequently, the
analysis of the selected words confirms the hypothesis.
Etude d‟une variété syrienne de moyen arabe :
l‟analyse de Sîrat al-Zîr Sâlim
● Lucie San Geroteo
Université Lyon 2
La sîra du Zîr Sâlim est un texte peu étudié considéré comme le premier
épisode de la geste hilalienne et qui relate en particulier les évènements de la guerre
d‘al-Basûs. De ce récit antéislamique subsiste parmi d‘autres le manuscrit We 8226, datant de 1785 et provenant de Damas, dont la langue peut être considérée
comme du moyen arabe à tendance syrienne. Même s‘il est probablement la recopie
d‘un autre texte, ce manuscrit est précieux dans le cadre de l‘étude du moyen arabe
car il semble avoir été peu remanié. Il contient une langue plus dialectale et plus
imagée que ceux des autres recensions égyptienne ou yéménite.
La poésie (environ 40% du texte) se compose des tirades des divers
personnages dans une langue très oralisée. La prose fait quant à elle fait large place
au saj„ et contient également de courts dialogues. La langue est en outre perçue
comme hétérogène au sein même du texte, au delà de la dichotomie prose-poésie
morphosyntaxique et lexicale.
Afin de définir les caractéristiques du moyen arabe dans ce corpus, les
travaux de Jérôme Lentin servent de point de référence : il s‘agit de dégager les
spécificités de cette version de la geste par rapport aux 120 à 750 traits principaux
décrits par Lentin, comprenant des dialectalismes, des classicismes, et surtout des
traits propres à l‘arabe moyen proche-oriental de l‘époque moderne.
Par ailleurs, il convient de déterminer quelle(s) variété(s) dialectale(s)
précise(s) est/sont concernée(s) et d‘en déterminer les raisons, mais également de
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mieux comprendre les variations sur le continuum linguistique à l‘intérieur même
de ce corpus littéraire entre une langue plus classique et une langue plus dialectale.
C‘est ainsi que l‘étude des traits linguistiques dégagés croise nécessairement une
analyse narratologique du texte, prenant en compte la situation d‘énonciation et le
contexte de pluriglossie, afin de démontrer non seulement une certaine volonté de
retranscrire l‘origine géographique et sociale des personnages mais également la
nature de leurs interactions.
A Cognitive Approach to Describing Aswan Arabic Demonstratives
● Jason Schroepfer
University of Texas at Austin
Monumental works like Behnstedt and Woidich‘s Die ÄgyptischArabischen Dialekte capture dialectal variation across great geographic distances in
Egypt. Nishio (1994) and Khalafallah (1961) also contribute descriptively to the
body of knowledge concerning Upper Egypt. Such works have facilitated Egyptian
dialect classifications and served as data for comparative and diachronic
investigations. However, none of these works fully document and describe
linguistic features in Aswan Arabic. The present study is concerned with
documenting the use of demonstratives in Aswan Arabic via a cognitive framework.
This requires contextual examples, a number of which Schroepfer (2013) gathered
through recorded sociolinguistic conversations at the University of Aswan. This
paper illustrates the functions of ―daj:a‖ and ―dij:a‖ in relation to ―da‖ and ―di:‖
through an approach adapted from Brustad (2000). It analyses the non-deictic and
deictic functions of these demonstratives, which are gestural, anaphoric, and
contrastive. While the paper concludes that all the demonstratives can be employed
gesturally, they convey slightly different meanings. Further, they differ in anaphoric
function on the discourse level. It also illustrates how ―daj:a‖ and ―dij:a‖ can be
used contrastively, whereas the other forms cannot perform this function. This study
not only contributes to our knowledge of Upper Egyptian dialects, but provides new
data for typological and historical investigations.
85
On Arabic (Egyptian) Fiction Created in the Vernacular
● Apollon Silagadze
and
● Nino Ejibadze
Iv. Jakakhishvili Tbilisi State University – Tbilisi
Egyptian literature created in the dialect begins to develop intensively from
the middle of the past century. Naturally, these literary texts are recorded by means
of the classical Arabic graphic system, and their reproduction/deciphering occurs as
that of a dialectal text (heterography).
Taking into account that Egyptian dialectal fiction nowadays is a finally
established phenomenon, it is possible to formulate several generalized theses.
Sociolinguistic aspect. a) It seems, that the Egyptian dialect is no longer
only a means of oral communication – it also becomes the language of literature
(resp. literary language/a means to create literary heritage). b) The fact that the
dialect is recorded in a literary style, indicates that it undergoes standardization,
assumes the standard language form, and the common Egyptian language – the
literary koiné (mostly based on the Cairo dialect) – finds itself in opposition with all
the other Egyptian dialects. Finally, broadening of the Egyptian dialect to the full
condition (vernacular and language of literature) means that the functions of the
elements involved in the sociolinguistic situation will change; thus, literary Arabic
will no longer be the only language of Arabic literature.
Literary aspect. Literature created in Egypt was one of the fragments of
the common Arabic literary sphere, which was based on the same language as
literature of any other Arab country. At present, the situation is obviously changing:
it seems that there already exists Egyptian Arabic fiction proper, which is no longer
a fragment of common Arabic literature, as it uses its own – Egyptian –
Arabic/dialect, rather than common Arabic literary language. Elsewhere, in other
Arab countries, literature is not and will not be created in this language (dialect). At
the same time, today the literary situation in Egypt contains two components:
parallel coexistence of literature created in literary Arabic and fiction written in the
Egyptian dialect is observable. Further development can be assumed in two ways:
maintaining the two-component situation or unification in favour of literature
created in the Egyptian dialect (Egyptian Arabic).
Teaching Colloquial Jordanian Arabic to Archaeologists:
What Special Interest Groups can tell us about Arabic Dialect Pedagogy
● Ana Silkatcheva
University of Sydney
Traditionally, Arabic language teaching has focused on proficiency in fuṣḥā
as the ultimate goal for all students, while recent years have seen a trend towards an
integrated approach, where fuṣḥā is taught alongside a colloquial, dialectal form of
86
the language. Despite the introduction of Arabic dialects into the classroom, Arabic
language teachers continue to hold the firm view that skills in fuṣḥā are the most
important takeaway of Arabic language training.
It must be recognised that there do exist large groups of learners who will
never need to make use of fuṣḥā Arabic, despite the strongest desires of Arabic
language teachers. In this paper I look at one such group as a case study:
professional and volunteer archaeologists who participate in annual one- or twomonth excavations in Jordan. The combination of non-urban locations and a large
number of local Jordanian workers results in a milieu where communication skills
in dialectal Jordanian Arabic are desperately required.
No matter what their status – professional or volunteer – the need to speak
Arabic amongst the great majority of participants is limited to this short season
yearly or even less often. This means that most will never see the value of time
spent learning fuṣḥā either in classrooms or in their own time. In 2014 I taught a
short professional development course at the University of Sydney: Colloquial
Arabic for Archaeologists in Jordan. Many students, despite years of intensive
immersion in Arabic-speaking environments, had only rudimentary communication
skills limited to a small vocabulary of context-related words, and absolutely no
conception of sentence formation. In looking at the specific needs of these students
and their responses to the explicit teaching of grammar, in this paper I make
recommendations for a ―research translation‖ of the work of dialectologists, to
focus on the creation of dialect-specific learning resources.
Baby talk in Morocco (and the Maghreb)
●Romain Simenel
Institut de Recherche pour le Développement (IRD)
●Evgeniya Gutova
Paris 3 (Sorbonne Nouvelle)
The use of a specific way of speaking to address babies is very common in
North Africa. Generally, in the Maghreb, the baby talk is highly codified. As in
most human societies, the structure of the terms of the baby talk is quite simple,
usually made up of two syllables consisting of a consonant and a vowel (CVCV).
This is known as ―minimal words‖ in modern prosodic phonology. Baby talk terms
often involve syllable reduplication (ninni ‗sleep‘, mimmi ‗eat‘, titti ‗sit‘, diddi
‗pain; everything that hurts‘, fuffu ‗fire‘). Frequent gemination of C2 has to do with
the phonological and prosodic system particular to the Afro-Asiatic languages,
including Berber and Arabic. The baby talk, as is often the case around the world, is
usually accompanied by an accented prosody.
The baby talk in the Maghreb is quite rich. In some parts of Morocco, the
number of terms can reach 200. They mostly comprise verbs and nouns, that are
usually morphologically defective (i.e. do not take morphological markers): nouns
are not differentiated for number (singular vs. plural), and verbs do not take
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agreement in person, number, and gender. This is due to the fact that the young
speakers still have to master the morphological rules of the standard (adult)
language. As regards the meaning of these terms, one can distinguish five major
semantic groups: food, domestic animals, everyday objects, body parts, and actions
(Bynon 1968: 133).
In the Maghreb, in most cases, the structure and the roots of the baby talk
terms differ radically from the corresponding words in the standard
language. According to George S. Colin, the baby talk in Morocco is not merely
―childish distortions‖ of words borrowed from the adult language (1999:
106). Furthermore, some of the sounds that occur in the baby talk are not part of the
phonetic system of the standard language (e.g. p and v). This fact, together with the
morphological dissimilarity between the baby talk and the standard language,
undermines the view of the baby talk as an adaptation of the language to the
vocalization capabilities of the child.
Remarkably, there are many similarities between the baby talk terms
throughout Morocco and in the wider Maghreb, whether the region is Arabic- or
Berber-speaking (Colin 1999: 80; Bynon 1968: 108). One of the reasons for this
proposed by linguists lies in the shared motivation of adults for the language
acquisition by their infants. Georges S. Colin speaks, for Morocco in general, of
―children vocabulary taught temporarily to babies‖, common to both Arabic and
Berber communities (1999: 79). But why do the adults give so much importance to
teaching their infants a language so divergent from the standard language?
From existential to indefinite determiner: kaš in Algerian Arabic, and šī in
early Arabic?
● Lameen Souag
LACITO – CNRS – Paris
In many Arabic varieties, a single word šī has a variety of functions,
including indefinite determiner, polar interrogative marker, uncertainty marker,
negator, and just the noun ―thing‖. The connections between these functions can
only be explained historically rather than synchronically, but the chain of
development is controversial; the dominant explanation starts it from a noun ―thing‖
(Lucas 2007), while Wilmsen (2014) instead takes an existential as the starting
point. Direct evidence on their relative chronology is scarce.
However, a more recent parallel development can be found in Central
Algerian Arabic. There, the existential predicator has combined with polar
interrogative and negative ši to yield a new form kaš(i), functioning as an
interrogative indefinite existential predicator. This in turn has been reanalysed to
become an irrealis indefinite determiner, entirely replacing ši in that function. It also
combines with ma to yield an indefinite focus construction, and thence an
uncertainty marker. While the present-day functions of kaš have never previously
been fully described, enough historical textual data on Algerian Arabic exists to
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show the development unfolding from its start over the past 150 years.
This directly attested grammaticalisation chain combines major features of
both proposals for the origin of šī. An interrogative existential becomes an indefinite
determiner, as in Wilmsen‘s scenario, while uncertainty-marking usages develop
from the indefinite determiner, as in Lucas‘. However, rather than being the result of
a long chain (existential > ―it is‖ > polar interrogative marker > indefinite
determiner – cf. Wilmsen 2014:172, 209), the indefinite marker developed directly
from the interrogative existential, as expected on semantic grounds. Thus, in the
event that indefinite šī derives from the south Arabian existential marker, direct
derivation would be more parsimonious; the other functions of šī can easily be
derived from the indefinite pronoun/determiner.
Syntax and Semantics of Proverbs-Dialogues in Egyptian Arabic
● Tatiana Smyslova (Savvateeva)
Institute of Asian and African Studies, Moscow State University
This abstract is dedicated to the problem of correlation of structure and
content of the utterance in the Egyptian proverbs and particularly those that have a
form of a dialogue. In our research we have chosen the term paremia (from the
Greek – παροιμία ―a stable phraseological unit with didactic meaning‖) to call all
kinds of proverbs regardless of their internal structure.
The classification of the paremiasis based on the criterion of verifiability of
statement proposed by British philosopher of language John Austin who divided the
statements into constatives and performatives(interrogative, exclamatory and
imperative statements)according to their ability/inability to be defined as true or
false. The same approach existed in the medieval Arabic linguistics – Arabic
rhetoric („ilm al-balāġa) has shown the difference between ―informing‖ (ḫabariyya)
and ―creating‖ (‟inšā‟iyya) statements. Referring to his predecessors, As-Suyūṭī
says that creation (‟inšā‟) is a statement in which the content by the means of the
pronounced utterance finds its realization in the external situation [As-Suyūṭī 1978:
98]. He also defines ―creating‖ statements as unverifiable.
The paremias-dialogues consist of more than one phrase and contain
statements of various communicative types. They are used for a specific
communicative purpose: inference, generalization, opposition, demonstration of an
example to follow, explanation of an action, etc. The peculiarity of paremiadialogue is that it recreates the conversation and presents a short performance. The
following example illustrates the basic structure of this type of proverbs (author‘s
speech + direct speech): qaalʔ eeš xaaṭir l-ʔaɛma qaal quffit ɛuyuun [Mahgoub –
598] One said: ―What does a blind dream of?‖ Another answered: ―A basket of
eyes‖. However this structure can be modified by varying the author‘s speech
(ellipsis, different verb forms), appealing to one of the characters, personification
and so on.
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The structure of a dialogue is an effective way to express the meaning and
the communicative purpose of a proverb. If we destroy this structure and try to
reach the same aim by using a declarative statement we will not succeed.
Topicalization in Baghdadi Arabic Questions
● Laura-Andreea Sterian
University of Edinburgh
This paper describes and analyses word order in questions in Baghdadi
Arabic. Word order in vernacular Arabic is the object of lively study (El-Yasin
1985; Brustad 2000; Owens et al 2009; Salem 2010); authors report both SVO and
VSO in various Arabic vernaculars. But to my knowledge little has been
investigated about word order in interrogative constructions and particularly about
interrogative constructions in Baghdadi Arabic.
In Baghdadi Arabic questions the subject holds the question initial position
and is followed by the interrogative pronoun (1):
(1)
Sa:mer minu ʃa:f bi-l-maḥall ?
Samer whom saw.3MS in=the=store
‗Whom did Samer see in the store ?‘
In questions with more than one interrogative pronoun out of which one is
the subject, the subject interrogative pronoun holds the initial position (2):
(2)
minu ʃ-ga:l li-Ra:gheb
who what=said.3MS to=Ragheb
‗Who said what to Ragheb ?‘
In analyzing word order in Baghdadi Arabic, my starting point is the
hierarchy of projections proposed in (Belletti 1990; Cinque 1990; Chomsky 1991)
and extended to Arabic in Shlonsky (1997). I analyze subjects in Baghdadi Arabic
questions to move to a SpecTop position above the CP. This analysis not only
accounts for word order in questions with only one interrogative pronoun as in (1),
but it also allows for multiple interrogative pronouns in sentence initial position as
in (2).
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A diachronic analysis of the plural distinction in the Arabic pronominal system
● Phillip W. Stokes
The University of Texas at Austin
The morphological forms of the plural gender distinction in the Arabic
pronominal system show a large amount of diversity across the spectrum of Arabic:
Jordanian (Salti) hummu/hinna; Tall ‗Abd (Syria) (Behnstedt 1997) hum/hin; Najdi
(Ingham 1994) ham/hin; Ga‘ideh (Yemen) (Behnstedt 1985) hum/han; Sug al-jum‗a
(Yemen) him/hin, etc. While these forms have occasionally been the focus of
dialectologists working synchronically with specific dialect groups, no work of
which I am aware attempts to deal with the various vowel/consonant patterning
evident across the spectrum of Arabic. Diachronically, the limited historical
reconstruction work that has addressed these forms has typically either a) assumed
descent from the Classical Arabic forms (cf. the historical remarks in
Cantineau1934), or b) marginalized the CA forms (as in Owens 2006). Comparative
Semitic data has also been largely ignored (noticeably absent in Owens 2006). This
paper examines the morphology of the pronouns and, when relevant, verbal suffix
forms from modern dialects, Classical Arabic, pre-Islamic Arabic sources not
heretofore considered (e.g., the Graeco-Arabica, Safaitic inscriptions, etc), and other
Semitic languages in order to accomplish two goals: 1) to reconstruct forms for
proto-Arabic, and 2) to identify the major developmental trends across the Arabic
spectrum.
This paper will contribute an important attempt to reconstruct proto-Arabic
forms, which the researcher hopes will help stimulate further work on historical
reconstruction. The paper will reinforce the argument that all relevant Arabic and
Semitic data should be weighed in reconstruction work, rather than just CA or
modern dialectal forms. This paper will argue that some Arabic dialects preserve the
proto-Arabic forms, and that there are several patterns evident into which most of
the other Arabic varieties fall. It will further argue that the CA system participates
in a common pattern of levelling evident in other modern dialects.
Finally, it will consider whether or not the innovatory patterns found in
modern Arabic varieties should be considered a genetic feature when subgrouping
Arabic dialects.
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يىاقف أطاحذة انهغت انعزبُت وطالبها يٍ حذرَض انههجاث انعزبُت
عهً انًظخىي انجايعٍ فٍ حزكُا
ِكّذ قم ٟصىحشٍُ (● )Mehmet Hakkı Suçin
ؾحِؼس غحص –ٞأٔمشز
ضغطٙذف ٘زٖ جٌذسجعس ئٌ ٝجٌٕظش فِٛ ٟلف أعحضزز جٌٍغس جٌؼشذ١س ٚهالذٙح ِٓ ضذس٠ظ جٌٍٙؿحش جٌؼشذ١س
ػٍ ٝجٌّغط ٜٛجٌؿحِؼ ٟف ٟضشو١حِٚ ،ذ ٜجإللرحي ٌذ ٜوً ِٓ جألعحضزز ٚجٌطالخ فّ١ح ٠طؼٍك ذطذس٠ظ ئقذٜ
ٌٙؿحش جٌٍغس جٌؼشذ١س ،ذحإلمحفس ئٌ ٝجٌؼٛجًِ ٚجألعرحخ جٌط ٟضىّٓ ٚسجء ِٛجلف ِٓ ُٙخالي جعطر١حْ ٠طشـ ػٍُٙ١
ٌغرش ِٛجلفٚ ُٙآسجءُ٘ ِٓٚ .جٌّمشس ئؾشجء جالعطر١حْ ألعحضزز جٌٍغس جٌؼشذ١س ٚهالذٙح ف ٟػذد ِٓ جٌؿحِؼحش
جٌطشو١س جٌٛجلؼس ف ٟوً ِٓ أٔمشز ٚجعطٕرٛي ٚل١ٔٛس ٚأسمش .َٚوّح ِٓ جٌّمشس ئؾشجء ِمحذالش ؽرٗ ِشورس ِغ
ػذد ِٓ أعحضزز جٌٍغس جٌؼشذ١س ٌٍطٛفً ئٌ ٝجٌخطحخ جٌز٠ ٞطغ ٝػٍ ٝآسجءُ٘ فّ١ح ٠طؼٍك ذطذس٠ظ ئقذ ٜجٌٍٙؿحش
جٌؼشذ١س ذؿحٔد جٌٍغس جٌؼشذ١س جٌفقكٚ .ٝضؼطرش جٌذسجعس أٚي ِٓ ٔٛػٙح ف ٟجٌؿحِؼحش جٌطشو١س جٌط" ٟلحِٚص"
ٌفطشز هٍ٠ٛس مذ ضذس٠ظ جٌٍٙؿحش جٌؼشذ١س ٌكغحخ جٌٍغس جٌؼشذ١س جٌفقك ٝألعرحخ ضطرح ٓ٠ذ ٓ١جأل٠ذٌٛٚؾ١ح
ٚجٌر١ذجغٛؾ١ح.
انخصائص انذالنُت وانشكهُت نأليثال فٍ انههجت انعزبُت بًاردٍَ
ِكّذ شاَز (●)Mehmet Şayır
ؾحِؼس جٌغحص – ٞأٔمشز
ئْ جٌٙذف ِٓ ٘زٖ جٌّكحمشز ِ٘ ٛكحٌٚس ٌطشـ جألِػحي جٌؼشذ١س فٌٙ ٟؿس ِحسد ٓ٠جٌؼشذ١س ألّ٘١س
جألِػحي وّخضٌ ْٚغّ٠ ٞٛىٓ جالػطّحد ػٍ ٗ١ف ٟضٛغ١ك ٘زٖ جٌٍٙؿس ٚوٛغحتك غحذطس ال ضخطٍف ِٓ ؽخـ ٢خش
ِ ِٓٚىحْ ٢خش ٚضؼىظ غمحفس جٌّؿطّغ ٚأفىحسٖ ٚرٚلٗ جٌٍغ ٞٛوّح ّ٠ىٓ أْ ضؼىظ جٌطغ١١شجش جٌٍغ٠ٛس ػرش
جٌضِٕك١ع ٔش ٜأْ أً٘ ٘زٖ جٌٍٙؿس ٠غطؼٍّٔٛأِػحال ٚػرحسجش ػذ٠ذز ػٓ جٌؿًّ سغُ ػذَ ٚؾٛدٖ ف ٟجٌّٕحهك
جٌط٠ ٟؼ١ؾ ْٛفٙ١ح وم " ٌُٙٛجٌؿًّ ج٠ى ْٛج٠طٍغ ف ٟقذذط ٛض١مغ ضٕىغش سلرط" ٚ "ٛجٌرحخ ج٠فٛش ؾًّ" ئٌخ.
ػٕذ دسجعس ٘زٖ جألِػحي ٠طر ٓ١أٔٙح ضطنّٓ جٌىػ١ش ِٓ جٌمٛجفٚ ٟأٔٙح ضؼىظ هش٠مس ػ١ؼ ٚضفى١ش
جٌّؿطّغ ٚغمحفطٗ ٚجٌٛعحتً جٌط٠ ٟغطؼٍّٙح وّح ضطنّٓ ِفشدجش غحذطس فق١كس وحعطؼّحٌ ُٙوٍّس "جٌٕحط" ذذْٚ
ئِحٌس ػٕذ ل" ٌُٙٛجٌٕحط ذحٌٕحط ٚجٌىً ذحهلل" ٘ٚ،زج ٠ذي ػٍ ٝأٔ٠ ٌُ ُٙغ١شٚج ِح ف ٟجألِػحي جٌمذ ِٓ ُ٠ػرحسجش سغُ
ضغ١١شُ٘ ٌٙح فٌٙ ٟؿطٚ ُٙوالِ ُٙجٌ.ِٟٛ١
ضطّكٛس ٘زٖ جٌذسجعس قٛي جألِػحي ِٓ ٔحق١ط ٓ١أعحع١طّ٘ٚ ٓ١ح :جٌّنّٚ ْٛجٌؾىً ٚرٌه ِٓ خالي
ضقٕ١فٙح ِٓ جٌٕحق١ط ٓ١جٌذالٌ١س ِٓ ؾٙسٚ ،جٌؾىٍ١س (جٌمٛجفٚ ٟجٌقٛسز جٌؾؼش٠س ٚغ١شّ٘ح) ِٓ ؾٙس أخش.ٜ
T
baˁd(a) dans les dialectes arabes : glissements sémantiques et phénomènes de
transcatégorisation
● Catherine Taine-Cheikh
LACITO, CNRS – Universités Paris 3 Sorbonne Nouvelle et INALCO
La racine BʕD fait partie des racines attestées dans l‘ensemble du domaine
arabe. Elle y est représentée par des unités verbales, nominales et/ou adjectivales,
qui ont généralement en commun le sème de « distant/distance,
lointain/éloignement ». Cependant, parallèlement à ces unités lexicales, on trouve
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aussi une ou plusieurs lexies invariables dont les valeurs et les emplois sont en
partie divergents.
Le rôle le plus fréquent est celui de fonctionnel (préposition et/ou
conjonction). En effet, baʕd est employé dans la plupart des dialectes arabes comme
préposition, en général avec le sens temporel — éventuellement spatial — de
« après » (S. Procházka, 1993, Die Präpositionen in den neuarabischen Dialekten,
pp. 83-86). Une forme souvent étoffée (baʕd-ma, baʕd-la, baʕd-əlli, baʕd-ən…) est
également usitée pour l‘expression d‘une subjonction : temporelle (« après que »)
ou causale (« puisque », (« du moment que »), voire restrictive (« même si »,
« quand bien même »).
Cependant, baʕd (ou une de ses variantes) a également des emplois
adverbiaux. Il y exprime alors diverses nuances temporelles (« après », « déjà »,
« ensuite »…), mais tend également à assumer des emplois de particule énonciative
(D. Caubet, 1995, « Enunciative particles in Moroccan Arabic : bəʕda and zəʕma »,
Proceedings of the 2nd International Conference of l‘AIDA, pp. 21-29).
Enfin, baʕd et baʕd ənn, quand ils sont suivis d‘un pronom
suffixe, fonctionnent parfois comme des pseudo-verbes : ainsi dans baˤadha marīḍa
« She‘s still sick » (D. R. Woodhead & W. Beene, 1967, A Dictionary of Iraqi
Arabic : Arabic-English, p. 39) et dans baʕd ənn-i ṭəḥt « j‘ai failli tomber » (C.
Taine-Cheikh, 1988–…, Dictionnaire Ḥassāniyya français, I, p. 112).
Mon intervention portera notamment sur les emplois de baʕd en ḥassāniyya,
à la fois comme particule discursive et comme pseudo-verbe.
Grammatical Aspects of the Arabic Dialect of Sine
● Shabo Talay
Freie Universität Berlin
The dialect of Sine is a qeltu type Arabic dialect of Anatolia spoken in a a
village today called Uyuklu in the province of Diyarbakir. Although discovered in
Summer 2008, this Arabic dialect still lacks a grammatical description.
In this paper, I will present some of the most striking grammatical features
of Sine and discuss its relation to the other known dialects of the area.
Des mots italiens dans le dialecte arabe libyen de Tripoli: emprunt, intégration
● Fathi Salam Terfas
Université de Tripoli
Dans la présente étude, nous mettons l‘accent sur l‘influence linguistique de
l‘italien sur l‘arabe libyen de tripoli (ALT). La constatation de la présence de
l‘italien dans l‘arabe libyen de Tripoli se confirme par quelques observations
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personnelles. Dans ce stade, nous remarquons en particulier une forte influence de
l‘italien dans le champ technique et industriel, notamment en ce qui concerne les
pièces de voitures. En outre, cette influence est plus marquée chez les personnes
âgées que chez les jeunes. Notre choix du dialecte justifie par le fait que le dialecte
(ALT) majoritairement parlé de la population libyenne résidant dans cette région
(l‘ouest).
Notre choix s‘est porté sur un corpus contenant une liste des mots
empruntés à la langue italienne et parlés dans la région de Tripoli. Tous ces mots,
répertoriés par ordre alphabétique, sont donnés à des informateurs originaires de
Tripoli ou y vivant depuis la naissance. En ce qui concerne les informateurs
participés dans cette étude, ils sont 30 personnes (15hommes et 15 femmes)
regroupés en trois groupes selon la tranche âge. Notre méthode suivre ici constituera
de poser les mots optés à chacun de ce groupe pour savoir si les mots empruntés à la
italien sont encore utilisés chez toutes les tranches âges ou perdus.
Premier groupe
Les hommes « 10 – 21 – 16 – 27 – 25 »
Les femmes « 20 – 23 – 6 – 30 – 18 »
Deuxième groupe
Les hommes « 37 – 60 – 33 – 39 – 41 »
Les femmes « 57 – 49 – 35 – 51 – 43 »
Troisième groupe
Les hommes « 61 – 68 – 84 – 72 – 65 »
Les femmes « 78 – 63 – 66 – 71 – 67 »
Etude comparative lexicale dans deux parlers arabes: Tlemcénien algérien et
l‟arabe libyen de Tripoli
● Fathi Salam Terfas
Univérsité de Tripoli
● Imen Chaif
Université Abou Bakr Belkaid – Tlemcen
La présente étude met l‘accent sur deux dialectes maghrébins: l‘un porte sur
le parler Tlemcénien de l‘Algérie et l‘autre repose sur le parler libyen de Tripoli.
L‘objectif central de notre contribution est de s‘interroger sur l‘impact des dialectes
dans ces deux zones géographiques.
En effet, nous allons faire une analyse comparative entre les deux dialectes
(celle de Tlemcen et Tripoli) sur le plan lexical. Dans ce contexte, nous allons
choisir trois thèmes principaux : mariage, sexualité, amour.
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كهًاث دخُهت أويظخعارة فٍ نهجت طعزد انعزبُت – دراطت عٍ أصىنها وأبُُخها ويعاَُها
● M. Faruk Toprak
Ankara University
ضك ٞٛجٌٍٙؿس جٌؼشذ١س جٌّكى١س فِ ٟذٕ٠س عؼشد ،جٌٛجلؼس ف ٟؾٕٛخ ؽشل ٟضشو١ح ،وٍّحش دخٍ١س أٚ
ِغطؼحسز ػذزٌٚ .ذخٛي ٘زٖ جٌىٍّحش ضحس٠خ عك١ك ٠مطن ٟذكػح ً ِغطف١نح ً ٚصِٕح ً ه٠ٛالً ،ألْ ٘زٖ جٌّٕطمس ضنُ
ػذز غمحفحش ٚألٛجَ ٌٚغحش جخطٍطص ذؼنٙح ذرؼل ف١طؼزس أق١حٔح ً ِؼشفس "ِٓ أ ٞأِس فذسش ػحدز فالٔ١س أِٓ ٚ
أٌ ٞغس جؽطمص ٘زٖ جٌىٍّس" ،ألْ جٌّٕطمس ،وّح روشٔحٍِ ،طم ٝجٌكنحسجش ٌٚغحضٙح.
ٚجٌزّٕٙ٠ ٞح ٕ٘ح إٔٔح ٔطٕحٚي جٌىٍّحش غ١ش جٌؼشذ١س فٌٙ ٟؿس عؼشد جٌؼشذ١س ٚدسجعطٙح ِٓ ق١ع ِٕؾثٙح
ِٛٚجمغ جعطؼّحٌٙح ٚعرً ضؼش٠رٙح ٚو١ف ٠ى ْٛؾّؼٙح ٍُ٘ٚؾشجٔ .الىكع أْ جٌىٍّحش جٌط ٟدخٍص ٘زٖ جٌٍغس ٟ٘
ِٓ ٌغحش أُِ ضؿحٚس عىحْ عؼشد ُ٘ٚجألضشجن ٚجألوشجد ٚجٌغش٠حْ ٚجٌفشط ٚجألسِٓ غحٌرح ً ِٓٚ .جٌالفص ٌٍٕظش
أْ ٕ٘حن وٍّحش ٌٛٚ ،وحٔص لٍٍ١س ،ضؼٛد ألُِ ضؼ١ؼ فِٕ ٟحهك ذؼ١ذز ػٓ ٘زٖ جٌرالدٚ ،ػٍ ٝعر ً١جٌّػحي أْ وٍّس
ٟ٘ٚ Pishtovذّؼٕ ٝجٌفشد أٚ
ٟ٘ٚ Sakkoyeجٌغطشز أ ٚجٌؿحو١صِ ،أخٛرز ِٓ جٌٍغس جإل٠طحٌ١س ٚوٍّس
جٌّغذطِ ،أخٛرز ِٓ جٌٍغس جٌرٍغحس٠س وّح أؽحس ئٌ ٗ١جٌّؼؿُ جٌطشو ٟجٌىر١ش٠ٚ .رذ ٚأْ ٘زٖ جٌىٍّحش دخٍص ِٕز
جٌؼقش جٌؼػّحٔ ٟػرش جٌٍغس جٌطشو١س.
ً
أِح جٌىٍّحش جٌط ٟدخٍص ِٓ جألُِ جٌّؿحٚسز فؼذد٘ح وػ١ش ؾذج فّ١ىٓ أْ ٔؼ١ذ عرد ٚؾٛد ٘زٖ جٌىٍّحش
ئٌ ٝجٌؿٛجس ٚجٌّخحٌطس ٚجٌطفحػً جٌػمحف ٟذ ٓ١أذٕحء جٌّٕطمس ِٕز جٌمشٔ .ْٚزوش ِٓ ٘زٖ جٌىٍّحش ػٍ ٝعر ً١جٌّػحي:
Bergeshذّؼٕ ٝجٌق١ٕ١س Oda ،ذّؼٕ ٝجٌغشفس Hysh ،ذّؼٕ ٝجٌؼمً أ ٚجٌفطٕس أ ٚجٌ١مظس ،
Tagbarذّؼٕ ٝجٌطرك أ ٚجٌقكٓ Hawis ،ذّؼٕ ٝجٌٍرحط أ ٚجٌػٛخ ِٚح ئٌٙ١ح .ألٚي ٍ٘ٚسٔ ،ف ُٙأٔ ٚمذس أْ
٘زٖ جٌىٍّحش فحسع١س جألفً أ ٚضشو١س جألفً ذغرد خقحتـ ٚأفٛجش ضذي ػٍ ٝضٍه جٌٍغحشٌٚ .ىٓ ػٍٕ١ح أْ
ٔطأوذ ِٓ فكس أفٛي ٘زٖ جٌىٍّحش ٔٚذسط عرً ضؼش٠رٙح ٚجٌّؼحٔ ٟجٌط ٟضإدٙ٠ح ف٘ ٟزٖ جٌٍٙؿس جٌّكٍ١س.
٘ٚىزج عٛف ٠ذٚس ذكػٕح قٛي جٌىٍّحش جٌذخٍ١س ،ذكػح ً ػٓ ٌغطٙح جألفٍ١س ٚفطشز دخٌٙٛح ،ئرج جعططؼٕح
ضكذ٠ذٌّٖٚ ،حرج قٍص ِكً جٌىٍّحش جٌؼشذ١س جٌركطس ؟
al-’išbā‘ in Ancient and Modern Arabic Dialects
● Zviadi Tskhvediani
Akaki Tsereteli State University – Kutaisi
/ al-‟išbā„ is one of the interesting dialectical phenomena discussed byجإلؽرحع
جإلؽرحع ف ٟجٌؿش ٚجٌشفغ ― the medieval Arab grammarians (Sibawayh, Ibn Yaish…). In
٘‖ chapter of al-Kitāb Sibawayh uses the term alزج ذحخ ٚغ١ش جإلؽرحع ٚجٌكشوس وّح ٟ٘‟išbā„ to denote the i vowel lengthening in verb auslaut (I), in the III and II person
> pronoun suffixes u, i (II) and in the broken plural noun of mafā‗il type (mafā‗il
mafā‗īl) (III) the examples of which are common in poetry and dialects.
The analysis of the dialectical forms shows that al-‟išbā„ or assimilative
lengthening of short a, i and u vowels by adding homorganic semi-vowels to them
(a+‘alif>ā, i+y>ī and u+w>ū) occurs not only in auslauts but in inlauts as well
where in some cases morphological factor interacts with the phonetic one.
For instance:
)ḍarabtīhi, yaḍribūhā (I
)ḍarabahū, ‟u„ṭīkāhu, ‟u„ṭīkīhi (II
)min ma‟manīka (II
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maqādim // maqādīm (III)
According to the sources ( ْ جٌمشآٟٔ ِؼحby al-‘Aḫfaš, ً جٌّمحفذ١ّضىٚ جتذًٛ جٌف١ٙضغ
by Ibn Malik, ذ١ٌٌٛ ػرع جby Abu l-‗alā‘ al-Ma‗arriyy, ً١ٍؽفحء جٌغby Shihāb ad-Dīn alKhafağiyy. etc.), al-‟išbā„ in the III person pronoun suffixes is attributed to the
Hijazi dialect, while ḍarabtīhi and in the II person pronoun suffixes it is supposed to
belong to al-Ribāb, Rabī‗ah and Azd al-Sarāt. ‟u„ṭīkāhu, ‟u„ṭīkāhā, ‟u„ṭīkīhi,
‟u„ṭīkīhā, ḍarabtāh, ḍarabānī … - these cases of vowel lengthening can be found in
Najd, Bahrain (in geminate verbs too: sabbānī) and generally in Gulf and Arabic
peninsula eastern dialects, while ḍarabtīhi, sami„tīhi... are also common in the
speech of some Egyptian regions.
Thus, al-‟išbā„ is used to strengthen the position of the short vowel and the
consonant with which the vowels form a stressed syllable.
Remnants of Old Arabic Nominal Morphology in the Tashelhiyt Berber
Lexicon
● Michael Turner
University of Texas at Austin
An unresolved issue in the field of Berber dialectology is the fate of the
Arabic nominal marker ز, known in the Arabic linguistic tradition as the tā‟
marbūṭa, in loans into various Berber languages. Modern Arabic dialects in North
Africa ubiquitously realize the etymological tā‟ marbūṭa as a word-final -a for
nouns in the absolute state:
l-ħaža ‘thing‘ جٌكحؾسl-xnša ‘sack‘ جٌخٕؾسl-xwḍra ‘vegetables‘ جٌخنشز
Arabic loans into contemporary Berber varieties such as the Tashelhiyt of
southern Morocco, however, often render the same morpheme as -(ə)t instead:
lħažt ‘thing‘ جٌكحؾسlxnšt ‘sack‘ جٌخٕؾسlxwḍrt ‘vegetables‘ جٌخنشز
Previous attempts to explain the provenance of -(ə)t (Marouane, 2009;
Kossmann, 2013) have tended to frame it as a reanalysis that occurred during the
borrowing process, implying that the tā‟ marbūṭa had a phonological realization -a
in the source Arabic varieties. These analyses nonetheless remain unconvincing. To
describe a hypothetical change -a > -t as an attempt to give Arabic nouns Berber
feminine morphology falls short, for example, when one considers both that there
are native feminine Berber nouns that end in -a (tama ‗side‘) as well as Arabic
borrowings that not feminine but still have -(ə)t (eg. ddriyt ‗children‘ س٠)جٌزس.
This study looks at an array of related etymological and semantic evidence
from Tashelhiyt to argue that -(ə)t instead more likely reflects the original
morphology of the loanwords, meaning they were borrowed directly from an Arabic
variety that had tā‟ marbūṭa as -(V)t in the free state. The argument is significant for
Arabic dialectology because it would require the historical presence of a linguistic
feature that is not only no longer present in North Africa, but also otherwise
unattested in all but a small area in the Arabian Peninsula (Behnstedt, 1987;
Watson, 2011).
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V
La variable /q/ revisitée. Sa variation dans les parlers arabes du Nord-Ouest du
Maroc
● Ángeles Vicente
Universidad de Zaragoza
La variable /q/ est probablement l‘élément le plus étudié dans les travaux
sur la variation et le changement linguistique dans les sociétés arabophones. Elle a
été considérée comme un macro-discriminant en dialectologie arabe (Taine-Cheikh
1998-99), et ses variantes ont été utilisées pour classifier les diverses variétés arabes
vernaculaires (Blanc 1964).
Même s‘il s‘agit d‘un aspect très étudié, on continue à publier des études
pour approfondir dans la connaissance du fonctionnement de cette variable et ses
variantes aux parlers arabes, surtout à propos des variétés orientales (Al-Wer/Herin
2011 :60).
Par suite dequelques travaux de terrain réalisés au nord-ouest du Maroc
(dans la région de Jbala et la ville de Tétouan) et quelques informations fournies par
d‘autres collègues, on a découvert qu‘il y a quelques aspects de ce variable très
intéressants et pas encore décrits, mais aussiqu‘on dispose d‘informations anciennes
ou erronées sur le sujet. Ainsi, la variante [q] est la plus commune mais pas la seule
car l‘existence de la variante glottale [ʔ] est beaucoup plus présente entre la
population arabophone du Nord du Maroc qu‘on avait supposé, tant dans la ville
que dans les villages et tant le discours féminin que dans le masculin.
Dans cette communication, on va donc mettre au jour la description de cette
variation dans les variétés marocaines du nord-ouest, et considérer ses différences
avec d‘autres types de dialectes arabes, tant maghrébins qu‘orientaux.
The history of the feminine endings in Shammari Arabic and their
implications for the history of Arabic
● Marijn van Putten
Leiden University
The Arabic dialect of Jabal Shammar (Saudi Arabia) has an unusual
distribution of its nominal feminine endings and the 3rd person feminine marker of
the perfect, described in some detail by Ingham (1982: 69-70).
The feminine ending and 3rd person feminine marker has two allomorphs: eih in pause, and -at in all other positions. The feminine plural ending also has two
allomorphs: -āy in pause and -āt in all other positions.
In this paper I will argue that it is difficult to reconcile this distribution if
one assumes that it developed from the common dialectal distribution: -at in
construct -ah elsewhere for the feminine singular and -at for the pf.3sg.f. and -āt for
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the feminine plural. I will argue that the Shammari situation is in fact an archaic
retention from a variety of Arabic that originally had the form -at for the feminine
singular in both construct and non-construct positions, similar to Classical Arabic
and the Old Arabic varieties like Safaitic.
W
Verbal negation with reflexes of muš/miš in Mediterranean dialects of Arabic:
Croft‟s negative existential cycle in a single language system
● David Wilmsen
The American University of Beirut
Viewing the Arabic negator š/ši as deriving from an existential particle ši
‗there is‘ accounts for many diverse phenomena, including verbal negation in
Egyptian Arabic with the otherwise anomalous miš/muš, as stages B>C and C>A of
Croft‘s ‗negative existential cycle‘. In stage A, negating the existential particle
proceeds with a regular verbal negator,as in the Yemeni and Moroccan
Arabics‘māši. In stage B, an existential negator distinct from the verbal form
appears, often a contraction or fusion of the verbal negator and the existential
particle: maši/muš/miš <maši, ma hūš, and ma hīš. In stage C, the negative
existential form becomes the verbal negator.
(1)
miš
yi-xallī-ha
ti-štaġal
not
he-allows-her she-works
‗He doesn‘t allow her to work‘
Stage B>Cinvolves the gradual substitution of the negative existential for
the verbal negator in parts of the verbal system, as in the negation of future
potentiality, miš ḥa-rūḥ, and the discursively similar ‗meta-linguistic‘ (2a) and
contrastive (2b) negations:
(2a)
(2b)
da
miš
biy-ḥibba-ha da
biy-mūt fī-ha
That not
he-loves-her
that
he-dies
‗He doesn‘t love her; he is madly in love with her‘
in-her
da
muš
biy-ḥibb-ak
da
biy-ḥibbi
that
not
he-loves-you that
he-loves
,er liebt nicht dich, sondern er liebt sich selbst‘
nafs-u
self-his
Stage C>A operates in eastern Mediterranean Arabic dialects from Tunisia
(3a) and Malta (3b) to the Levant (3c):
(3a)
nawāl miš
ta-qra
fī
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ktāb
name not
she-reads
‗Nawal is not reading a book‘
object.marker
(3b)
Il- kompjuter
tiegħ-i
the-computer
of-mine not
‗My computer isn‘t working‘
(3c)
miš
bi-yə-ʿǧib-ha
not
habitual-it-pleases-her
‗She doesn‘t like it‘
book
mhux ja-ħdem
it-works
Deriving grammatical functions of -š/ši from the existential particle
accounts for the facts of grammatical šī, including verbal negation with muš/miš,
more readily than does deriving them all from šayʾun, the Arabic word for ‗thing‘.
Euphemism in the lexicon of Arabic dialects: The case of „behind, buttocks‟
● Manfred Woidich
Amsterdam
Lexical creativity includes processes of onomasiological change of lexical
items. There are three types of these changes:
(1) A form can lose part of its volume: this is called ellipsis in the case of
whole words [daily < daily newspaper], clipping in the case of morphemes [fan<
fanatic];
(2) A form can be changed for both a phonological reason, because it is
associated with a similar and only slightly different form, and a semantic reason,
because it is associated with something else and changed accordingly: this is the
case in folk etymology [hangmat < hamac.];
(3) A form can be replaced for semantic reasons, because its meaning is
seen as offensive, ominous, inauspicious, or connected with a taboo. Accordingly, it
is replaced by another form: under this category fall euphemisms. [four-letter words
are replaced: neck < arse (a pain in the neck/arse)]
This paper will deal with euphemism for one particularly sensitive area, i.e.
the human behind, or buttocks, and analyze the semantic procedures used for the
creation of new lexical items, and the semantic domains which the new forms are
taken from. The data can be found in ‗Wortatlas der arabischen Dialekte‘, Vol. 1,
map 64 by Peter Behnstedt and Manfred Woidich.
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Y
The usage of the preposition fī as an object marker
● Sumikazu Yoda
Osaka University
The preposition fī is typically used for the indication of the place. But in
some modern dialects the use of the preposition fī as an object marker is reported.
Here some particular transitive verbs usually take a direct object but in some cases
the object is marked with the preposition fī. In this case, the use of fī generates a
meaning (or a nuance) different from the object without fī. It is generally said that
this fī is used especially when the phrase itself expresses the present progressive or
the emphasis of the action, etc.
Until now this kind of fī is attested only in a few dialects and in any of these
cases not so deeply studied, therefore more detailed investigation is required in
order to make clear it usage.
In this paper, some modern dialects (Palestinian, Cairene, Tunisian, etc.) are
subjected to study and the usage of this kind of fī is explained in detail.
انههجت انظُىَت بٍُ انعزبُت واألياسَغُت
● )Attia Yousof( س َىطف١ػط
س١ِٛ جٌكىٟغ١ٍؾحِؼس ضر
: حّٙ٘ؾًّ جٌركع ٔمحه ػذز ِٓ أ٠ٚ
. س١ؼس جٌؿغشجف١جٌطرٚ ٟلغ جٌؿغشجفٌّٛ ج.زٛ١جقس عٌٛ س١ٔجٌغىحٚ س١ؼس جالؾطّحػ١ جٌطر. س١س ذحألِحصغ٠ؿس جٌّقشٌٍٙ جِطضجؼ ج.س١جألِحصغٚ س١ٓ جٌؼشذ١س ذ١ذ جالؾطّحػ١ٌ جٌطمح.زٛ١جقس عٚ ٓس ػ١خ٠ ٌّكس ضحس: زٛ١جقس عٌٛ س٠ٛثس جٌٍغ١ جٌر.س٠ؿس جٌّقشٌٍٙجٚ س٠ٛ١س جٌغ١ؿس جٌؼشذٌٍٙٓ ج١س ذ١ضٛ جالخطالفحش جٌق. س٠ٛ١ؿس جٌغٌٍٙ جٟ فٟ جٌٕف.س٠ٛ١ؿس جٌغٌٍٙ جٟحَ فٙ جالعطف. س٠ٛ١ؿس جٌغٌٍٙ جْٟ فٌٛ جأل.س٠ٛ١ؿس جٌغٌٍٙ جٟس ف١ جٌؼرحسجش جالؾطّحػ.س١ح جالؾطّحػٙدالٌطٚ س٠ٛ١ؿس جٌغٌٍٙ جٟ جٌّطالصِحش جٌّطنحدز ف.حش١فٛجٌطٚ جٌٕطحتؽ-
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Epenthesis, Assimilation, and Opacity in Baghdadi Arabic
● Islam Youssef
Telemark University College
This paper addresses the lack of epenthesis in Baghdadi Arabic (BA) within
consonant sequences that undergo assimilation vis-à-vis other sequences. Whereas
BA final clusters are broken up by epenthesis (e.g. ʔibin ‗son‘), a word-final true
geminate stays intact (e.g. sitt /*sitit‗lady‘) – a fact attributed to geminate integrity
(Hayes 1986). On the other hand, false geminates arising from morpheme
concatenation are known to induce epenthesis, e.g. /fut-t/ → futit ‗I passed‘.
However, false geminates resulting from total assimilation resist
epenthesislike true geminates, and behave as if the morpheme boundary has been
deleted. For example, we know thatBA four- or five-consonant sequences are
broken up as CCiCC and CiCCiCC. If the last two consonants constitute a geminate
(CgCg), epenthesis applies regularly, but if a geminate appears immediately before
the last consonant, epenthesis applies before and/or after but never internal to the
geminate CiC gCgC or CCiCgCgiC (Rose 2000), as in /l-waladl-zɣiːr/ →
lwaladizzɣiːr‗the small boy‘. Interestingly, heterogeneous clusters resulting from
partial assimilation are also immune to epenthesis. In ʤamb/ʤanib/*ʤamib
‗beside‘, the final cluster is either assimilated or split up by [i], but never both.
I argue that the lack of epenthesis in these clusters is attributed to
assimilation, which results in a doubly-linked structure and some discrepancy with
the underlying form. The essence of the analysis is that assimilatory feature-linkage
provides a consonant sequence with immunity against epenthesis. If this pertains to
false geminates formed by across-morpheme-boundary assimilation, it is
unnecessary to treat outputs as true geminates (where geminate integrity operates)
or to assume deletion of morpheme boundaries. And since both partial and total
assimilations involve action at the level of the individual feature, a unified
autosegmental account is possible. These conclusions are formalized in the
framework of Optimality Theory (Prince and Smolensky 1993).
Z
Nineteenth-century Cairo Arabic as described by Cadri and Nakhlah
● Liesbeth Zack
University of Amsterdam
There are many reliable sources for nineteenth-century Cairo Arabic, e.g.
the grammars written by orientalists such as Spitta (1880) and Vollers (1890).
However, descriptive works about the dialect of Cairo written by Egyptians are not
very common. Probably the most well-known and discussed work of this type is al101
Ṭanṭāwī's Traité de la langue arabe vulgaire from 1848 (see Woidich 1995).The
current research presents two hitherto little-known works on nineteenth-century
Cairo Arabic, both written by native speakers of the Egyptian dialect. The two
works are Mohamed Cadri‘s Nouveau guide de conversation française et arabe
(1868) and Yacoub Nakhlah‘s New manual of English and Arabic conversation
(1874). The two books have some common aspects: both were written by prominent
Egyptians; both had the double purpose of teaching Arabic to foreigners and
teaching the foreign language to Egyptians; and both works include word lists and
dialogues. The dialogues are especially interesting, as they contain valuable
information about vocabulary, morphology and syntax. This paper presents the
findings based on Cadri and Nakhlah‘s works.
The Use of Taboo – Related Words in Egyptian Arabic.
A Sociolinguistic Approach to (Im)Politeness
● Magdalena Zawrotna
The Jagiellonian University
The presentation will discuss the problem of taboo-related words in the
Egyptian dialect of Arabic (EA). The taboo domain under investigation is body as
well as its parts and physical functions which go under the category of
macrolinguistic (observed by all speakers and not context-specific) taboo (Hongxu
et al., 1990).
An attempt will be made to answer the following questions:
1. Is there any correlation between the use of tabooed words and the social
background of a speaker?
2. What kind of politeness strategies do people use to avoid mention of taboos
(Brown & Levinson, 1987)?
The material under analysis represents the spoken variety of language and
was collected during a field research in 2013. Additionally, some written online
communication excerpts were included in the corpus.
The study adopted two types of methods:1) Quantitative:
questionnaireconcerning the use of particular lexical forms; 2) Qualitative: in-depth
interviews.60 participants from Cairo and Alexandria took part in the study; they
were divided into 3 groups according to their level of education:
Group 1: Students/graduates of private universities
Group 2: Students/graduates of state universities
Group 3: Individuals with secondary education or lower
The study revealed that: (1) The use of tabooed terms, vulgarisms and
abusive expressions is related to the level of education; (2) Groups 1 and 3 use
tabooed words more frequently than group 2; (3) In groups 1 and 3 there is no
102
significant difference between how often women and men use such words, whereas
suchadifference occurs in group 2.
Moreover, the following euphemistic strategies were identified: metaphor,
remodeling, contraction, omission, word game, onomatopoeia, the use of English
and Standard Arabic.
Les liaisons dangereuses :
médias sociaux et parlers jeunes au Maroc. Le cas de Bouzebbal
● Karima Ziamari
Faculté des Lettres et des Sciences humaines de Meknès
et
● Alexandrine Barontini
LaCNAD – INALCO – Paris
Les médias sociaux sur internet jouent un rôle considérable dans la
diffusion des idéologies, des opinions et des représentations. Ils initient de nouvelles
dynamiques sociolinguistiques (Ziamari 2014) puisqu‘ils permettent la diffusion et
la circulation des langues, comme ils peuvent susciter ou accompagner les
politiques linguistiques d‘un pays (Miller 2012, 2014).
Cette communication voudrait interroger le lien entre langues et médias
sociaux. En quoi les médias sociaux participent-ils à diffuser des pratiques
langagières ? Comment les parlers jeunes sont-ils encouragés par internet ?
Cette communication s‘appuie sur un des personnages les plus célèbres au
Maroc actuellement. Il s‘agit de Bouzebbal, personnage d‘une série de dessins
animés d‘une quinzaine d‘épisodes, créés par le jeune Mohamed Nasib en 2011.
Bouzebbal a un style de parler relevant des parlers jeunes. Il est désormais
extrêmement populaire, à titre d‘exemple en ocotbre 2014 le compte facebook de
M. Nassib est classé premier et celui de Bouzebbal second, selon le site
Socialbakers qui présente des statistiques de fréquentation, par pays, des pages
facebook officielles de marques, personnages célebres…
Bouzebbal véhicule l‘image d‘un adolescent frondeur, où accent et style
linguistique sont associés aux milieux populaires et à la jeunesse. Dans la série, la
darija, telle qu‘elle est parlée par les jeunes urbains, est défendue et valorisée.
La réflexion s‘ancrera dans un intérêt pour l‘étude des rapports entre culture
et société (Coudry 2000 ; Neveu 2008) et s‘intéressera aux reprises, diffusions,
médiatisations des pratiques linguistiques mises en scènes, et consécutifs du succès
de Bouzebbal. Celui-ci s‘avère être à la fois reflet et moteur de pratiques des parlers
jeunes. Nous verrons ainsi quel(s) type(s) de parler(s) jeune(s) est (sont) employé(s)
dans la série, et aussi quelles pratiques et représentations sont véhiculées en
fonction des caractéristiques des personnages.
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