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Slovene Political Émigré Communities
and the Idea of Slovenia as an
Independent State after World War II
Danijel Grafenauer
University of Maribor
Abstract
This chapter provides a brief survey of Slovene political émigré communities in Canada, Argentina, Australia and other non-European countries, and their attitudes towards
and reflections on the idea of Slovenia as an independent state after World War II. It is a
coherent continuation of Matjaž Klemenčič´s chapter, Reactions of Slovene Immigrant
Communities in the US to 20th-Century Crises in the Homeland, in this volume. I also
survey the activities of those communities and their campaigns for the recognition of
Slovene independence in the years 1991 and 1992.
V prispevku sem pregledal in opisal slovensko državno misel med slovenskimi političnimi
emigranti po svetu, posebej v Kanadi, Argentini in ostalih državah izven Združenih držav
Amerike. Prav tako sem podal kratek pregled, kolikor mi je dopuščal prostor, o aktivnostih
emigrantskih skupnosti ob osamosvajanju Slovenije. Povsem jasno je, da čaka raziskovalce
tega in podobnih vprašanj še veliko dela, saj slovenske politične emigrantske skupnosti do
leta 1990 povečini niso bile vključene v nacionalni raziskovalni interes.
Ugotovimo lahko, da so slovenski izseljenci v času najrazličnejših kriz pokazali veliko zanimanje za dogajanje v njihovi “stari” domovini. To se je pokazalo ob različnih političnih, gospodarskih, humanitarnih in ostalih krizah, ki so odločilno vplivale na homogeniziranje in
poenotenje Slovencev po svetu in tako prispevale k ohranjanju njihove nacionalne zavesti.
Matjaž Klemenčič ugotavlja, da so se na dogodke v Sloveniji v letih 1990-1992 odzvali
slovenski izseljenci po vsem svetu. Aktivnostim sledimo tudi v državah, kjer so Slovenci ali
njihovi potomci živeli v relativno majhnem številu, kot na primer v Južnoafriški republiki
ali na Novi Zelandiji.
Poleg visoke stopnje enotnosti znotraj izseljenskih skupnosti moramo izpostaviti njihov doprinos k priznanju neodvisnosti in suverenosti Slovenije. Res je, da priznanje Slovenije ni
bil rezultat pritiskov slovenskih izseljenskih skupnosti na države Evropske unije in ZDA.
128
Danijel Grafenauer
Vseeno pa lahko gledamo z občudovanjem na dosežke teh skupnosti v času, ko se je odločalo
o slovenski suverenosti.
During and after World War II, differences emerged within and among Slovene political émigré communities over questions concerning the future of the Slovene people.
Some Slovene emigrant organizations and individuals supported the establishment of
an independent state of Slovenia but most supported the reestablishment of the federal
democratic Kingdom of Yugoslavia.
Historians can observe a decline in the level of political activity promoting the idea of
Slovenia as an independent state among Slovenes worldwide in the 1950s but, from
the end of 1980s, more or less all émigré organizations supported Slovenia on its way
towards independence.
In the 1950s Slovene political emigrants, especially those who were united in the Slovene People’s Party, also supported the proposals for the formation of a European union
that emerged at that time. They thought that the inclusion of Yugoslavia/Slovenia in
European integration processes would lead to the collapse of the communist regime in
their mother country. At the end of 1980s Slovene communities worldwide supported
a range of activities to promote the cause of Slovene independence. These activities included Slovene immigrant leaders’ sending letters, petitions and various resolutions to
the governments of their “new” homelands. It must be noted, however, that the situation varied from country to country.
In this chapter I shall consider Slovene immigrants worldwide, focusing in particular
on Canada, Argentina, and Australia and some other countries that also followed the
above-mentioned idea with passion and courage. However, I exclude the US as this
study complements Matjaž Klemenčič´s chapter elsewhere in this volume, addressing
the response of Slovene immigrants in the US to crises in the homeland.
The idea of Slovene statehood among Slovene political émigré
communities
The idea of Slovenia as an independent state emerged after the dissolution and occupation of Yugoslavia by Germany, Italy and Hungary in 1941. It is also associated with
three well-known Slovene intellectuals who were the first to propagate this idea, Dr.
Lambert Ehrlich1, Professor of Theology at the University of Ljubljana, Fr Kazimir
Zakrajšek2, a Franciscan priest, and Dr. Ciril Žebot3, lecturer in Economic Sciences in
the Law Faculty in Ljubljana. They all had similar plans for Slovenia after World War II
ended with the victory of the Allies. None of them supported the National Liberation
Front, which was led by the Communist Party4.
Slovene Political Émigré Communities
129
Nevertheless, this was not the first time that the idea of an independent state of Slovenia appeared in a document. It is important to note that determination of frontiers
after World War I was very complicated as compromises were required among the interests of the Great Powers. US President Woodrow Wilson wanted Austria-Hungary
to be preserved after the war until the summer of 1918, when he changed his views.
The US State Department saw the “south Slavic” question resolved on the basis of the
principle of nationality – unification of the entire Yugoslav people in a single state,
whether in the context of Austria-Hungary or separate from it. The various scenarios
that the Inquiry Commission presented to the American delegation at the Versailles
Peace Conference also included the suggestion to establish both a Yugoslav state and
several independent states, including a state of Slovenia. The British Historian Arnold
Toynbee held a very similar opinion5.
After the Italian surrender in 1943, Žebot went to Rome where he had organized the
Action Committee for a Unified and Sovereign Slovene State (AC) during the preparation of a peace treaty with Italy in 1946. This Action Committee sent many memoranda to the Western Allies, urging them to recognize the Slovene state. On 3 July 1946,
after the Great Powers decided to establish the Free Territory of Trieste, the Action
Committee sent a memorandum demanding that the Free Territory of Trieste should
include all of the Slovene ethnic territory in what is today Slovenia, the eastern part of
Friuli-Venetia-Giulia, southern Carinthia and Porabje in Hungary. This new “NordAdriatic state” would be organized in cantons like Switzerland. With this new state
Slovenia would unify all of its ethnic territories within one state and would be spared
from a communist regime6.
Official representatives of Slovene pre-war democratic parties were in exile after 1945,
when the Communist Party took power in Slovenia and Yugoslavia. First, they were
opposed to the idea of Slovenia as an independent state because they saw the future
of Slovenia only within Yugoslavia and they did not want to harm Yugoslav territorial
requests at the peace conferences after the Second World War7.
Nevertheless, the AC continued its campaigns and began to produce several publications with significant titles including Slovenska država [Slovene state] and V borbi za
zedinjeno in suvereno slovensko državo [In the struggle for a unified and sovereign Slovene state]8. In the late 1940s and at the beginning of the 1950s, the majority of Slovene
political refugees in Austria and Italy emigrated to Argentina, Canada, Australia, and
others to the United States and other countries.
With the division of the Free Territory of Trieste between Italy and Yugoslavia in 1954,
reasons for the continued existence of AC diminished. The AC was superseded by Slovensko državno gibanje [Slovene state movement], which emerged in the United States
and worldwide9.
Migration
130
Danijel Grafenauer
The idea of Slovenia as an independent state also spread to other non-European countries, especially among Slovene political refugees in Canada and Argentina after the
Second World War10. In June 1948 a large number of political refugees who started to
spread the idea of a sovereign Slovene state came to Canada. The leaders of this Slovene
state movement were priests, Dr Janko Pajk and Dr Rudolf Čuješ. They established
Slovenska narodna zaveza [Slovene National Union] in 1950 in Toronto11. A similar
organization had been established in Chicago in 195112. They started to publish a
monthly journal “Slovenska država” [Slovene state] in 1954, which first saw the light of
the day in Chicago in 1950. This journal was the organ of the Slovensko državno gibanje
[Slovene state movement]13.
In Canada and in Argentina there were two waves of Slovene immigrants. The first
group came to Argentina after the military occupation of the western part of the Slovene ethnic territory and after fascists came to power and started their policy of Italianization in 1920s. It was estimated that 105,000 Slovenes and Croats emigrated from this
area and that the number of those who immigrated to South America, mostly Argentina
was 20,000 to 25,00014. This first community was prominent in the cultural and economic fields and was divided into three political groups: a liberal pro-Yugoslav group,
a national-defence group and a leftist group15. The second group arrived in Argentina
after 1947. Their common ground was that they were anti-Communists from refugee
camps in Italy and Austria. According to some estimates, there were about 7,000 in this
group. Among them there were many priests and intellectuals16. The opportunity for
Slovene political refugees to come to Argentina arose after a Slovene priest in Argentina, Janez Hladnik, who had connections with the president of Argentina, Juan Perón
himself, appealed to him to permit their entry. He then arranged that refugees could
come to Argentina in family groups, i.e. including children and elderly17. There were
many political groups among those emigrants who thought that Slovenia should be
an independent state, but they differed on the question of possible future connections
within the common state of Yugoslavia18. Two groups supported the idea of Slovenia
as an independent state. The members of the first group were Pavle Verbič, Tine Duh
and Jože Kessler. In 1952 they organized a cultural society Dom [Home] in Buenos
Aires and in 1953 they started to publish the journal “Slovenska pot” [Slovene Way]
which was a sort of national cultural review. In 1965 supporters of this idea began publishing the journal “Smer v slovensko državo” [The path to an independent Slovene
state] which promoted the Slovene state movement. In 1985 this journal merged with
journal “Slovenska država” [Slovene state] in Toronto. It is worth mentioning that another group of Slovene political émigrés whose members were former journalists of
“Slovenski dom” [Slovenian home] and some others also supported the idea of Slovenia
as an independent state; this group included Ruda Jurčec19, Jože Kessler, Alojz Gržinič
and France Dolinar, who was in Rome. They did not agree with Žebot´s group as they
thought that his group still saw Slovenia in some kind of federation with other central
Slovene Political Émigré Communities
131
European states. Jurčec began to publish a cultural journal, “Novi časi” [New times], in
Buenos Aires in 1962. In 1969 he became an editor of a political journal “Sij slovenske
svobode” [The Shine of Slovene freedom], which had a Slovene independent state as
its program. Besides the above mentioned, there were other groups of Slovene political
refugees who promoted the view that Slovenia should become an independent state,
and published various publications, political programs and statements20. Some of the
above listed political organizations and groups were members of the Slovenski narodni
odbor [Slovene national committee]. Members of this committee had been members of
pre-war Slovene democratic parties whose leaders were political émigrés21.
After 1954 it was quite evident that political activity of Slovene political émigrés worldwide declined. They continued their work under different circumstances, however. This
was the case until Tito’s death in 1980. In the 1980s traditional divisions between “progressive” left (pro-communist and Yugoslav) and “conservative” right (often nationalist) diaspora circles diminished22.
After 1945, when the Communist Party came into power in Yugoslavia and also in
Slovenia, Slovene political emigration was viewed critically by the state and its political structures. Ideology was all the time firmly grounded in the policies of the Communist Party and the state (including rejection of capitalism, of people with different
opinions and also emigrants). Citizens were not allowed to have contacts with political
emigrants, despite the fact that social development in Yugoslavia differed from that of
other states on the eastern side of the Iron Curtain and despite a greater openness towards the wider world from the 1960s onwards. The attitude of the Communist Party
towards political emigration varied over time. Up to the 1960s the Communist Party’s
attitude was harsh, but from the 1960s onwards we can observe a more adaptable approach that differentiated the core of political emigration from other emigration. The
State knew all about differences in ideology and political aims within the émigré communities. They estimated that the numbers of the different groups of Slovene political
émigrés were 7,000-8,000 in Argentina and 3,000-5,000 elsewhere in the world in the
1950s, and approximately 18,000 at the end of 1960s23.
Slovenia becomes an independent and sovereign state
It is normal that ethnic identity becomes stronger abroad or when in confrontation
with a dominant (host) culture24. This is also the case whenever or wherever an ethnic community reacts to dangers to their home country. The crisis in Slovenia in the
beginning of the 1990s is such an example. Slovenes worldwide made great efforts to
win recognition for the independence of Slovenia. They helped with moral, financial,
material support and humanitarian aid. All this support testifies to mutual connections
between Slovenes abroad and their mother country regardless of where, when and why
they emigrated.
Migration
132
Danijel Grafenauer
The 1980s and 1990s were a time of turmoil when great political changes in Central
and Eastern Europe occurred. This was also a time when significant changes occurred
in political activity among Slovene émigrés, especially in their attitude towards the “old
country”25.
In the 1980s Slovene immigrants in Canada, Australia, Argentina and Europe established the Slovenian World Congress, an organization whose goal was to unite Slovene
organizations all over the world, regardless of their political views. One of the aims
of the Slovenian Congress was to promote the rights of Slovenia as a sovereign nation. Two other notable goals were establishing and maintaining cooperative relationships among Slovene Associations worldwide and defending the rights and interests
of Slovenes (including indigenous Slovene minorities in Austria, Italy and Hungary)
wherever they were denied or violated. It was very important that Congress was politically neutral26.
Slovenia declared its independence on 25 June 1991. The following day the Yugoslav
army attacked Slovenia, marking the beginning of a ten-day war for Slovenia27. Slovene
political leaders asked Slovenians worldwide for help.
There were various reasons for the failure of the Yugoslav People’s Army. The military
campaign against Slovenia was mostly waged by inexperienced conscripts. Another
important reason was the very effective work of the Slovene Press Agency and the media, which stirred the international public to put pressure on their governments. And
there was also a major surprise, which was the high degree of tactical and organizational
readiness of Slovene territorial defence28. The army lost the war on Slovene soil. With
the help of mediators from European Community, the so-called Brioni Declaration
was signed on 8 July 1991, which involved a three-month moratorium on the implementation of Slovenia’s independence. After its defeat the Yugoslav army decided to
retreat from Slovenia. On 8 October 1991, when the three-month moratorium had
passed, Slovenia continued with implementation of its independence by introducing
its own currency. By the end of October 1991 the last soldier of the Yugoslav army had
left Slovene soil. With that, Slovenia had gained control over the territory of its state
and had clearly defined its boundaries; therefore it had met all the demands for international recognition29.
From 26 June 1991 till 15 January 1992 (when Slovenia was formally recognized by the
European Union) the Slovene Congress organized campaigns for the recognition of
Slovenia as an independent state. Leading members of the Congress tried to influence
the views of their politicians on these issues30.
Slovene immigrants strongly supported the activities of Slovenia for independence. In
1990 and 1991 we can observe carefully planned and coordinated attempts by Slovene
politicians to achieve support for steps towards the independence through a plebiscite
of Slovenes abroad. Leading members of the Slovene parliament at that time visited
Slovene Political Émigré Communities
133
major centers of the Slovene emigrant communities. Their main aim was to win the
support of the Slovene emigrants worldwide for the political actions that followed
Slovenia’s Declaration of Independence on 25 June 199131. On 23 December 1990, a
plebiscite to decide on Slovene independence was carried out32 and 95% of those who
voted (93,2% of those who was entitled to vote came to polling stations) decided that
Slovenia should become an independent state33. The help of Slovene emigrants in the
drive for Slovene independence is quite evident from more than 6,000 letters of support that arrived at the address of the Slovene parliament. Soon after the Slovene plebiscite, Dr Janez Dular, Minister and member of the Slovene Government responsible for
Slovene emigrants and national minorities, asked the Slovene immigrant communities
worldwide and national minorities in Austria, Italy and Hungary for moral support
for the movement for Slovene independence34. In several of his letters he wrote about
activities of Slovene political leadership and asked for help35.
It is a fact that Slovenes throughout the world reacted to the aggression of the Yugoslav army with magnificent engagement, solidarity and all-round participation; this was
shown by the numerous letters of protest addressed to the governments of their states
in which they demanded recognition of the independence of Slovenia and numerous
letters of support to their mother country36.
In Canada, Stane Kranjc, the president of the Canadian conference of the World Slovenian Congress wrote many letters to the Canadian Secretary of State for External Affairs and to Canadian Prime Minister in which he acquainted them with the situation
in Slovenia and demanded that Canada recognize the independence of Slovenia37. In
June 1991 the Canadian Slovenes organized a gathering of 3,000 people in Toronto in
front of the Provincial Parliament of Ontario. On the 24 July 1991, one month after
Slovenia declared its independence, Slovenes gathered in Toronto again where Slovene young people organized peaceful performances with speeches, singing and prayers.
This was to honor the victims of the Yugoslav Army’s aggression in Slovenia. Slovenes
in Canada also raised a considerable sum of money to provide material assistance for
Slovenia. Slovene priests in Toronto and Hamilton also played an important role in
these crucial times. The Church in Toronto to which Archbishop Alojzij Ambrožič (of
Slovene descent) was attached, provided assistance. The Slovenski informacijski center
[Slovene information center] was established. Noteworthy names in connection with
these efforts include Jože Slobodnik, who was chairman of the Slovene chamber of
commerce, Leander Škof, chairman of the Slovene information center and Dorothy
Lenarčič, who was the responsible for informing the Canadian media. These are just a
few examples of the strong support Slovenes in Canada provided for campaigns for the
independence of Slovenia38.
Slovenes in Argentina became involved in similar activities. It was during that time in
the beginning of the 1990s that Slovene communities who had immigrated to Argentina between the wars and held mostly leftist views joined together with those Slovenes
Migration
134
Danijel Grafenauer
who had come to Argentina as political refugees after the World War II. The day after
the proclamation of Slovene independence, representatives of Slovene-Argentinian organizations (Rudolf Smersu and Dr Marko Kremžar) sent congratulations to Slovene
politicians. Slovenes in Argentina organized many manifestations in support of Slovene independence; they wrote many articles for the Argentinian media and organised
many cultural events. They also printed and distributed more than 10,000 brochures
on Slovenia’s independence and they were received by the General Secretary of the
Government. Their efforts were very successful because Argentina was one of the first
countries to recognise Slovenia’s independence39.
Slovenes in Australia also collaborated with and supported the Slovene government in
its efforts. They supported Slovene plebiscite in December 1990 and met in May 1991
with Prime Minister of the Australian government, Bob Hawk. After the aggression of
the Yugoslav Army in June 1991, the Australian conference of the Slovenian Congress
organized many protests. They demanded the recognition of Slovene independence
and sent thousands of letters to Australian Foreign Minister on what was happening
in Slovenia. Slovenes in Australia were received many times by the Australian officials
at the highest level. All of the activities mentioned were coordinated by Marjan Kovač,
chairman of the Australian conference of the Slovenian Congress, Alfred Breznik, head
of the Slovene information Center, Srečko Falež, chairman of the committee of World
Slovenian Congress in Canberra, Cvetko Falež, Elica Rizmal and others. Slovenes in
Australia, New Zealand and South Africa, and in other European states engaged in
similar political activities40.
Conclusion
Slovene political thought was especially lively among Slovene political emigrants
worldwide after the Second World War. Outside Slovenia the idea of Slovene statehood remain alive in different forms. It is quite significant that there were intellectuals
who had to flee from the Communist Party in Slovenia in 1945. From that year it was
impossible to maintain the idea of independence in Slovenia. The idea re-emerged in
the late 1980s. Slovene political emigrants worldwide held on to the idea of independence for Slovenia.
It is quite clear that much research remains to be done on these issues. Until 1990 these
topics did not feature in national research interests because of the political system and
its attitude towards political emigration.
In this chapter I surveyed the activities of Slovene émigré communities in Canada,
Argentina, Australia and some other countries in crucial times for Slovenia. Because
because of space limitations, I only briefly reviewed the efforts of above-mentioned
communities to promote recognition of Slovenia’s independence, especially in 1991.
Slovene communities and Slovene immigrant leaders actively supported the movement
Slovene Political Émigré Communities
135
and political activities of the Slovene government in 1990-1992. They organized many
political and cultural events to promote this idea, wrote many petitions and letters of
support to their governments, helped with moral, material and humanitarian aid and
supported political activities of others. It is important to give due recognition to these
efforts on the part of Slovene immigrant communities worldwide.
It is quite clear that the recognition of Slovenia in January 1992 was not the result of
pressure from Slovene communities worldwide. Nevertheless, it is important to note
how those communities sought to influence local politicians’ attitudes toward their
home country, which resulted in cohesiveness among Slovene immigrant communities. It also helped these communities to strengthen their relations with their home
country.
Notes
1
B. Godeša, Slovensko nacionalno vprašanje med drugo svetovno vojno [The Slovene national question
during the World War II], Zbirka Razpoznavanja/Collection Recognitiones 2, Ljubljana 2006, pp.
268-305.
2
See D. Friš, Korespondenca Kazimirja Zakrajška [Correspondence of Kazimir Zakrajšek], O.F.M.
(1928-1958), “Viri” [Sources], vol. 8, Ljubljana 1995.
3
See C. Žebot, Slovenija včeraj, danes in jutri [Slovenia yesterday, today and tomorrow], Part I and II,
Celovec 1967 and 1969 which is has been seen by some as a one-sided review of Slovene history of the
20th Century.
4
Id., Neminljiva Slovenija [Immortal Slovenia], Celovec/Klagenfurt 1988, see pp. 219-223.
5
U. Lipušček, Ave Wilson: ZDA in prekrajanje Slovenije v Versaillesu 1919-1920 [Ave Wilson: The USA
and the partitioning of Slovenia at Versailles 1919-1920], Ljubljana 2003, pp. 4, 137-159, 386-387.
6
B. Novak, Geneza slovenske državne ideje med emigracijo [The Genesis of the Idea of the Slovene state
among Slovene emigrants], in Razprave/Dissertationes 17: Slovenci in država [Slovenes and state],
Ljubljana 1995, pp. 296-299. See also in Žebot, Neminljiva Slovenija cit., p. 395.
7
Novak, Geneza slovenske državne ideje med emigracijo cit., p. 298.
8
Ibid., p. 299.
9
Ibid., p. 301; Žebot, Neminljiva Slovenija cit., p. 403.
10
See M. Klemenčič, Izseljenske skupnosti in ustanavljanje novih držav v vzhodni Srednji Evropi: primer
Slovencev (2. del) [Immigrant communities and the establishment of new states in east-central Europe:
The case of the Slovenes, part II], in “Zgodovinski časopis” [Historical Review], 1996, 50, 4, pp. 573583, at p. 573.
11
Žebot, Neminljiva Slovenija cit., p. 405.
12
See M. Klemenčič, Slovenia as Part of a United Europe in the Political Philosophy of Slovene Emigrants
from Louis Adamic to Miha Krek, in I. Gantar Godina (ed.), Intelektualci v diaspori [Intellectuals in
Diaspora], Ljubljana 1999, pp. 47-50.
13
Novak, Geneza slovenske državne ideje med emigracijo cit., pp. 301-302. See also Žebot, Neminljiva
Slovenija cit., pp. 404-405.
14
See M. Verginella, Meja drugih. Primorsko vprašanje in slovenski spomin [The border of others: The
Slovene Littoral question and Slovene memory], Ljubljana 2009, p. 73.
Migration
136
Danijel Grafenauer
15
On the life of the Slovene community in Argentina seen through the eyes of a Yugoslav-Slovene diplomat between the two world wars see A. Rahten, Izidor Cankar – diplomat dveh Jugoslavij [A Diplomat
of Two Yugoslavias], Ljubljana 2009, pp. 79-93, 281-296.
16
I. Mislej, Državna misel pri dveh političnih emigracijah v Argentini [The Idea of Statehood of two political emigrations in Argentina], in Razprave/Dissertationes 17: Slovenci in država [Slovenes and state],
Ljubljana 1995, pp. 307-315.
17
J. Hladnik, Od Triglava do Andov [From Triglav to the Andes], Gorica 1978, pp. 190-193.
18
Mislej, Državna misel pri dveh političnih emigracijah v Argentini cit., pp. 312-313.
19
He is author of memories R. Jurčec, Skozi luči in sence, part I, II and III [Through light and shadow],
Buenos Aires 1964, 1966, 1969.
20
Novak, Geneza slovenske državne ideje med emigracijo cit., p. 302; Mislej, Državna misel pri dveh
političnih emigracijah v Argentini cit., pp. 312-313.
21
M. Kremžar, Med smrtjo in življenjem [Between death and life], Ljubljana 2000, pp. 71-73.
22
M. Klemenčič, M. Žagar, The former Yugoslavia´s diverse peoples: a reference sourcebook, Santa Barbara,
California 2003, p. 293.
23
M. Drnovšek, The Standpoint of the Communist party of Slovenia towards the political emigration up to
1991, in “Dve domovini” [Two Homelands], 2002, 16, pp. 21-36.
24
O. Seweryn, Identity Change as a Consequence of the Migration Experience, in S.G. Ellis, L. Klusáková
(eds.), Imagining Frontiers. Contesting Identities, Pisa, 2007, p. 25.
25
Klemenčič, Izseljenske skupnosti in ustanavljanje novih držav v vzhodni Srednji Evropi: primer Slovencev
(2. del) cit., pp. 573-574.
26
Ibid., p. 574.
27
See J. Prunk, A Brief History of Slovenia, Ljubljana 2000, pp. 227-248.
28
O. Luthar et al. (ed.), The Land Between. A History of Slovenia, Frankfurt am Main 2008, pp. 511514.
29
See, for example, M. Klemenčič, Slovenia at the Crossroads of the Nineties: From the first multiparty
elections and Declaration of independence to membership in the Council of Europe, in “Slovene Studies”,
1992, 14, 1, pp. 9-34, here pp. 11-12.
30
Klemenčič, Izseljenske skupnosti in ustanavljanje novih držav v vzhodni Srednji Evropi: primer Slovencev
(2. del) cit., pp. 574-583.
31
Id., Izseljenske skupnosti in ustanavljanje novih držav v vzhodni Srednji Evropi: primer Slovencev (1. del)
[Immigrant communities and the establishment of new states in east-central Europe: The case of the
Slovenes, part I], in “Zgodovinski časopis” [Historical Review], 1996, 50, 3, pp. 391-409, at p. 401.
32
S. Granda, Slovenia. An historical overview, Ljubljana 2009, p. 257.
33
P. Štih, V. Simoniti, P. Vodopivec, Slowenische Geschichte. Gesellschaft – Politik – Kultur, in Veröffentlichungen der Historischen Landeskommission für Steiermark, vol. 40, Zbirka zgodovinskega časopisa
[Collection of Historical review], vol. 34, Graz 2008, p. 494.
34
Klemenčič, Izseljenske skupnosti in ustanavljanje novih držav v vzhodni Srednji Evropi: primer Slovencev
(1. del) cit., p. 402.
35
M. Klemenčič, S. Kristen, K. Munda Hirnök, M. Trebše Štolfa, J. Stergar, Viri o demokratizaciji in osamosvojitvi Slovenije, IV. Del: Slovenci v zamejstvu in po svetu, Viri št. 20 [Sources on the democratization
and independence of Slovenia, part IV, The Slovenes abroad], Ljubljana 2005, pp. 30-31. See also in S.
Gregorčič (ed.), Naša bitka za Slovenijo – Avstralija [Our battle for Slovenia – Australia], Melbourne
1995, p. 34.
Slovene Political Émigré Communities
137
36
Klemenčič, Kristen, Munda Hirnök, Trebše Štolfa, Stergar, Viri o demokratizaciji in osamosvojitvi Slovenije cit., Ljubljana 2005, pp. 157-278.
37
M. Klemenčič, Delovanje slovenskih izseljencev v Kanadi za neodvisno Slovenijo [The Activities of the
Slovene Emigrants in Canada for Independent Slovenia], in “Časopis za zgodovino in narodopisje”
[Review of History and Ethnography], 1999, 70, 1-2, pp. 273-284.
Klemenčič, Izseljenske skupnosti in ustanavljanje novih držav v vzhodni Srednji Evropi: primer Slovencev
(2. del) cit., pp. 574-576.
38
39
Ibid., pp. 575-576.
40
Ibid., pp. 576-582.
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