1. education

2010/ED/EFA/MRT/PI/26
Background paper prepared for the
Education for All Global Monitoring Report 2010
Reaching the marginalized
Educational Marginalisation in Northern Kenya
Sara Jerop Ruto, Zipporah Nyamauncho Ongwenyi and John Kabutha Mugo
2009
This paper was commissioned by the Education for All Global Monitoring Report as
background information to assist in drafting the 2010 report. It has not been edited by the
team. The views and opinions expressed in this paper are those of the author(s) and should
not be attributed to the EFA Global Monitoring Report or to UNESCO. The papers can be
cited with the following reference: “Paper commissioned for the EFA Global Monitoring
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Education for All Global Monitoring Report 2010 Educational Marginalisation in Northern Kenya Authors: Sara Jerop Ruto Zipporah Nyamauncho Ongwenyi John Kabutha Mugo MAY 2009 Acknowledgement
The contribution of the following people is noted with appreciation: Izzy Birch and David Siele in the Ministry of state for the Development of Northern Kenya and Other Arid Lands; Mohamed Adulahi, Jatani Duba in the Ministry of Education; Abdullahi Haji Abdi; 2
Abbreviations and Acronyms AAK ‐ Action Aid Kenya ABET ‐ Alternative Basic Education for the Turkana ADB ‐ African Development Bank ALRMP ‐ Arid Lands Resource Management Project ASAL ‐ Arid and Semi‐arid Lands CDF ‐ Constituency Development Fund DFiD ‐ Department for International Development ECD ‐ Early Childhood Development EMACK ‐ Education for the Marginalized Children of Kenya GoK ‐ Government of Kenya HELB ‐ Higher Education Loans Board KANU ‐ Kenya National African Union KCPE ‐ Kenya Certificate of Primary Education KCSE ‐ Kenya Certificate of Secondary Education KENET ‐ Kenya Education Network Trust KES ‐ Kenya Shillings KNBS ‐ Kenya National Bureau of Statistics LATF ‐ Local Authority Transfer Fund MoE ‐ Ministry of Education MOEST ‐ Ministry of Education, Science and Technology MSDNKAL ‐ Ministry of State for the Development of Northern Kenya and other Arid Lands NEP ‐North Eastern Province NGO ‐ Non‐Governmental Organization ODL ‐ Open and Distance Learning SCF ‐ Save the Children Fund TSC ‐Teachers Service Commission UPE ‐ Universal Primary Education UNICEF ‐ United Nations Children’s Fund USAID ‐ United States Agency for International Development WERK ‐ Women Educational Researchers of Kenya WFP ‐World Food Programme 3
Table of Contents Contents Acknowledgement ................................................................................................................. 2 Table of Contents ...................................................................................................................... 4 Introduction ............................................................................................................................... 6 Purpose and objectives of the paper .................................................................................................. 6 The contextual setting: Indicators of general marginalization in Northern Kenya ................ 7 The Focus Districts .............................................................................................................................. 7 Demographic context .......................................................................................................................... 8 Health, Water, Sanitation ................................................................................................................... 8 Population that ever attended school ................................................................................................ 8 Economic context ................................................................................................................................ 9 Social, cultural, political and economic factors driving marginalization in Northern Kenya: An overview
.................................................................................................................................................. 10 Socio‐Cultural Alienation .................................................................................................................. 11 Adherence to retrogressive practices ............................................................................................... 11 Socio‐Economic returns .................................................................................................................... 12 Language of Education ...................................................................................................................... 12 Political isolation ............................................................................................................................... 13 Government policies and the development of northern districts ........................................ 14 Historical Overview of Educational Policies Addressing Northern Kenya: 1963‐1990 ..................... 14 New Beginnings: 1990‐2003 ............................................................................................................. 16 Focusing to the North: 2003 to the Present ..................................................................................... 17 Education on the margins: Indicators of educational marginalization in the North ............ 24 Low retention and survival rates ...................................................................................................... 27 Low completion rates ....................................................................................................................... 28 Poor Teacher per Pupils ratio ........................................................................................................... 28 Lower performance in national examinations .................................................................................. 29 Estimated Low transition to university ............................................................................................. 29 Interventions against educational marginalization in the North .......................................... 32 Mobile schools .................................................................................................................................. 32 Low cost boarding schools ................................................................................................................ 32 4
School Feeding Programmes ............................................................................................................. 41 Open and Distance Learning Programs ............................................................................................. 41 References.............................................................................................................................. 43 Annex...................................................................................................................................... 44 5
Introduction Kenya upholds education as a fundamental human right and recognises it as pivotal for the attainment of self‐fulfilment and national development (GoK 2007; MoE 2006; Children Act Cap 586 2001). Consistent efforts have been made to address issues of access, equity, quality and relevance of education. At the national level, commissions of education have periodically been set up to review educational provision. Government propelled interventions such as the free primary education and tuition waiver for secondary schools have been introduced to enhance access. Curriculum reviews have been undertaken to address relevance and ease overload on the learners. Public‐private partnerships in education have been encouraged leading to increased individual and community participation in the education sector. The ministry of education continues to receive the highest allotment of the recurrent expenditure. Despite all these efforts, the education sector is still beset with challenges. Since Kenya’s independence in 1963, districts situated in arid Kenya have continued to exhibit extensively lower access, participation, completion and achievement rates (Sifuna 2005). This area is dominantly occupied by nomadic pastoral people. The limitations facing education of girls and boys in arid Kenya has over time attracted various actions (GoK 2007; GoK/ALRMP 2004; MoE 2006). National interventions have however been critiqued as being both inappropriate for the socio‐economic and geographic realities of this region; and inadequate to mitigate the historical deprivation the region has experienced. In an effort to address this, the government has in the last decade constituted specific policies and interventions targeting the most deprived districts. A specific Ministry of State for the Development of Northern Kenya and other arid lands (MSDNKAL) was created in 2008 to allow targeted identification and response to the uneven development still persistent in the northern (arid) districts and other arid lands. Purpose and objectives of the paper The purpose of this paper is to explore the extents of educational marginalization in arid districts in Kenya. Specifically, the paper seeks to: 1. Analyze the social, cultural, political and economic factors driving educational marginalisation in Northern Kenya; 2. Evaluate the extent to which the policy environment in Kenya has been pro‐northern districts, especially in regard to access to schooling and appropriate learning opportunities; 3. Conduct a statistical analysis of the education situation in Northern Kenya; 4. Assess interventions that have targeted the reduction of marginalisation in education and their effectiveness. 6
The contextual setting: Indicators of general marginalization in Northern Kenya Arid and Semi Arid Lands (ASAL) constitute 84 percent of the total land mass in Kenya, or 24 million hectares (GoK 2007). The extent of aridity, coupled with demographic structures, shape the economic mainstay of these lands, which is nomadic pastoralism. The Focus Districts The most marginalised districts in Kenya, have traditionally been identified as ASAL. As Table 1 indicates, the ASAL are categorised into three basic categories, mainly as dictated by their climatic conditions: Table 1: ASAL Districts by Extent of Aridity Category Districts Category A Arid (85‐100% arid) Category B Semi‐arid (30‐84% Arid) Turkana, Samburu, Marsabit, Moyale, Isiolo, Wajir, Mandera, Garissa, Tana River, Ijara % ASAL
62%
Kitui, Makueni, Taita Taveta, Kajiado, Machakos, Mwingi, 36%
Tharaka, Laikipia, West Pokot, Kwale, Kilifi, Baringo, Meru North, Lamu, Narok, Malindi, Elgeyo Marakwet, Mbeere Nyeri, Rachuonyo, Suba, Kuria, Thika, Koibatek, Migori, 2%
Bondo, Nakuru Annual Rainfal 200‐550 mm 550‐850 mm Category C Dry areas (10‐29% arid) Source: Draft ASAL Policy (2006); MSDNK (2008). Category A districts receive between 200‐550 mm of rainfall annually. This is too little to sustain rain‐fed agricultural farming. The climate is dry, with sporadic “flash” rainfall that abets soil erosion. The arid districts are rocky with sparse vegetation primarily composed of thorn bushes. This area, that accounts for 62% of all ASAL, is home to Kenya’s nomadic pastoralist communities comprising the Nilotic groups of Turkana, Maasai, Samburu and Cushitic groups including the Somali, Borana, Rendille and Gabra. There are a few exceptions, like in Tana River district which in addition to pastoral peoples like the Orma, has sedentary populations like the Pokomo. This district is also home to severely disadvantaged groups, like the Welwana (Malakote), who traditionally practiced shift farming along the Tana River. The focus of this paper is the ten Category A districts (that appear in red on the map). These districts are in North Eastern province and selected districts in Rift Valley, Eastern and Coast Provinces 1 . The districts depict the most extreme marginalisation due to the geographic conditions and policy and developmental neglect. They are the furthest from the centre (Nairobi). The two terms, Arid and Northern Kenya shall be used to refer to the 10 focus districts. Category B and C districts are primarily semi arid. Nomadic groups, mainly pastoralists, can be found in Kajiado, Laikipia, West Pokot, Baringo, Narok, Elgeyo Marakwet. Some pastoral peoples in these districts are becoming more sedentary making it easier to access education. The infrastructural development is slightly better even though this region suffers similar effects of climate, insecurity as the arid districts. 1
The paper singles out ten of the 11 districts defined by the Ministry of State for the Development of Northern Kenya as the most marginalized districts: Turkana, Samburu (Rift Valley Province); Marsabit, Isiolo, Moyale (Eastern Province); Mandera, Wajir, Garissa, Ijara (North Eastern Province) and Tana River (Coast Province). All of these districts are arid Category A. These districts have further been subdivided in recent past. The analysis shall however retain the older administrative boundaries for analysis, as most statistical material reflects the older boundaries. 7
Generally, these districts perform comparatively well in comparison to the national average, hence the decision to focus specifically on 10 arid districts, especially in the statistical analysis. The term pastoralists, when used in the paper, refers to all, irrespective of district category as listed above. Arid/Northern makes specific reference to the 10 focus districts. Where district specific data is unavailable, the North Eastern Province (NEP), in which all districts are arid, shall be used as reference point. Demographic context It is estimated that the ASAL are home to 20% of Kenya’s total population (GoK, 2007), which would translate to around 8.75 million people. ASAL has low population density which poses challenges for service delivery. The population in arid districts is relatively young. In North Eastern Province (NEP), the mean age is 20.2 years, the lowest in the country, compared to a slightly higher national average of 22.5 years. Ten of the districts with lowest mean age come from ASAL, with 6 of them from the northern districts (KNBS, 2008). Along with this, the population in NEP is most fertile, with a total fertility rate of 7.2% (against a national average of 5.0%). Health, Water, Sanitation Multiple factors of poor infrastructure, low population density and limited institutional capacity cement low service delivery evident in the North. 95% of children in NEP are born at home, against a national average of 69.5%. Only 11.8% of infants in this province have an immunization card, against a national average of 63.7%. Nearly a third of all infants are underweight (KNBS, 2008). In terms of sanitation, 55.1% of households in the arid districts have no access to toilet facilities, against a national average of 14.8%. More than 50% of the population either draws water from unprotected wells (25.4%) (with notable exposure to contamination), or from rivers (25.6%). Only 5.7 percent of the households in the arid districts have access to piped water, and most of these are concentrated in the urban areas (KNBS, 2007). Low nutrition and poor access to medical and related services poses life‐threatening challenges to the population. Population that ever attended school An analysis conducted to map schooling levels of all persons aged six and above indicates that only 32.3 % in NEP have ever enrolled in school against a national average of 76.8%. In central province for example, 92 percent of the population has attended school. Worse still, only three (3) percent (and only 0.5% of women) in NEP have attended secondary schools, against a national average of 8.7 percent. Notably low is the population that has attended any post‐secondary institutions, at only 0.6 percent (KNBS, 2008). Table 2 below summarizes the districts with the lowest number of persons (age six and above) who have ever attended school. All are arid districts. Mandera and Turkana exhibit huge gender gaps. Table 2 Districts with lowest number of persons (age 6+) who ever attended school District Mandera Turkana Marsabit Garissa Wajir Samburu Tana River Moyale Male 28.5 26.6 20.5 29.8 35.5 41 38.5 48.4 Female 2 6 14.6 7.8 7.1 21.2 23.4 26 Total 15.2 16.3 17.6 19.5 21.2 30.7 30.8 37.7 8
Isiolo Average National 46.7 35.1 82.5 27.5 15.1 71.2 37.8 25.3 76.8 Source: Kenya National Bureau of Statistics, Analysis Section 2008 Economic context In spite of aridity, and all the poor characteristics of this region, the north is a significant contributor to Kenya’s fiscal strength. The ASAL area accounts for 50‐70 percent of the country’s livestock production and is home to 90 percent of the wild game that sustains the tourism industry (GoK 2006). The following estimates from the International Institute for Environment and Development (2004) provide an indication of the contribution of pastoralism to the national economy: Table 3: Estimates of contribution from pastoralism to the Kenyan national economy (2004) Contribution of agriculture sector to GDP Contribution of livestock to agriculture GDP Significance of indigenous cattle in national hers Significance of milk production ‐ % of total national milk production 16%
50%
75%
24%
Source: IIED Issue paper No. 142 Despite this, individual returns seem very low. The economic activities are incapable of sustaining livelihoods, as 13.3 percent of all adults in NEP live on help from local and international NGOs. Attempts to settle pastoralists have made them less efficient in using the semi‐desert terrains and more dependent on emergency relief food. While populations from other districts have diverse sources of income, NEP is largely dependent on livestock and do not exploit existent credit facilities. For example, only 4.5 percent of the poor and 1.1 percent of the non‐poor sought credit in 2005, against a national average of 35 percent (KNBS, 2007). 9
Social, cultural, political and economic factors driving marginalization in Northern Kenya: An overview To understand the trajectory of development in Northern Kenya, it is important to revisit the colonial policies, settlement patterns and how this consolidated their alienation. The infrastructural and educational development inherited at independence was closely linked with European patterns of settlement (Ngome 2005). In pre‐colonial Kenya, pastoral communities traversed vast tracts of land at defined intervals establishing “an ecological balance between their animal and the natural resources” (GoK/ALRMP 2004:11). That these traditional grazing lands remained unoccupied for considerable periods made it easy for the colonial government to seize it. One of the most affected groups were the Maasai who were pushed off to more arid zones, having ceded large sections of Nakuru, Laikipia and Naivasha. It has been analysed that: The colonial government was ... unsympathetic towards pastoral peoples, believing that they were wasteful of land and were not as industrious as agricultural peoples...some colonial officials even justified taking land away from Africans on the grounds that this would compel them to give up their attachment to cattle (GoK/ALRMP 2004:12). On the whole, there was ignorance about pastoralist livelihoods. The resultant attitude that trickled down in early policy formulation (in independent Kenya) was to emphasise on “sedentarization of nomadic pastoralists with a strong focus toward crop farming” (GoK 2006). The paternalistic attitude to nomadic pastoralists did not take cognisance of the fact that their land was best suited to livestock production. There was impatience with their tendency to accumulate cattle albeit the fact that it protected them against the vagaries of the hostile climate and provided “social capital” that beefed up status and influence. Contemporary views such as “Maasai and their cattle must be separated”; “Can a Maasai be a Maasai without cattle”; “Pastoralism is the problem” (OXFAM 2006, Carr‐Hill & Peart 2005,; GoK/ALRMP 2004) capture the stereotypes associated with the vast populations in Northern Kenya. They can be summed up as: •
Their way of life contributes to their poor integration into the nation state and the national economy; • Their tradition of raiding encourages widespread possession of modern weaponry which poses a threat to law and order; • Their ‘Cattle complex’ is irrational and the cause of overgrazing and land degradation; • Their mobility is inconsistent with principles of private ownership. Missionaries have been credited with introduction of schools in colonial Kenya. The most prestigious schools today are former mission schools. Missionaries favoured agricultural areas, adjacent to the colonial settler farms (Sifuna 2005). Though the missionaries’ ulterior motive was to evangelize and convert the natives to Christianity, it seems that this religious zeal did not trespass into Northern Kenya which was not only distant, contained some of the harshest climatic conditions and was still considered a “closed” district. Some of these areas were already inhabited by Muslims. In Tana River district for example, the strategic choice the missionaries made, to invest evangelisation and schooling effort with the Pokomo and not their parstoralist and Muslim neighbours (the Orma), has resulted in the Pokomo having comparatively better education levels today. 10
The following section sums up the social, cultural and economic factors that have contributed to educational marginalisation in the north. The analysis mainly focuses on nomadic pastoralists who form the majority in Northern Kenya. Literature is mostly silent on other marginalised non pastoral groups, like the Welwana of Tana River. Socio‐Cultural Alienation While acquisition of formal education has resulted in cultural alienation in most communities, it has been analysed that the impact is more profound on pastoralist communities. Sifuna (2005) and Krätli (2001) are among the authors who analyse the effect of cultural and religious persuasions on acceptance of formal education. The culture of nomadic groups is largely communal as opposed to formal education, which in its presentation, focuses on the individual. Coupled with lack of appreciation of pastoralist livelihoods, and the general difficulty of providing formal schooling to people on the move, the predominant position has been to transform pastoralist communities as a prerequisite for receiving schooling. School curriculum has been biased to agricultural and urban lives thereby contributing little practical knowledge to children from pastoralist areas. Schooling has deskilled these populations and introduced aspirations that are not congruent to pastoral life. For Northern districts like Wajir, Garissa, Isiolo, Marsabit, and Mandera that are largely Muslim, formal education was generally shunned, not because the concept was alien to those communities, but more so due to its association with Christianity. The relative success of alternative provisions of education like the Dugsi and Madrassa in Northern Kenya lend credence to the argument that formal education provision can succeed if enshrined within the religious and cultural conceptions of a people. Adherence to retrogressive practices Access to Northern Kenya has remained minimal. The relatively low interference can be viewed as both a blessing and misfortune. While the North continues to enjoy environments secured from cultural and environmental pollution, some retrogressive cultural practices continue to be propagated. These practices are often cushioned in proverbs and sayings. A local saying among the Gabra community that ranks “God first, then man, then camel and lastly the girl” 2 can explain why it is difficult for livestock, which are ranked higher than a girl to be sold to support her education. The metaphor in the Somali saying “A girl is like a vegetable” has been used to support early marriage 3 . Early/Forced marriage and female circumcision impede girl’s education in pastoralist communities. A study commissioned by Action Aid Kenya in 2006 showed that age for undertaking FGM was declining, with the majority facing it between ages 5‐7, when resistance is minimal. FGM among the Samburu and Maasai was particularly disastrous for education. After circumcision, girls face lower social restricts. They may engage in sexual activity since they are now considered to be “women”. After FGM, the resultant pattern is pregnancy, school dropout and eventually early marriage. The critical point to break in the cycle is seen as delaying and eventually stopping FGM. Daniel Duba, Education Officer, Marsabit provided this example during the consultative workshop held between 16‐19 July, 2
2007 in Moi Girls Marsabit. The allusion to a perishable commodity, vegetables, can have several interpretations; they ripen fast, are perishable. This proverb is often used to justify early marriage 3
11
Socio‐Economic returns Generally, the returns of educational investment have not matched the expectations of communities in Kenya. The age of ‘go to school and get a good job’ seem long gone, as unemployment rates continue to stress the economy. Considering that the mainstay of pastoralism is livestock rearing, it has become a great risk for parents to sell their inheritance (cattle), for the pursuit of education. With doubts cast on the (economic) viability of the educational endeavour, many parents may not be convinced that investing in education is worthwhile any longer. This loss of faith on individual returns is becoming a deterrent. The presence of few educated people, who may be unemployed reinforces the notion that education is a worthless pursuit. The pastoral economy is however being rendered fragile by weak policy and institutional frameworks, environmental degradation and climatic changes. Pastoral communities are largely excluded from credit facilities. They have to struggle to market their produce. Pasture and water is diminishing. Droughts and flooding today occur at shorter intervals; from previous cyclic occurrences of 10 years to a reduced 5‐7 year intervals (GoK 2006). This means that economic livelihoods never quite recover before the onset of another calamity. Conflicts over scarce resources of water and pasture continue. Commercialised cattle rustling where sophisticated modern weaponry is used continue unabated. Such factors make the future of pastoralism bleak. Comparatively, the schooled elite lead a more comfortable life. They extend support to families that were almost totally dependent on relief food. They compete favourable in the job market. Such factors are boosting the appeal to formal education. Nomadic communities are initiating community schools. In a sense, formal education investment is considered a better risk than investment in the pastoral economy. Language of Education While literature abounds with social challenges faced by children in the arid districts like: poor communication, vast distances to schools, low literate communities, lack of social role models, lower valuation of girls education, and limitations of basic schooling resources like teachers (GoK 2005; 2006; 2007), inadequate attention has been given to the question of language of education. Language is one of the strongest social resources. Supporters of local language literacy argue that it increases inclusion and overall learning productivity. It is more accommodating of community knowledge and facilitates local content (Krätli 2001; Brock‐Utne 2000). While challenges 4 associated with “mother tongue” literacy are well documented, the alternative possibilities have not excited policy makers despite the potential they have for increasing relevance. Small scale, often uncoordinated efforts have been documented such as: • Post Literacy Project, funded by the GTZ that developed reading material from listening to indigenous peoples stories (Ekundayo 1999). • The National Book Development Council of Kenya that organises reading tents in selected districts. By far, the church remains the biggest champion of local languages. Organizations such as Bible Translation and Literacy are at the forefront of researching and scripting oral languages. Collaboration between the education sector and such entities would provide a lifeline to learners, such as those in alternative programmes who rely on English medium materials yet they have never been exposed to the language. 4
These include the fact that many languages are still oral, numerous dialects within one language form, resource availability, issues of national unity and advantages of a “language of wider communication” like English. 12
Political isolation The policies and politics in Kenya up to the 1990s largely perpetrated regional inequalities. The extent of alienation is such that populations in the North distance themselves from the rest of “down Kenya”. It has been analysed that the north was easy to ignore due to political expediency. Pastoralist populations lack in numbers for significant political capital. They cannot exert influence to swing votes in any election. As such, arid districts have been pitted on the losing end in terms of political power relations. A combination of both positive as well as self serving reasons can be attributed to the warming up to the North. On the one hand increasing understanding and appreciation of the pastoral production system has resulted in efforts to meaningfully integrate the North in national development. There is genuine concern to redress to socio‐
economic inequities still prevalent. But on the other hand the “minority groups” are now coming in handy when trying to inject diversity to the political arena. Parties that are primarily composed of singular ethnic groups woo Northern groups. There also seems to be preference to entrust key political positions to persons outside the dominant ethnicities that have shaped Kenyan politics 5 . Additionally, there is a growing view that recognises the untapped potential in the North. The north is advocated as the “new development frontier”, the gateway to Northern Africa that can expand the Kenyan economy that currently focuses on its Eastern and Southerly neighbours. 5
The Kikuyu, Luo, Kalenjin, Luhya, Kamba are some of the dominant ethnic groups and generally, each views the other with suspicion especially in key positions. The consensus is to reach out to others. The selection Chair of the Interim Independent Electoral commission is from a “minority tribe”. 13
Government policies and the development of northern districts Historical Overview of Educational Policies Addressing Northern Kenya: 1963‐1990 When Kenya attained independence in 1963, the government committed itself to increasing educational access and creating a qualified specialized human resource base with aptitudes for modernization and development. High demand for education by the populace compounded with general belief that it was the sure avenue for socio‐economic development meant that formal education acquired a central position in the budget and national development plans. The pivotal role that politics would play in education became apparent when the first ruling party, Kenya African National Union (KANU) in its 1963 manifesto entitled What a KANU Government Offers you promised seven years of free primary education (MOEST 2001; Sifuna 2007). The Kenya Education Commission popularly referred to as Ominde Commission (Republic of Kenya 1964) was mandated with charting a new education policy for the country. The commission was constituted against a backdrop of disproportionate educational opportunities across the races and the regions. Northern Kenya, then referred to as the northern frontier district which had been ignored due to perceived lack of relevance to the colonial economy had an almost non‐existent educational investment. In the early years of independence, it still remained a closed area under emergency rule. Ngome (2005) analyses that there was apparent recognition that educational disparity would pose a problem to national integration. The specific attention to the most neglected areas, in the Ominde report, not only signified an overt attempt to redress the underdeveloped parts of the country but also stamped the emergence of a policy shift. Unfortunately subsequent policy formulation during this period did not convey similar intensity of purpose. The Ominde report 6 identified Tana River, Garissa, Wajir, Mandera, Isiolo, Marsabit, Narok, Kajiado, Turkana, Samburu and West Pokot 7 as warranting higher grant allocation, boarding schools and mobile schools, as immediate strategies to uplift school participation. The National Development Plan 1970‐1974 specifically championed for low cost boarding schools and this led to increased funding enabling their establishment across Northern Kenya. In 1971, a presidential decree was issued abolishing tuition fees for districts with unfavourable geographic conditions (i.e. ASAL districts). These strategies did not have significant impact on overall school participation in the North. Instead a trend emerged where children from other districts enrolled and took advantage of educational provision targeting pastoral communities. In the 1974‐1978 Development plan, the government registered its disappointment stating that: The experience to date is that the cost per child has been extremely high and the actual response has been disappointing in terms of increased enrolment by people indigenous to those areas. Therefore the government shall reduce the scope of this particular programme until its effectiveness has been demonstrated... (Republic of Kenya, 1974: 412). 6
The Sessional Paper No. 10 of 1965 on African Socialism and its application to planning in Kenya formally adopted the Ominde report to form the basis of post independent educational development. It further announced that UPE would start in 1965 to be achieved by 1971. 7
These districts are classified as ASAL 14
The above statement implies impatience at the slow rate of response and conformity in Northern Kenya. While the official government policy was still one of inclusion; that “the government remains committed to the long term goal of increasing educational facilities in the remote sparsely populated areas to the level of other more advanced parts of the country” (ibid), the decision to scale down boarding schools was reactive and impatient. It suggests that the unofficial policy, inherited from colonial Kenya, was to blame pastoralists for resisting change. The policies of the time seemed to aim at modernising the pastoralists by “weaning off the cattle complex” (ALRMP/AAK 2004:12) and encouraging a more sedentary existence, preferably an agricultural based one. Little attention was accorded to the opportunity costs of school attendance given that school going age children have an integral role in the household and overall pastoral economy (Krätli 2001). In addition, parents were expected to meet the costs of schooling. This was more difficult for ASAL which was still a non monetary economy. That the whole concept of a boarding school, and being confined to limited space conflicted with a child’s perception who was used to vast space, was not even scrutinised. Disappointment with the boarding school strategy led to consideration of a different approach. The 1974‐
1978 development plan stated: The government...intends to test alternative means of promoting education in these areas. A new programme of mobile teaching units, especially designed for areas with these particular problems, will be tested on a pilot basis during the plan period (Republic of Kenya 1974: 412). Subsequent policy documents and analyses are silent on the impact of these mobile units or “schools on wheels” (ALRMP/AAK 2004; Ngome 2005). Indeed subsequent Commissions of Education 8 do not seem to have paid specific attention to educational provision in Northern Kenya. Historical analysis suggests that multiple factors colluded to make Northern Kenya immune to blanket policies driven from the national level. The presidential decree issued in December 1973 outlawing fee payment for all children from class 1 to 4, alongside the other issued in 1978 abolishing school fees in all classes in primary schooling, whilst having substantial impact country wide, failed to stir educational participation in the North. These education decrees were not wholesome solutions as they were issued without adequate resource preparation to cope with the huge learner influx. However while the rest of the country resorted back to the Harambee 9 spirit to contribute funds and supplement government provision, ASAL relied almost exclusively on government (and missionary) initiative and action (Gok/ALRMP 2004; Sifuna 2005). The lack of community/parents’ initiative in ASAL was to have profound effect on education access especially during the 1980s when the World Bank propelled Structural Adjustment Programmes, that advocated for less public expenditure were instituted. The Sessional Paper No. 6 on Education and Training for the Next Decade and Beyond of 1988 introduced the cost sharing policy which resulted in 8
i.e. The Report of the national committee on educational objectives and policies (Gachathi report, 1976); The Report of the presidential working party on the second university (Mackay report 1981); The Report on the presidential working party on education and manpower development for the next decade and beyond (Kamunge report 1988); commission of inquiry into the education system of Kenya (Koech report 2000). 9
Kiswahili for “lets pull together” be it financially or socially. Due to its misuse, the NARC government in 2003 banned all Harambees, which had then become fund raising events, sometimes forced. 15
more pronounced exclusion of vulnerable groups who included the urban poor, rural communities and ASAL peoples. New Beginnings: 1990‐2003 The impetus for addressing declining education participation was derived in Jomtien in the 1990 “World Declaration on Education for All”. Nations of the world renewed the call to universalise education. In Kenya, combined strategies of policy formulation, presidential orders and a move to decentralise funding coalesced to revamp school participation. Some of the funds managed at district/constituency level include: •
Secondary school education bursary fund established in 1993/4 through a presidential pronouncement. It was intended to cushion children from disadvantaged communities against the high cost of secondary education. This fund receives annual allocations from the ministry of education (MoE) and has since 2003/4 been coordinated by the constituency bursary committee. Affirmative action is utilised as KES 500,000 is reserved for ASAL areas. In 2005/6 10 , this translated to 35% of available funds. Children who are already enrolled in secondary schools apply for the funds. There are oft allegations of favouritism in allocation with the result that the target population do not always benefit. •
HIV/AIDS fund created in 1999 through a presidential order. It was supposed to allow more targeted funding to persons infected or affected by the AIDS pandemic. •
Local Authority Transfer Fund (LATF) established in 1999 through the LATF Act no. 8. It comprises about 5% of the national income tax collected in any year. It sought to improve local service delivery and facilities. Some local authorities provide bursaries to needy students. •
Constituency Development Fund (CDF) established in 2003 through the CDF Act no. 11. This Act stipulates that 10% of the fund may be used for education. By far, the most phenomenal local fund is the CDF derived from an annual budgetary allocation of ordinary government revenue. It was recently increased from 2.5% of annual government revenue to 7.5% in the 2009/10 budget. 75% of this fund is allocated to the 210 constituencies countrywide. In 2009/10 for example, each constituency will receive KES 130 million, up from the previous KES 30 million. The remaining 25% is allocated as per the poverty levels of a constituency. Given that most ASAL rank low on the socio‐economic indices, they mainly get this additional funding. This fund is managed by a constituency development committee that is largely appointed by the Member of Parliament. The central government provides a few broad stipulations of fund usage. Recent analysis shows that the priority funding in all constituencies has been on education (including bursary), followed by health services. CDF has provided citizens the possibility of prioritising funding based on pressing demands. Needy children across the nation, including in ASAL have benefited, despite oft alleged mismanagement and politicisation of the funds. Though the decentralised approach was good for the country, it was not adequate to redress the situation in Northern Kenya. It is perhaps this realisation that prompted government in 1992 to revise the ASAL development policy (of 1979). This policy lacked political good will, fund allocation, coherence and has 10
An audit of these funds was undertaken in 2007/8. The findings have never been released. 16
been summed up as a “dry” technical document that was not backed up by a strong resolve to address ASAL development issues” (GoK 2006). Focusing to the North: 2003 to the Present This period witnessed renewed policy focus and action both generally and specifically on issues affecting Northern Kenya. The new government and ruling party, in 2003 issued what it hoped would be the final call to realise universal primary education. It cushioned this call on the 2001 Children’s Act Cap 586 of the Laws of Kenya which asserts that “every child is entitled to free basic education” (p8). Unlike the previous decrees, the 2003 Free Primary Education (FPE) pronouncement pegged KES 1020 per child to support instructional materials, co‐curricular activities and support wages of non‐teaching staff (MOEST 2003). The FPE activated a stagnant education scene with more than one million learners enrolling in primary schools in 2003. Table 4 Primary School Enrolment by Gender (000): 2001‐2007 Girls Boys Total 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2,939 2,988 3,485 3,579 3,688 3,002 3,073 3,674 3,815 3,902 5,941 6,062 7,160 7,394 7,590 Source: KNBS: Economic Surveys, 2006 and 2008 *Provisional data 2006 3,736 3,897 7,633 2007 4,012 4,217 8,229 *2008 4,205 4,358 8,583 The blanket figures above however hide the gender and regional disparities. The national net enrolment rates in 2007 stood at 91.6, having steadily grown from 80.4 in 2003. This represents a 13.9% increase. The North Eastern province recorded the biggest increase between 2003 and 2007 (27.3%). However, with 27.5 NER, it remains the worst performing province (together with Nairobi) as Table 5a shows. Table 5a: Public Primary Schools Net Enrolment Rate (NER) by Province, 2003 and 2007 PROVINCE 2003 Coast Central Eastern Nairobi Rift Valley Western Nyanza North Eastern NATIONAL Boys 66.9 83.6 90.4 35.5 84.1 97.5 96.2 26.1 80.8 Girls 60.1 84.2 90.3 40.3 82.0 93.2 95.4 16.2 80.0 Total 63.5 83.9 90.4 37.7 83.1 95.3 95.8 21.6 80.4 2007*
Boys 84.6
84.4
98.7
28.6
98.3
99.1
98.4
33.1
94.1
Girls 77.0
80.7
97.8
29.3
94.0
98.9
98.2
20.8
89.0
%
Increase/
Total Decrease 80.8
27.2%
82.5
‐1.7%
98.3
8.7%
29.0
‐23.1%
97.8
17.7%
99.0
3.9%
98.3
2.6%
27.5
27.3%
91.6
13.9%
Table 5b: Public Primary Schools Net Enrolment Rate (NER): 10 Lowest Districts, 2003 and 2007 11
2003: District Province Boys Girls Total Wajir North Eastern 20.3 14.5 Garissa North Eastern 23.6 14.3 17.6 2007: District Wajir
Boys 24.1 Girls 16.4 Total 20.6
19.3 Garissa
27.4 18.6 11 23.5
All the Statistics for Garissa and Ijara are same. Ijara was curved off from Garissa in 1990. Given the challenges faced by EMIS in data collection and management, it is possible that Garissa estimates are used for Ijara. 17
Ijara North Eastern 23.6 14.3 19.3 Ijara
27.4 18.6 23.5
Turkana Rift Valley 33 25.5 29.3 Nairobi
28.6 29.3 29
38.2 37.7 21.1 34.1 30.1 35.9 Turkana
45.2 34.8 40
53.4 29.8 42.4
35.5 40.3 37.7 Mandera
Samburu
59.5 43.4 51.4 41.3 Mombasa
55.2 53.1 54.1 43.5 Marsabit
64.7 60.8 62.8 57.4 Tana River
71.4 60.1 65.9 33.14 Average
45.69 36.49 41.32 Mandera Marsabit North Eastern Nairobi Eastern Nairobi Moyale Eastern Tana River Coast Mombasa Mombasa Total 48.2 47.9 59 36.7 34.3 38.9 55.7 29.3 Source: MoE Statistics Unit, 2009 Key: Districts shaded in Red are Arid/Northern Districts Districts in white are Urban The districts with lowest NER have mostly remained constant since 2003. Table 5b shows that 80 percent are arid districts from four provinces. The other 20% are cities, which account for the largest populations of urban poor. The only marginal change recorded is the promotion of Moyale district in 2007 (with 96.1) to ranks of better performing districts. So while improvements recorded in arid districts (Table 5c) are much better than the national average (44.8% as opposed to 13.9%), they have not been large enough to alter the general trend of under participation. Table 5c: Primary Schools Net Enrolment Rate (NER) by Gender and Arid Districts, 2003 and 2007 2003 2007* % Increase/ Boys Girls Total Boys Girls Total decrease DISTRICT Tana River 47.9 38.9 43.5 71.4 60.1 65.9 51.5% Marsabit 37.7 34.1 35.9 64.7 60.8 62.8 74.9% Isiolo 59.9 52.2 56.1 87.6 82.2 85.0 51.5% Moyale 48.2 34.3 41.3 97.5 94.7 96.1 132.7% Turkana 33.0 25.5 29.3 45.2 34.8 40.0 36.5% Samburu 70.5 50.4 60.6 59.5 43.4 51.4 ‐15.2% 23.6 14.3 19.3 27.4 18.6 23.5 Garissa 21.8% 20.3 14.5 17.6 24.1 16.4 20.6 Wajir 17.0% 38.2 21.1 30.1 53.4 29.8 42.4 Mandera 40.9% 23.6 14.3 19.3 27.4 18.6 23.5 Ijara 21.8% Arid Districts Total 40.29 29.96 35.30 55.82 45.95 51.10 44.8% Education Policies and Affirmative Action Pro North A variety of interrelated factors are suggested as having played a critical role in revamping educational participation in the North. The ministry of education continues to receive the highest allotment of recurrent government expenditure. This allocation which averages 21.6 over a 5 year period has been consistent and depicts government commitment to education. Table 6: Percentage of Recurrent Expenditure to MoE 2004‐2009 Year % of Recurrent Expenditure to MOE 2004/2005 21.68% 2005/2006 2006/2007 22.53% 22.53% 2007/2008 21.64% 18
2008/2009 20.39% The international community, through international organisations (e.g. Oxfam), the UN (particularly UNICEF and WFP) and the World Bank have supported many aspects of education in Arid districts. This section will however mainly analyse the impact of policies emanating from MoE on educational participation in the North. The legal framework for educational provision in Kenya is contained in the Education Act (1968 revised 1980). This Act is outdated. For example, a school, according to the Act must have a plot number, permanent structure and so on. Mobile schools can therefore not be registered under the current provisions. A Task Force constituted to review and harmonise the legal framework on education, training and research, chaired by Kamunge, presented its recommendations in 2007. Unfortunately, the expected revision of the Education Act did not happen. The result is that the MoE relies on specific policy formulation, ministerial statements and pronouncements (from the president) to guide practice in education. The official planning document guiding the education sector is the Sessional Paper No. 1 of 2005 on a Policy Framework for Education, Training and Research. This document reiterates government commitment to increasing educational opportunities for all Kenyans. Alongside this is the Kenya Education Sector Support Programme (KESSP), lauded as the single largest investment programme ever undertaken within the education sector. KESSP has a total of 21 investment programmes funded from a common pool to benefit the entire country. One investment programme “Expanding opportunities in arid and semi arid lands” is entirely devoted to the North and other arid areas. The other investment programme that has equally benefited ASAL is “Primary schools infrastructure”. Low cost boarding schools and mobile schools are funded under these two programmes. The funding, channelled through the MoE is 280 million from USAID for 4 districts in NEP and 84 million from the World Bank for 16 ASAL districts 12 . By targeting funding to ASAL, KESSP pick up and strengthens a trend first established in the 1960s that attempted specific solutions for ASAL. The two policy directions associated with the MoE, and targeting ASAL are; (a) funding of low cost boarding primary schools and (b) the School feeding Programme. These two are presented in detail in the last section. Other directives that have benefited ASAL are: • Directive on hardship allowance: Teachers serving in ASAL have since 2001 received a hardship allowance, calculated at 30% of the basic allowance. Prior to this the only entitlement was travel allowance. While the hardship allowance is a motivator, there have been calls to rank ASAL areas by difficulty, so that people posted to the 10 arid districts, for example, receive higher allotment, that those in semi‐arid districts. • Recruitment policies: The Teachers Service Commission (TSC) a semi autonomous government agency is mandated with teacher management. All teachers serving in public schools are hired by the TSC. Since 2001, TSC has only replaced those who have left the teaching profession willingly or through natural attrition. Recruitment was done nationally. Often, teachers refused to comply with their posting orders. In 2004, TSC adopted a demand driven policy that necessitated 12
NFE Officer, MoE (Interview Mar 2008). This amount only accounts for the contributions to KESSPs common pooled funding. It is not possible to establish the total amounts the sector receives as not all the money is channeled through the MoE. 19
decentralisation. While TSC announces the vacancies, teachers apply for a specific position and must be interviewed by the school. Upon recruitment, the teachers commit to remain within the station for five years. Though not explicitly stated, it has been analysed that this policy was crafted with ASAL in mind. Indeed the biggest beneficiaries of this policy are the unfavourable districts of Northern Kenya. These districts have few teachers indigenous to the area. Teachers from other parts of Kenya however find the conditions of work unfriendly and were previously known to seek redeployment upon reporting to the station. With the new policy, they have to remain for 5 years, or forfeit employment. • Secondary School Intake: In the early 1980s a presidential pronouncement was made to the effect that school admission would adhere to a quota intake system. Kenya has three types of secondary schools; district, provincial and national schools. National schools are often the oldest and most prestigious schools with traditions of academic excellence. They are also the most competitive and in urban areas have become the reserve for children from private academies who score well in the national examination. Under the quota system, each district gets a specific allocation. Without the quota system, children from the North would hardly have gained admission to these prestigious schools that are a sure entry to university. The quota system ensures that some secondary school places are evenly distributed across the nation. District of the North have therefore benefited. The current policies and affirmative action however do not adequately cover the North. A policy is needed that favours the few local populations in teacher recruitment. Currently, it is an open field. To really attract and motivate other teachers, more incentives, like study opportunities using distance education modes, are necessary. Non conventional teaching methods, like multigrade are often preferred for the North, yet not a single institution in the country offers such training. The TSC staffing norms have also been faulted as not being realistic to sparsely populated areas. Teacher distribution is pegged to class sizes and number of classrooms. The content in primary school textbooks is alien to the north. The textbooks need to go through a similar process, like the 1990s gender analysis of texts, to make them more inclusive of people from different socio‐economic and cultural contexts. Finally certain policy provisions are needed to guide the school calendar for schools in the North. Term dates need to correlate to the nomadic calendar of migration. Nomads are more settled during the rainy season. This ought to be the peak season for learning. The Draft Nomadic Education Policy (2008) is the most comprehensive document within MoE that attempts to address some of the above mentioned omissions. This Policy identifies three groups: pastoral nomads, fishing nomads and hunters/gatherers. The value of this policy is twofold. First it articulates issues related to nomadism and education that are generally absent in the broad education policies (e.g. need for a multisectoral approach that incorporates contingent measures to alleviate effects of emergencies caused by vagaries of weather or insecurity). Second, the document stresses the need to institute practical practices for arid districts (such as adopted of a 12 month open school system that allows children to remain in school when their families migrate). Expert individuals and organisations, such as SOS Sahel International UK, while finding several strengths with the draft policy have pointed certain deficiencies: •
Inclination to cluster nomadic groups in 3 broad categories which hides the great diversity within these groups 20
•
•
Equating schooling with education and as a result emphasising on a school based systems and practices for nomadic populations Inadequate attention to distance education and the role of the media in accessing education. It has repeatedly been started that the pastoral peoples are not homogenous. Experiments suggest that school access among the Turkana can greatly be enhanced with provision of school feeding and boarding school facilities. Boarding schools, especially for girls are not the solution for Somali groups who inhabit Garissa, Wajir, Ijara and Mandera. Despite UNICEF’s bid for example to equip girls’ dormitories and enhance the school’s friendliness, parents remain wary of the security of their daughters and retain them at home. Parents still fear the Christianization effect of schooling on their Muslim children. In short, the policy provisions need to acknowledge the diversity of nomadic populations. The policy needs to show linkages with other established provisions in a more coherent manner. It needs more detailed attention in key areas of the pedagogy and teachers. In the absence of a comprehensive Education framework, the proposed creation of the National Commission of Nomadic Education, contained in the draft, to spearhead education work has been recommended. The fact that MSDNKAL has stated its intention to assist MoE operationalises this commission, may hasten its creation. The Ministry of State for the Development of Northern Kenya and Other Arid Lands (MSDNKAL) One of the boldest statements from the current government about its intention to proactively address issues of the North is perhaps seen in its creation of the above mentioned ministry. The creation of the ministry can be said to be the result of fusion of pressure from two sides: the civil society on the one hand and the political elite. a) Pastoral civil society Civil society organisations (CSOs) have increased tremendously within the past two decades in Kenya. While CSOs represent citizen interests, check on government excesses and offer service delivery, they have been tarnished with evidence of poor leadership, planning, lack of sustainability and so on. Despite this, they have helped communities to gain visibility and articulate own issues. CSOs active in policy advocacy are often led by people with good academic credentials. The growing base of educated people from pastoral communities, some of whom are civil servants who interact with policy issues has aided the movement. It has been analysed that the positive policy shifts in favour of arid pastoral districts, and indeed the creation of MSDNKAL, have to an extent been influenced by advocacy efforts from pastoralist groups and their leaders I think the creation of the Ministry is linked in part to the growing organisation of pastoral civil society over the past two decades. There was the Kenya Pastoral Forum in the 1990s, which although it dissolved after a few years put pastoral advocacy on the map. The pastoralist MPs have also formed themselves into a Pastoral Parliamentary Group, which has the potential to act as a cohesive bloc in parliament. Then pastoral civil society organised itself very effectively to contribute to the PRSP and to the discussions around the constitutional review, with the support of the Arid Lands project and Kenyan NGOs such as CEMIRIDE13 . The ability of CSOs to propel schooled individuals from pastoral communities to national limelight, thereby according them higher chances of entry to key strategic positions cannot be understated 14 . Being within government and related organs offers them higher chances of influencing policy. Communication, Izzy Birch, Advisor, Ministry of Northern Kenya May 2009 14
For example, the Chair of Woman Kind, a leading NGO in Garissa is a nominated member of parliament; the chair of Kenya Women Pastoralist Group was recently appointed to serve in the Interim Independent Electoral Commission (IIEC). 21
13
b) Targeted Policies for the North Policy formulation and action in the period after 2003 has allowed more targeted attention to the North/arid lands. The Arid Lands Resource Management Project (ALRMP) 15 has been instrumental in supporting the policy formulation processes addressing the broad developmental issues of ASAL. The concerted efforts have resulted in: • 2005: Sessional Paper on Sustainable Development of Arid and Semi Arid Lands was issued. • 2005: Draft ASAL Gender Policy Guidelines • 2006: Draft Arid Lands Policy The draft Arid Lands Policy articulates the main policy directions for developing Northern Kenya. The MSDNKAL is currently leading efforts to review this policy in light of an annex to Vision 2030, Kenya’s long‐
term development blueprint, which will articulate the goals of Vision 2030 from the perspective of Northern Kenya/arid lands. c) Renewed Political/Government Commitment Since 2003, the key political parties have sought to address the developmental issues of Northern Kenya. ASAL issues have been stated in part manifestoes. Interest to improve the status of the region has been demonstrated by more investment in the region, even by the business community, and more inclusive policy making: ASALs comprise of different and largely little understood livelihood systems. For example, pastoral production systems depend on mobile herding and present unique requirements if the system is to be sustainable. Policies that recognize mobile herding as viable and economically sound livelihood strategies ought to be put in place to support such land use systems in the ASALs (GoK 2006: 35). There has been a progressive growth in commitment to the North. In 2005 for example, the NARC government developed an Economic Recovery Strategy for the North. It had no real lasting impact mostly because it lacked a clear institutional framework and still adopted the project approach. In 2008, the political elite went a notch higher by creating a special ministry for the North/arid lands. The consensus by the current coalition government 16 attests to a rare unity of purpose by a government often pitted against each other because of the political divide. The singular vision seems to have been shaped by the fact that both camps acknowledge that national development cannot be achieved if four fifths of the country is ignored. The MSDNKAL is conceptualised as a time bound ministry, that ought to support the government meet its obligations for the region. The ministry seeks to complement line ministries rather than set up parallel structures; it seeks to ‘fast‐track’ development in Northern Kenya and in arid lands by providing the necessary specialism and energy in government that will find new solutions to problems of poverty and vulnerability, and by ensuring that the region’s wealth is harnessed appropriately and effectively for the benefit of the people of the region and the country as a whole. ” (MSDNKAL 2009). This ministry has a broad mandate that is almost impossible to meet given its current budgetary allocation and staff limitations 17 . This notwithstanding, the ministry has delineated five technical directorates, 15
ALRMP is a community based drought management project funded by the World Bank. It operates in more than 28 ASAL districts and is now in its second phase (2003‐2009). 16
Contested presidential results in the December 2007 elections resulted in the current coalition government between Party of National Unity (PNU) and Orange Democratic Movement (ODM) 17
The ministry is however largely unable to hire staff, till after July 2009, due current employment embargo imposed by the government. 22
namely: Infrastructure development, Human capital development, Food security, Policy and research, Partnership and investment to spearhead policy developments and programme interventions. While all directorates are critical, the two directorates that have been prioritised as the “foundation of development” are infrastructure and human capital development; namely education and health. The immediate listed priorities for education are summarised as follows: ƒ Working with MoE to produce comprehensive education plans which will deliver better education outcomes for the people of the region. ƒ Helping the MoE establish and operationalise the proposed National Commission on Nomadic Education in Kenya. ƒ Bringing at least two, ideally three, universities to the region. ƒ Establishing a Northern Kenya Education Foundation as an independent source of finance for tertiary‐
level education, with a bias towards women’s education (MSDNKAL 2009). Despite the progress in addressing the developmental neglect of the North, a view is held that more could be done. Top policy makers still treat the country as though the development levels are homogenous. Two examples shall be used to illustrate this: (a) In the recently national budget, CDF funds for the national were uniformly increased meaning that the Northern arid lands will hardly bridge the gap; and (b) Each constituency received funds to establish a centre of excellence. The argument from technical experts is that the region needed first preference, and that rather than spread money evenly to areas that already host a number of excellent centres, Northern districts, some of which do not have a single secondary school, had more urgent demands. The technical experts within the MSDNKAL therefore ought to push for more conscious recognition from mainstream policies. An example of a “new solution” being sought within the in education sector is a rephrasing of the quota system for secondary school intake “in the light of conditions in the North”. Turkana district for example now comprising 3 districts. The quota system rule demands that Lodwar high school that has served the entire district now draws 60% of the Form 1 intake from the smaller new district, and the other 40% is reserved for the province. The two districts curved off from Turkana are therefore heavily disadvantaged. The education experts want such top provincial schools in the North to be redefined as “regional” schools that serve the entire region rather than the district. Another action being pressed for is to seek financial support for boarding secondary schools given that the secondary school tuition waiver mainly impacts on day schools. There are no day secondary schools in the North. Such is the role of MSDNKAL; to challenge fixed mindsets and line ministries and acquire more friendly policies and action for arid lands. 23
Education on the margins: Indicators of educational marginalization in the North Four years after the introduction of FPE in 2003 and related friendly policies, primary school NER for Northern arid districts average 51.1 (2007), against a national average of 91.6. Statistical analysis points to marginalization of the North in all aspects of enrolment, retention, participation, completion and even achievement, more so for girls. The following section uses EMIS data from MoE for statistical analysis. Early Childhood Development (ECD) sector: The national figures (Table 7a)indicate that there has been significant growth in the ECD sector from an average of 31 percent in 2003 to 42 percent in 2007. While this represents a 35.8% increase of children accessing ECD, average net enrolment is still below 50%. NEP, according to this data registered negative growth and holds the lowest rates. Other urban centres (Kisumu Municipality) and agricultural districts (Nandi district) also feature in the 10 worst districts (Table 7b). The NER for arid districts stands 32.7 (Table 7c). This is the closest rate to the national average in all sub‐sectors. However, while nationally, the ECD sector has a near gender parity, arid districts still depict a wide disparity. Table 7a: ECD Net Enrolment Ratio by Province (2007) PROVINCE/ DISTRICT Coast Central Eastern Nairobi Boys 26.7 28.3 28.8 26.2 38.1 30.8 33.7 20.9 2003 Girls 26.0 27.0 28.1 29.8 36.8 29.2 32.9 23.1 Rift Valley Western Nyanza North Eastern Grand Total 31.3 30.7 Source: EMIS, MOE Table 7b: ECD Net Enrolment Rate: 10 Lowest Districts 2003 and 2007 2003 Boys Girls Meru 14.8 14.2 Kwale 19.9 18.7 Total 26.3 27.7 28.4 27.9 37.4 30.0 33.3 21.9 Boys 44.8 39.3 37.0 56.6 50.7 40.6 41.1 14.2 2007 Girls 43.5 37.2 34.1 63.5 48.8 36.0 39.0 9.2 Total 44.2 38.3 35.5 59.8 49.8 38.3 40.1 11.9 31.0 43.1 41.1 42.1 2007 Tharaka % Increase/decrease 68.1% 38.3% 25.0% 114.3% 33.2% 27.7% 20.4% ‐45.7% 35.8% Ave 9.3 9.6 7.7 Garissa Boys 2.1 12.0 Maragua 5.6 2.9 4.2 Wajir 8.5 Girls 16.1 6.9 6.8 Migori 9.6 8.4 9.0 20.5 18.3 19.4 Garissa Wajir Ijara Mbeere Malindi Moyale 4.7 6.9 4.7 18.5 22.5 22.1 6.4 6.3 6.4 16.1 20.6 21.8 5.5 6.6 5.5 17.2 21.6 21.9 Meru Mandera Ijara Nandi North Nyamira Kisumu Kisumu Mun. 14.4 8.5 26.3 17.0 18.2 18.2 12.5 14.55 8.2 6.8 26.7 15.3 16.4 16.4 13.7 11.5 7.7 26.5 16.2 17.3 17.3 14.2 Key: Total 12.9 12.1 Red: Arid/Northern Districts; Ave 14.5 19.3 24
Yellow: Semi Arid Districts; Green: Non Pastoralist districts (agricultural areas); White: Urban Table 7C: ECD Net Enrolment Rate: Arid Districts 2003 and 2007 PROVINCE/
2003
DISTRICT
Tana River
Boys
2007
Girls
34.6
Total
36.3
Boys
Girls
Total
35.4
42.5
41.7
42.1
Marsabit
31.6
52.3
42.5
32.7
26.4
29.4
Isiolo
43.3
39.9
41.6
49.5
43.7
46.6
Moyale
22.1
21.8
21.9
38.0
32.7
35.4
Turkana
44.3
37.4
40.8
70.6
62.0
66.4
Samburu
66.3
57.9
62.1
77.3
63.8
70.6
4.7
6.4
5.5
12.0
6.9
9.6
Garissa
6.9
6.3
6.6
8.5
6.8
7.7
59.6
65.7
62.5
14.4
8.2
11.5
4.7
6.4
5.5
8.5
6.8
7.7
31.80 33.03 32.44 35.39 29.89 32.69 Wajir
Mandera
Ijara
Total Primary School Sector An analysis of Net Enrolment Ratio for primary schools indicates great disparities between the arid districts on the one hand, and other pastoralist districts, on the other. Table 8 presents an analysis of NER in 2003 and 2007. Table 8: Public Primary school NER for northern districts, 2003 and 2007 2003 Boys Girls Total 2007 Boys Girls Total % Increase/ Decrease 40.3 30.0 35.3 55.8 45.9 51.1 44.8% 81.6 80.8 78.2 80.0 79.9 80.4 94.1 90.2 92.3 15.5% 94.1 89.0 91.6 13.9% Arid Districts Total Other pastoralist districts 18 National Total From the analysis, though the most impressive improvement has been in the North, the districts continue to lag behind other pastoralist districts which were almost at par with the national average. Quite distinctive is the dismal performance of four arid districts (Wajir, Ijara, Garissa and Mandera). Nationally, the greatest improvement was experienced in Moyale, from 41.3% in 2003 to 96.1% in 2007. This case is worth closer scrutiny. Moyale borders Ethiopia, and has been prone to cattle rustling, cross‐border and inter‐ethnic conflicts with gross calamities; the worst documented case was the Turbi Massacre of 2005 in which a boarding school was raided. Of the 60 persons killed, 22 were children. Statistics in Samburu are perplexing. The comparison of NER and GER data for the districts seems to confirm an error in the 2006 data. DISTRICT Boys 2003 Girls Total Boys 2004 Girls
Total
Boys
2005 Girls
Total
Boys
2006 Girls
Total Boys 2007* Girls Total
Samburu GER 81.1 55.1 68.3 91 63.3 77.2 85.8 60.8 73.4 47 34.6 40.8 89.5 65.2 77.3 Samburu NER 70.5 50.4 60.6 74.7 54.9 64.9 80.8 63.5 72.2 38.8 30.3 34.6 59.5 43.4 51.4 18
Includes other 9 districts home to pastoralist: Kajiado, Narok, Transmara, Laikipia, West Pokot, Teso, Baringo, Mbeere and Tharaka 25
In terms of gender, the largest disparities were experienced in Samburu and Mandera. Though the gender gap seemed to have generally been closing in, from a difference of 10.3 in 2003 to 9.9 in 2007, the gap widened in a number of districts, especially in Mandera (17.1‐23.6), Turkana (7.5‐10.4) and Wajir (5.8‐7.8). The leading district in closing the gender gap was Moyale, from a difference of 13.9 in 2003 to 2.8 in 2007. Secondary School Sector Table 9 shows that a net average of 5% learners are in secondary schools in the ten focus arid districts. The best performing district is Samburu (10%). A downward trend was recorded in two northern districts, Marsabit and Isiolo. In comparison, other pastoralist districts have better secondary school participation (20.7) which is much closer to the national average. The districts with the highest secondary NER, Keiyo (55.5%), Bureti (52.5) and Meru (46.8%), are all agricultural districts. It is such agricultural districts (Annex 1) that have also had the greatest expansion since 2003. In the next few years, secondary school enrolment is expected to increase. This is due to two main factors: •
Tuition waiver: This is positively impacting day secondary schools as fee requirements are fully met. •
District creation. Newly created districts that do not have secondary schools within their boundary have been forced to start schools, otherwise primary school graduates will not be able to transit given that majority of the children are admitted to district secondary schools. Unfortunately, almost all secondary schools in arid districts are full board. Parents must contribute money. While the tuition waiver positively impacts arid districts, it is not with similar intensity day secondary schools. Almost all secondary schools in the North are boarding. A boarding school subsidy would therefore register more impact. Table 9a: Secondary school NER for Northern districts, 2003 and 2007 2003 DISTRICT Tana River Male 5.3 Female 3.0 2007 Total 4.2 Male 8.5 Female 7.3 Total 7.9 Marsabit 3.7 3.8 3.7 2.2 1.0 1.6 ‐56.8% Isiolo 11.4 7.9 9.7 12.1 5.3 8.7 ‐10.3% Moyale 3.5 4.6 4.1 7.9 2.3 5.1 24.4% Turkana 3.8 1.9 2.9 4.4 5.0 4.7 62.1% Samburu 8.9 5.5 7.2 11.9 9.2 10.5 45.8% Garissa 2.8 2.5 2.7 4.4 2.4 3.5 29.6% Wajir 2.1 1.9 2.0 5.3 3.6 4.5 125.0% Mandera Ijara 3.3 2.8 0.7 2.5
2.2 2.7
7.6 4.4 2.2 2.4 5.2 3.5 136.4% 29.6% Northern districts 4.8 3.43 4.14 6.89 4.1 5.52 33.3% Other pastoralist districts 12.01 12.01 11.99 22.31 19.29 20.77 73.2% National Total 18.2 18.9 18.8 25.2 23.2 24.2 28.7% % Increase / Decrease 88.1% Analysis of secondary school participation by gender suggests a mixed pattern. While there is a near gender parity nationally, boys have better NER is arid districts, while girls have a marginally better enrolment rate in agricultural districts. In northern districts, the gender gap widened in all districts, with exception of Tana River and Turkana. In 2007, the gap was widest in Isiolo (6.7%), Moyale (5.6%) and 26
Mandera (5.4%), all in favour of boys. Unique though is the case of Turkana, where the NER for girls rapidly overtook that of boys in the five years. In this district, the NER for girls appreciated from 1.9% in 2003 to 5.0% in 2007. By 2007, near parity had been achieved in Turkana, Tana River and Marsabit. Low retention and survival rates Like in enrolment, arid districts lie way below the national average in terms of retention and survival rates. In the primary sector, arid districts recorded the high dropout rates in 2007, as indicated in Table 10 below. Other pastoral districts have remained constant and have better rates compared with the national average. Table 10 Dropout rates (2003 and 2007) DISTRICT Boys 2003 Girls Total 2007 Boys Girls Total Tana River 3.5 3.1 3.3 12.8 18.1 15.2 Marsabit 1.6 1.6 1.6 2.2 9.6 5.6 Isiolo 1.4 1.0 1.2 0.5 0.2 0.4 Moyale 0.7 0.5 0.6 2.6 2.7 2.7 Turkana 8.6 8.1 8.4 16.8 19.9 18.2 Samburu 3.7 3.9 3.8 6.9 6.6 6.8 Garissa 2.1 2.2 2.1 2.5 6.0 3.9 Wajir 3.4 5.5 4.1 8.7 11.3 9.6 Mandera 3.7 5.7 4.3 1.9 2.2 2.0 Ijara 5.1 10.1 6.5 1.7 3.3 2.2 Arid Total Other Pastoral Districts 3.3 4.1 3.5 5.6 7.9 6.6 1.9 1.9 1.9 1.7 2.2 1.9 National 2.1 2.0 2.0 3.2 3.7 3.5 Two focus districts, Turkana (18.2 percent) and Tana River (15.1 percent) feature in the top ten districts countrywide with high dropout rates. The worst district is Kuria (18.4%) a semi arid district. In Turkana, 19.9 percent girls dropped out in 2007. This is the highest in the country, followed by Tana River (18.1%). The dropout rates have increased since 2003 in all provinces. Survival rate to grade five 19 In 2007, the cohort survival rates to grade 5 averaged at 65.93 percent. However, there were disparities along the three categories of districts, ranging from 83.8 percent in the agricultural districts to 62.8 percent in semi‐arid districts. The arid districts recorded the lowest survival rates, with 51.2 percent. Disparities were even wider, considering individual districts. The lowest six positions in survival rates were recorded in northern districts, with the worst being in Garissa at 32.8 percent, followed by Ijara (33.6%) and Tana River (36.2%). On the other hand, the highest survival rates were recorded in Nandi North and Nandi South districts, each with 162.9 percent (see table 14). Table 11: Primary Schools Survival Rate to Grade 5 by Gender and District, 2003 and 2007
PROVINCE/
19
2003
2007
National sstatistics of dropout by grade are unavailable. 27
DISTRICT
BOYS
GIRLS
TOTAL
BOYS
GIRLS
TOTAL
Tana River
34.6
36.3
35.3
37.8
34.3
36.2
Marsabit
59.6
72.2
65.1
64.4
58.4
61.5
Isiolo
75.5
72.6
74.1
60.8
58.9
59.9
Moyale
61.8
48.3
55.8
113.2
110.1
111.8
Turkana
26.8
25.6
26.3
42.2
39.4
40.9
Samburu
46.1
48.6
47.1
44.2
52.7
47.6
Garissa
70.0
80.4
73.4
36.4
27.5
32.8
Wajir
8.8
3.8
6.9
47.9
40.6
45.1
Mandera
51.6
57.6
53.5
44.8
38.7
42.7
Ijara
Arid
Districts
70.0
80.4
73.4
38.6
23.2
33.6
50.48
52.60
51.11
53.02
48.39
51.23
Low completion rates Analysis of 2007 rates indicates that only 42.3 percent of students completed their primary school cycle in northern districts, compared with 69.7 in other pastoral districts and around 90 percent of those in agricultural districts. 20 The national average was 81 percent. Table 12 provides further details. Table 12. Primary Completion rates (2003 and 2007) 2003 DISTRICT Tana River Boys Girls Total 2007 Boys Girls Total 30.0 18.1 24.0 42.3 22.7 32.4 Marsabit 41.9 21.7 31.8 53.5 31.6 42.6 Isiolo 55.1 37.3 45.8 70.6 47.9 58.8 Moyale 39.3 18.4 28.4 62.2 30.6 45.8 Turkana 44.3 18.6 31.9 61.0 25.5 43.9 Samburu 29.5 13.9 21.3 41.7 19.0 29.8 Garissa 56.6 25.9 41.0 86.4 36.6 62.7 Wajir 24.7 12.0 18.9 32.9 14.1 24.4 Mandera 35.7 12.3 24.9 48.7 17.9 34.5 Ijara Average Northern Other Pastoral 37.4 17.1 26.8 65.2 30.1 48.5 39.4 19.5 29.4 56.4 27.6 42.3 60.5 71.3 54.0 65.2
57.3 68.2 75.7 86.5
63.5 75.7
69.7 81.0
National Looking closely at the national picture, nine of the ten districts with lowest completion rates were
northern districts. In Wajir, only 24.4 (14.1 girls) completed their primary school cycle in 2007.
Poor Teacher per Pupils ratio Arid districts have the lowest ratios of trained teachers. Turkana and Ijara have lowest ratios of trained ECD teachers to pupil. In 2007, Turkana had only 252 trained ECD teachers, against an enrolment of 30,911 giving a ratio of trained teacher per pupil of 1:123. Ijara had a ratio of 1:114. The national average was 20
Completion rates consider the percentage of cohorts who started and completed the 8‐year primary cycle. 28
1:54, with the friendliest ratios being recorded in agricultural districts. In the primary sector, arid districts had the poorest teacher/pupil ratio in 2007, despite the low enrolments. The arid districts had an average of one teacher for 53.4 pupils, against 1:45.9 for semi arid and 1: 43.9 for agricultural districts. Garissa and Mandera seem to have the poorest teacher/pupil ratios. In 2007, the ratios stood at 1:68 and 1:64.7 for Mandera and Garissa districts respectively. This being only an average, and considering that higher concentration of teachers is known to be in urban centres, the ratios may be much worse in the rural parts of the arid districts. Lower performance in national examinations An analysis of performance in the Kenya Certificate of Primary Education (KCPE) indicates significant lower performance for arid districts in both 2007 and 2008. The raw means (before standardization) for 2008 reveal Garissa and Moyale, with 159 and 167 respectively, (out 0f 370) to be the worst performing Northern district. The national average stood at 189. Girl’s performance in these districts was significantly lower in Northern/Arid districts. Table 13 KCPE performance Statistics (Raw means) 2007 and 2008 2007 2008
District MALE FEMALE TOTAL MALE
FEMALE
TOTAL Tana River 177.8 170.31 174.05 175.17
158.06
169.12
202.17
183
195.24
190.72
174.9
185.22
Marsabit Isiolo 199.18 191.5 179.32 175.02 189.25 183.26 Moyale 175.62 152.29 163.96 173.5
156.57
167.72
Turkana 189.51 172.83 181.17 192.48
176.83
188.41
Samburu 191.59 175.87 183.73 194.27
172.7
187.52
Garrissa 165.56 160.83 163.2 161.81
155.34
159.97
Wajir 176.16 160.31 168..24 175.7
158.46
171.69
Mandera 184.64 181.01 182.83 183.6
176.29
182.3
Ijara 212.06 194.35 203.21 193.7
190.62
193.62
172.21 179.29 184.312
170.277
180.081
183.1 187.86 192.48
185.55
189.20
Northern districts National 186.36 192.61 Estimated Low transition to university The low transition from primary to secondary eventually translates into minimal transition to the University for students in the North. Though district‐based data on the number of students joining Universities each year is unavailable, an analysis of the number of students applying for loans from the Higher Education Loans Board (HELB) 21 may serve as a pointer 22 . Arid districts lag behind in terms of enrolment of students to the universities. For instance, the number of students that applied for loans in the academic year 2005/2006 in the ten arid districts (414 in total) was only a fifth of the those who 21
The Higher Education Loans Board is the official arm of government that grants and manages all loans and grants to students in the universities. Most of students joining universities (almost all students in rural areas) apply for these loans. 22
Note that this analysis does not consider the number of self‐sponsored students who may not have applied for loans. Still, the data is not gender‐disaggregated, and hence unable to illustrate gender disparities. 29
applied for loans in Nyeri district (2,020). This proportion however had improved to a third (835 against 2,529) in the academic year 2008/2009 (HELB, 2009). Despite the improvements, Ijara and Tana River districts have posted consistently low applications, indicating that very few students may be transiting to universities in these districts.
30
Table 14
Summary of leading and trailing districts (2007)
Primary School Sector
Gross Enrolment Ratio
Survival rates to G5
Completion rates
Dropout rates
Highest
District
GER
District
Total
District
Total
District
Total
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
Lowest
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
Tharaka
Bungoma
Teso
Keiyo
Lugari
Busia
Mwingi
Kitui
Koibatek
Trans Nzoia
160.1
155.5
154.1
151.8
151.0
149.5
149.5
146.6
142.0
140.8
Nandi North
Nandi South
Moyale
Nyamira
Eldoret Mun.
Kiambu
Kisii
Homa Bay
Kisumu
Nakuru Mun.
162.9
162.9
111.8
107.8
101.9
97.3
96.4
95.8
94.9
92.4
Keiyo
Marakwet
Lugari
Koibatek
Buret
Uasin Gishu
Eldoret Mun.
Makueni
Kitui
Nakuru
140.0
127.5
117.2
116.5
107.7
106.5
106.5
100.7
100.3
100.1
Kuria
Turkana
Bomet
Tana River
Malindi
Kitale Municipality
Marakwet
Nyambene
Thika Municipality
Mombasa
18.4
18.2
16.2
15.2
14.1
13.8
13.6
12.5
11.7
10.3
Wajir
Garissa
Ijara
Turkana
Mandera
Mombasa
Marsabit
Tana River
Samburu
Kiambu
23.5
27.4
27.4
43.7
46.7
63.3
71.6
73.3
77.3
86.2
Garissa
Ijara
Tana River
Turkana
Mandera
Wajir
Nyambene
Kwale
Kilifi
Malindi
32.8
33.6
36.2
40.9
42.7
45.1
43.0
43.7
48.8
50.3
Wajir
Samburu
Tana River
Mandera
Marsabit
Turkana
Moyale
Ijara
Isiolo
West Pokot
24.4
29.8
32.4
34.5
42.6
43.9
45.8
48.5
58.8
60.4
Kilifi
Lugari/Malava
Bondo
Taita Taveta
Vihiga
Uasin Gishu
Kitui
Siaya
Bungoma
Isiolo
0.2
0.2
0.2
0.3
0.3
0.3
0.3
0.3
0.3
0.4
Key: Red: Yellow: Green: White: Arid Districts (Northern Kenya) Semi Arid Districts High Potential (i.e. agricultural based districts, areas with reasonable good infrastructure) Urban 31
Interventions against educational marginalization in the North The traditional solution offered to enhance school participation in arid districts has been boarding schools. The ministry has generally been consistent in supporting these schools. The boarding school concept could however not redress the trend of educational marginalization. In the 1990s, new school forms targeting out of school children begun to emerge. The initiatives were started by individuals and NGOs and targeted young herders. There were also attempts to integrate formal learning in the religious based schools. These learning initiatives however operated outside the education policy framework. The ministry of education began making more formal efforts to integrate these provisions from the mid 2000 mostly by addressing the policy environment and including them in overall funding. This section briefly describes the educational plans that have been attempted for the North. These interventions include mobile schools, satellite schools, boarding schools, school feeding programmes and open and distance learning programmes. Low cost boarding schools Policy documents offer boarding schools as the solution for meeting education needs of nomadic families. MoE funds these schools. Several initiatives have been documented, ranging from the Remote Areas Boarding Programme of the mid 1980s (which are said to have deteriorated after introduction of the cost‐
sharing policy in 1988), the World Bank Arid Model Schools and UNICEF’s girls’ boarding schools in NEP. Currently, MoE supports 364 low cost primary boarding schools across ASAL under FPE. While the boarding school concept was rejected in early years, recent experiences point to increased demands. For example: • Marallal DEB 23 (Samburu District) started in 1950 with 30 learners. The boarding wing was introduced in 1950. By 2009, the school had a student population of 1801. • Bubisa school (Marsabit‐Chalbi district) had 670 pupils in 2006, 714 in 2008 and 789 in 2009. School facilities in most arid districts cannot cope with increased demands. The result, as a head teacher in Samburu district explained is: “we crowd our dorms. We should be accommodating 80 learners but now we are accommodating 249. The dormitories are crowded because of FPE and the current drought” (Field notes May 2009). Many more do not get opportunities. For areas with low population density, schools with boarding wings have huge pupil numbers, often associated with urban centres, as the following examples show: 2009 Enrolment Selected Boarding Schools School
Mororo Mixed Boarding/Day
Bubisa Mixed Boarding/Day
Maikona Mixed Boarding/Day
Galacha Nomadic Girls Boarding
Suguta Marmar Mixed Boarding/Day
Marallal DEB Mixed Boarding/Day
Lodokojek Mixed Boarding/Day
Source: Field Data May 2009 District
Tana River
Marsabit
Marsabit
Marsabit
Samburu
Samburu
Samburu
Girls
741
385
235
521
408
Boys
875
404
287
536
216
359
Total
1616
789
522
521
944
1801
575
The data revealed the boarding wings in the mixed (gender) schools are mainly reserved for boys. In Maikona School for example, of the 150 boarders, only 35 (or 23%) are girls. In Suguta Marmar, of the 323 boarder, only 74 (22.9) are girls. Marallal DEB had the best boarding ratios for girls as of the 642 boarders, 295 (46%) were girls. Given the vast distances in arid districts, two trends have emerged that slightly ease girls access to schooling. First, more girls attend mobile schools. In Turkana district for example, this 23
DEB stands for District Education Board. DEB schools were started during the colonial period. 32
number surpasses that of boys. Another solution that has been attempted in Marsabit is to start a girl’s only boarding school. Boarding schools in arid districts are situated far and wide from each other. In Marsabit (Chalbi) district, they draw their learners from a radius of 80 km. Arid districts have no public transportation system. Learners rely on lorries or occasional buses and as a result always report two to three weeks into the school term. To alleviate the situation elders, the church and local leaders make local arrangements to transport the children. Additional evidence of community support can be seen in local philanthropic efforts. For example, two teachers in 1987 walked from Bubisa to Nairobi (about 704 km) to raise funds for the school. The funds were placed in a fixed deposit account and each term the school receives interest of KES 20,000 which is used to support school programmes. The school further employs 6 teachers who are paid from contributions made by parents. Unlike in the past, there has been a positive shift by school communities to augment school services. The active contribution of parents is perhaps best illustrated in their role in the “Kienyeji boarding” schools. These are typical day schools, where the classrooms, in the evening become sleeping quarters. “Kienyeji” which in Kiswahili means indigenous, therefore conveys the difference given that skins and mats, and not the traditional beds are used. More critically, it shows that boarding school are popular and need to be expanded to meet demands in the North. While the idea, and initial infrastructure resources for a number of boarding schools were initiated by different organisations or entities, MoE has been very efficient to recognising and facilitating the schools, through for example posting teachers or availing other resources (stationery, school feeding). The singular entity (outside the government) that arguably stands out is the Church. In Marsabit district for example, 80% of the today’s public primary schools were started by the Church. The strategy of including the MoE from the beginning allowed a practical partnership between the Church and MoE to emerge. TSC posted teachers to these schools. Some of these schools have been weaned off the church support, allowing the church to move to new areas, like supporting community preschool. The boarding school appeal seems to be high amongst all pastoralist groups apart from the Somali peoples. UNICEF for example has invested in boarding schools in Somali areas. While the numbers have increased, they are not as high compared with other Arid districts. A possible solution for the vastly Somali populated districts of Garissa, Wajir, Mandera and Ijara would be to start girl’s boarding schools (like the Marsabit Nomadic Girls Boarding School). Such schools ought to have high quality. They could be modelled along the World Bank Model Boarding schools. Seven such schools were constructed in the North for nomadic children. They were of high quality with good facilities, including transport facilities, a generator, borehore, teachers houses, a library. Such a school would have more appeal for protective parents. Mobile schools Though early policy documents offer mobile schools as an alternative schooling mode for enhancing school access in ASAL, until recently, the government did not make evident efforts to promote this facility. The mobile school system attempts to adapt to the socio‐economic lifestyle of nomadic people. Mobile schools have been initiated by a variety of groups (e.g. OXFAM GB, Aga Khan Foundation, ALRMP, the Catholic Church) and local communities. There is evidence of collaborative effort to promote these schools. For example, ALRMP supported a number of community schools before handing them over to the MoE. 33
According to MoE, mobile schools may run from ECD to Class 3. Thereafter, learners are supposed to transit to ordinary primary schools. The following section briefly describes some mobile school provisions: a) Alternative Basic Education in Turkana (ABET) Established in June 2004, ABET, which borrowed heavily from the Karamoja’s ABEK, tailors its education provision to suit the nomadic lifestyle of the people. Initially, four (4) ABET schools were founded by OXFAM GB. The reception of the schools was very encouraging, especially among girls. The teachers, most of whom are school dropouts, are provided token payments by board comprising OXFAM GB, the Catholic church and the pastoralist community. The church further sustains the school feeding programme. Linkages with primary school are sought as the head teacher acts as coordinator of the schools. The ABET programme is offered in two sessions in the morning and evening. The key issues bedevilling ABET are teacher quality, lack of creative learning methodologies and a loosely followed curriculum (Ngome 2004). Today, the ministry of education not only recognises the schools, but supports those who meet the requirement with annual budgetary allocations. b) Arid Lands Resource Management Project (ALRMP) The ALRMP a “community based drought management project”, is funded by the World Bank and specifically focuses on the Northern Arid lands. Now in its second phase (2003‐2009), ALRMP has in conjunction with the Ministry of Education, established a total of 55 schools mobile schools in 6 arid districts. ALRMP further stipulates that mobile schools should: • Be in situated in a community targeting “pure” pastoralists rather than “static” populations • Have no less than 25 children • Be in places that have great distances between primary schools • Be established in areas with low enrolment and low transition to secondary schools. In Muslim areas, these mobile schools are modelled on the Koranic school (Duqsi), while in districts like Turkana, the school is set up to serve the mobile village clusters (adakars). ALRMP invests in both the infrastructure and the teacher (both training and token allowances). The highest training the teachers have is certificate course in early childhood education. The ALRMP/MoE mobile schools have been in existence, in some places for over 10 years. Ideally, this is adequate time for a distinct structure or system of schools to evolve. Evidence however suggests that a substantial number of these schools are struggling. The schools that have retained their mobile nature, do not seem to have developed adequate coping mechanisms. As such, abseentism, by both the teacher and the learners are rampant especially during drought. During the field visit for example, 3 mobile schools that ought to have been in session in Samburu and Wajir districts had temporarily been closed down due to (a) migration in search of pasture and (b) teacher unavailability. In Tana River district, the mobile schools had over the years settled. The story of Gururi Mobile school is presented to illustrate the case of successful “mobile” school. 34
Gururi mobile school, Tana River District: A Community/ ALRMP/MoE supported school History: The school was started in the year 2004. The main initiator was a young man from the Orma community. His secondary school education had been supported by an organization called the African Muslim Agents (AMA). He believed in education and called upon his people to come together. In 2004, learning started under a tree. The approved syllabus was used. Parents made contributions to purchase learning materials. The community had a dam and made money from selling water. Consequently this money enabled the community to build the mud school structure that is now in existence. The ALRMP took over the school in the year 2007. They brought in a female teacher who later left. The ministry of education took over the management of the school in March 2009. Enrolment: When the school started in 2004, it had 52 boys and 30 girls of between two and a half to six years of age. The school goes up to class three level. In 2009, there were 138 pupil, with the majority being in nursery (62), followed by class one (49); Class two (15); Class Three (12). Some pupils’ transit but children who should be in class four have been repeating class 3 due to lack of a school to join. The high pupil numbers have been attributed to the efforts of the mobile teacher, who always pays families visits and encourages them to take their children to school. Nursery school enrolment is always the highest as it occupies the children and gives their parents room to work. Teachers: The MoE has posted one teacher to the school. He couples up as the head teacher. ALRMP still supports the mobile teacher. School time: Class starts early in the morning at 7a.m. and ends at 12.30 pm. Before children go to school, they attend Dugsi (Islamic lessons) at home. They also go back to Dugsi in the afternoon. School homework therefore remains largely undone. Community Participation: The community has raised money to buy furniture. The community also contributes 50/= per parent per month to help pay an additional teacher. They also pay the parent who cooks lunch for the children. The MoE provides the food (Field notes, may 2009). Guriri Mobile School.
That this school is largely stable and has a relatively big enrolment may be attributed to the fact that it is no longer “mobile”. This singular fact eased the posting of a government trained teacher. Other contributory factors are (a) Learning follows the conventional methods of a teacher per class level which teachers are used to (even though teachers claim to use multigrade); (b) Consistent funding and (c) Community support. c) The Church The church in Kenya has been credited with starting and expanding schools in arid districts. In Marsabit, the Catholic church is supporting an extensive community based pre‐school system. In Maikona Parish for example, 20 nursery schools enrolling about 1500 children are supported. The church pays the teacher, provides learning material, guides the teachers on how to teach and supports SFP. The priest also facilitates entry to boarding primary schools within a radius of 80 km. The pre schools are registered with the nearest primary school, which can be as far as 30 km away. The pre‐schools situated within the “manyattas” are mobile. The intention is to grow these units to at least class 3. This will allow children to remain at home longer before they proceed to boarding school. Given the low population density, having a full fledged school may not be cost effective. While the impact of these schools in aiding access is tremendous, it has been observed that “for many children, nursery will be their only education. Parents 35
may send a few children to primary school” 24 . Sustaining children in school will require investment in school types nearer to families. The mobile pre‐school system in Marsabit (Chalbi) run by the Catholic church presents exciting possibilities of giving children a head start in formal schooling. These church supported schools perform two functions with greater regularity and efficiency, which results in better schools and better transition. First, the church offers a “supervisory role” ensuring that these schools are monitored. This enhances accountability from teachers. The chances of learning not occurring because of “teacher unavailability” are minimised. Indeed, all four pre‐schools visited during the field visit were on session. Second, unlike the ALRMP/MOE mobile schools in which children repeat the same level and ultimately drop out because of lack of access to primary schools, the Catholic Church (parish priest) follows up and arranges for children to join the next school. By identifying the school and transporting the children, the church plays a significant role in aiding transition from pre‐school to class 1. d) Local communities The growing appreciation of formal education is evidenced by the number communities initiating and supporting community based schools. The clan elder is often attributed with starting the school, primarily with the motivation of balancing the benefits of both schooling and traditional life. As a Gabra elder explained: I educated Boru, my brother’s son. He now has a Masters degree and works in Nairobi. He has gone far from me in terms of culture and our laws. He is far...but it is good. I want a school near me. Boru went away. With a school near me, I may be able to retain our culture, customs, laws. We will not lose everything. A child will get educated but will not lose the culture (Elder, Yaa Odhola Clan, Marsabit May 2009) Generally, once the idea is mooted, the elder requests one of their schooled sons to return home and support the school. The teacher’s wage, if not paid in kind, is solicited from organisations, or from the community ‘elite” who have since left the village and earn relatively well. Women play a key, albeit silent role. They construct the school structures, collect water and food rations (SFP) from the host primary school, feed and provide water for the teacher. The men on the other hand take up some herding duties to allow their children attend school. The following excerpt describes the community role in mobile schools. Wajir District: The Context: Mobile schools begun as pilot in 2004, through Oxfam GB’s support. Two schools were given funding to pay teachers (for nine months) and buy materials. Thereafter, communities took initiative to establish more schools, operating on volunteer (untrained) teachers. The Ministry of Education started supporting the schools in 2008, with a seed funding of 300,000 shillings (around 4,500 USD) and teacher salary of 15,000 per month. The following excerpt provides a brief on the nature of these schools. Case study: Adalar Mobile School: We arrived around 11:00 hours in Adalar, a tiny village around 80 kilometres from Wajir town, near the Somalia border. The village inhabitants looked excited, and we were soon directed to the mobile school teacher, who led us to a small bush near the village. He untied the thorn bushes serving as gate to the cleared ground under a tree, which had served as school grounds for two weeks. Soon, children stream in, followed by a group of men. We are informed that although lessons take place in the morning, they had postponed to the afternoon, since it had rained heavily the previous evening. We are welcomed by the vice chairman of the school committee. He informs us, that they live as a community of 20 families, who were brought together by Duqsi, to share a common Koran teacher for their children. After hearing that other neighbouring families had started a mobile schools, they agreed to start one also for their children. In November 2007, they sent for a young man they knew, who had finished Form Four (secondary school) and was living in Wajir. He belonged to one of their families and after approaching him, he agreed to serve as their teacher. ‘We used to give him a goat or two every month, and he would move with us wherever we went, teaching our children’. In January 2008, the MoE told them to form a school committee, open a bank account (in Wajir), so as to receive the funding. The money came, around 300,000, which they used to buy a mobile school kit with, two tents (one to house the school materials and one to house the teacher), two solar lamps (for learning in the evening), canvas sheet (for putting over the tree for shade), books and stationeries, a Camel and donkey (and their carts, to facilitate movement), a mattress and a first aid kit. During the time of visit, four families had left for Somalia the previous week in search of pasture. These are families with a lot of animals. They crossed 24
Interview, assistant priest in charge of Maikona Parish, Marsabit (Chalbi) District. May 2009. 36
the border, since it had rained on the other side, and said that they would be back as soon as the situation improved. They withdrew 13 children from the school’. The school has total enrolment of 21 children, 12 in class 1 and 9 in nursery school. Their program started at 4.30 in the morning with the Duqsi (Koran school), then nursery school from 7.30 to around 10.30, and class one from 10.30 to around 13.30 pm. In the evening (8‐10 pm), the teacher runs an adult class for the community. The enrolment is 10: four women and six men. The community noted that the mobile school had very positive outcomes for the families. They hoped that their children would move to Wajir Bor primary school after attaining certain age. The two other mobile schools around the area could not be traced, since they had crossed the border into Somalia. (Field notes 2009) MoE Funding of Mobile Schools: MoE does not have up to date records of mobile schools. A key complaint by the Non Formal Education Officer situated in the head office is that district education officers only make returns for public schools and mostly ignore mobile schools. The vast distance, weak administrative systems, lack of transport makes it difficult to monitor the actual number of schools. Some mobile schools have not met the minimum requirements put forth before benefiting from funding. According to an MoE brief (March 2009), there are 51 funded mobile schools scattered over nine ASAL districts. The schools have a total enrolment of 4437 (1833 boys and 2604 girls). About 60% are in Turkana district, while the rest are distributed in eight other arid districts (see table 12). In the fiscal year 2007/08, these schools received Ministry’s funding amounting to Kenya Shillings 26,575,091. In this fiscal year (2008/09), 30 mobile schools have already been identified for funding (MoE, 2009). Table 15 MoE Funded Mobile Schools by District District No. of schools Girls
Wajir 8 124
Ijara 7 104
Garissa 5 143
Moyale 3 37 Samburu 5 194
Turkana 15 1796
Isiolo 2 63 Marsabit 4 63 Tana River 2 80 Total 51 2604
Source: MoE Brief on Mobile Schools, March 2009. Boys
160
173
198
48
157
845
68
64
120
1833
Total
284
277
341
85
351
2641
131
127
200
4437
%
6.40
6.20
7.69
1.92
7.91
59.52
2.95
2.86
4.51
100
Mobile School Summary: Teachers: Generally, each school has a single teacher (usually male). Most teachers are untrained with academic levels of education ranging from a few years primary schooling (in Turkana district) to Form 4. In few instances, trained teachers, paid by the government, can be found in the sites with class 1 to 3. Some of the ECD teachers are also trained. The reasons for few trained teachers in mobile schools are that: (a) mobile schools still operate outside policy. If they were fully recognised, the TSC would have been required to post teachers; (b) teachers are unwilling/unable to endure the harsh life of mobile communities; (c) possibilities that the schools are viewed lowly. School Venue: The nature of mobility is reducing in places where, for example a borehole has been dug. Presence of water enables families to remain in one site for long periods. In Tana River, former mobile schools are now static with permanent buildings. In such places, the pupil enrolment is much higher. The school venues for the “true” mobile schools are very temporary and easily affected by the elements of nature. In some schools, learning aids made from cloth, rather than paper that would easily tear because of the strong winds, have been created. Unfortunately, such home grown solutions are rare. 37
School Time: Learners age, occupational roles and teacher availability determine the nature of school time. The timings observed were: (a) learning takes place for a few hours to avoid conflict with the occupations roles; (a) learning is full session (morning or afternoon). Normally one child is retained to herd to allow the others attend school; and (c) learning is determined by teacher availability. Flexibility is misconstrued to mean lack of strictness. As such, school time is often lost with the explanation that “school is not too strict because these are herds people” Teaching/Learning: Schools with trained teaches lay claim to using non‐conventional teaching methodologies, like multi grade learning. Classroom observations revealed that this was not well executed due to lack of materials, and limited teacher capacities. Multi grade methodologies are very resource intensive yet the ministry has not invested in relevant materials or teacher preparation. Only conventional materials are availed in each centre. Teachers also attempt instruction in English, a clearly unsuitable language for communities that almost entirely communicate in mother tongue. The catholic church has attempted use of radio instruction in the past. Given the vast area, and low teacher abilities, radio presents exciting possibilities for enhancing learning. Transition: While mobile schools are stimulating education participation, anecdotal evidence suggests that more than half the learners are not able to transit beyond a particular level due to (a) vast distance to primary school. Some repeat the highest level until they drop out; (b) pastoralism – the nursery school seems to act as a day care centre for children to grow old enough to assume their herding duties and (c) lack of teachers; volunteerism is not sustainable. Often teachers tire and without a teacher, learning cannot occur. More concerted effort is therefore needed to aid children to join the next school level. If left to parents, they do not act, and children stop attending school. Management: The ministry encourages mobile schools to be attached to existing primary schools. The head teacher acts as the accounting officer and ought to facilitate SFP, transition to primary school etc. The capacities of the school management committees have been enhanced through training opportunities offered by MoE and supporting organisations like UNICEF, OXFAM and EMACK. Administration: The MOE has designated ‘Non‐Formal Education” Officers who ought to oversee mobile schools. That these schools are under the “non‐formal” sector cements the lower valuation accorded to schools that generally have poorer teacher qualities and generally do not have parity of esteem. Other practical challenges notwithstanding (e.g. lack of transport to monitor), this may explain why District Education Officers for example do not heed to providing statistics on these school forms 38
Schooling in Arid Districts in Pictures A manyatta that served as the old school. It’s the women’s responsibility to build and maintain the structure Learning aids inside the manyatta for preschool children. They are made of clothe and prepared in the English medium Tents and materials (chalk, register, books, pencils) provided by MoE. This tent replaced the manyatta above. As it is susceptible to the winds learning aids are not displayed. A typical mobile pre school. The learning material and teachers wage are provided by the catholic church. After lunch. SFP is supported by the Catholic church. A static structure that is assuming more permanence. This is a mobile pre‐school in Maikona Parish, Marsabit (Chalbi) district. Girls at Galacha nomadic girls boarding school. The book “store” 39
Satellite Schools Like mobile schools, these schools are adapted to the local needs of pastoralist communities. Examples of such interventions are the Lchekuti of Samburu, and the Duqsi of North Eastern Province. In Samburu language, Lchekuti means shepard. The genesis of the Lchekuti schools is attributed to Councillor Letipilla, a curriculum specialist. Armed with the conviction that formal schooling could be accessed within disrupting the socio‐economic lifestyle of the people, the Councillor, in 1992 initiated a school to target the young herders who remained excluded from formal schooling. He organised for learning sessions in a community called Bendera that comprised several manyattas 25 . Young herders were encouraged to go to the primary school after completing their herding duties in the afternoon. His idea later spurred others in the district, like teachers, with varying degrees of support from the ministry of education and donor groups (AAK and CCF) 26 to mobilise the community to start similar learning sessions in other parts of the district. The Lchekuti schools were modelled to serve the needs of children who herd animals all day long. The Lchekuti schools that developed in Samburu District with the support of Action Aid were designed as follows: The children were reached via a number of learning “centres” all linked to the primary school within the area. Action Aid supported the process of condensing the curriculum with the intention that learners would transit, at class five to the formal primary school. Attempts were also made to adapt the curriculum and introduce relevant content. Learning started any time after three o’clock after completion of herding duties, in centres close to their manyattas. A close relationship was forged with the public school system, starting from the District education office. The nursery and lower primary teachers, who only teach half day in the formal school were encouraged to the teach the Lchekuti in the afternoon. The headteacher of the public primary school was given overall responsibility of the schools. They were encouraged to view the schools as extensions of the primary school. Lchekuti learners were therefore included in the returns to the head office. Given that food rations are calculated per child, the fact that their numbers were known enabled the Lchekuti to benefit from SFP. Samburu district therefore became the first district to expand SFP to children who were learning even if not in a traditional public school set‐
up. In terms of the teaching/learning environment, the Lchekuti schools claimed to adopt non‐
conventional teaching strategies, like muti grade/multi age. While Action Aid did invest in short term teacher training, it was inadequate and generally not reflected in the classroom situation. Other resource limitations also affected the effective implementation. Action Aid was active in Samburu from the mid 1999s to 2006. The Lchekuti school system that they developed across the district collapsed soon after their exit. Today, local education officers reminisce about the schools that were so practical and feel let down by Action Aid who “pulled out after pumping in so much money and the programme went down”. The vibrancy that was associated with these schools is no more. That Lchekuti could not sustain Action Aids departure show that it was not adequately integrated into the education structures. Unlike the Catholic church, who succeeded in getting teachers posted to the 25
Nomadic communities in Kenya live in temporary settlements comprising family members and these settlements are known as the “manyattas“ 26
Action Aid Kenya and Christian Community Fund 40
schools, Action Aid could not, as these schools were not officially recognised. An inclusive policy framework is vital. In principal, the Lchekuti model of only offering initial education, and later expecting children to transit, at a higher level to a public school, is similar to the mobile school plan. The “small school” concept (even if for a few years) suggests this to be a practical strategy of reaching children in sparsely populated areas. Duqsi is an Islam‐based system of education, where children are basically taught to recite the Quran. A single teacher in a nomadic community offers this education to a group of community children, while being flexible to accommodate different learning levels (multi‐grading) and avoiding conflict with children roles in the community (herding animals). Over time, Duqsi has served as point of entry to schooling, especially through referring children to the mobile schools. Ngome (2005) identified the Hanuniye Mobile Schools, a system founded by a local NGO on Duqsi principles. Hanuniye schools had adopted a mobile system, broadened their curricula to accommodate academic subjects, besides learning the Quran. However, it is not clear whether these schools still exist. School Feeding Programmes Nationally, it has been recognized that school feeding programs have positive impact in influencing access and retention in education. In conjunction with the Ministry of Education, the World Food Programme has been running a feeding programme in government schools in arid districts since 1980. Experiences indicate that this programme has encouraged parents to send their children to school (MoE, 2008). However, recent supervision reports from the Ministry of Education in various arid districts have established that with an exception of Samburu district, school feeding programmes are limited to the regular schools, with no organized feeding for mobile schools. In some districts though, mobile schools were receiving small, irregular rations from neighbouring primary schools (MoE, 2009). Open and Distance Learning Programs It has been recognized that the flexibility of open and distance education approaches can in principle offer suitable opportunities for nomads to access education (ADB, 2001). One example of ODL initiative for the north is the recently‐established Kenyatta University Marsabit Open Learning Centre. This centre was inspired by a study conducted by WERK (2006) on gender imbalances in teacher distribution in arid districts. The study established that most schools had no single female teacher, and this posed immense challenges to the education of girls. In reaction to this, Kenyatta University, in collaboration with the Higher Education Loans Board (HELB) and the Kenya Education Network Trust (KENET) sought funds from the Ford Foundation to initiate a distance learning program, targeting women in Marsabit and neighbouring districts. The centre started running in September 2008, and so far, 19 female students are enrolled, pursuing bachelor of education courses in various subjects. The project has secured places for 80 females within the next four years. Expanding School Access in the North: Concluding Remarks The analysis shows that the main effort to expand access to (primary) education has mainly been through boarding schools, and later through mobile schools. The few MoE guidelines available on school access in the North, perceive these two school forms in a complementary manner. Mobile schools are supposed to 41
offer school opportunities up to Class three level; thereafter, children are expected to transit to boarding schools. If transition from mobile schools can be achieved, this plan is more appealing than the traditional practice where children have had to start boarding at an early age, if they want to receive formal schooling. The ideal school solution would however be one that allows children to grow up within their homes and families and receive an education. However because of low population densities, it may not be cost effective to constitute a normal school. There would be problems posting teachers to such a school due to staffing norms that calculate teachers on the basis of pupil numbers. The answer to having a community school, for sparse populations, would therefore lie in constituting an entirely different form of provision in which one teacher teaches across different grade levels. Such a provision is not available in Kenya. The trend that is likely to be followed to enhance school access in Kenya is (a) expansion of boarding schools and (b) mobile schools. Comparatively, the boarding school option is the easiest to manage. These schools are recognised in the Education Act and as mainstream institutions, planning and expanding them do not require extra energy; teachers do not need retraining and neither does the MoE require extra lobbying. MoE has after all for more than three decades supported low cost boarding schools for arid areas. Unlike in the past, these schools have gained popularity. There is higher valuation for formal schooling and more active support from parents. Increasing droughts, availability of food – all contribute to make boarding schools more appealing. But the demand is not similar across all pastoralist populations. The Somali, a largely Muslim population are still wary of these schools. They require different solutions, like single sex boarding schools for the extremely nomadic children or community schools. Evidence suggests that the not so needy populations, even from as far as Nairobi are admitted in low cost boarding schools. Measures are needed to ensure that these schools are reserved for needy nomadic populations who have no other alternative. Populations in Nairobi can access other schools or a certain quota, like 15% can be allowed for them. While mobile school provisions presents more exciting possibilities, it is still beset with a myriad of challenges. These schools still operate outside the Education Act. Action from NGOs and individuals is pushed for from the “outside” and this has implications on the endurance and eventual sustainability of non traditional school provisions. The effect of migration on mobile schools warrants deeper consideration because the “mobile” nature of the school was supposed to be the solution. While the migration routes are standard, families can opt to move in different directions making follow up difficult. For learning in mobile schools to succeed, it needs to be devolved from the physical presence of the teacher. The concept of self learning, aided by the radio and other electronic forms also need to be promoted. Evidence suggests that schools are attracting numerous children. If all the children who start pre‐school in arid districts could be retained, the overall pupil numbers would quadruple. The one critical area that needs attention in enhancing education is the teacher. Teachers are needed. They need to be trained in alternative pedagogies if they are to adequately handle different levels and ages within one session effectively. Mobile schools also need to be repackaged in a manner to stimulate a teacher’s intellectual curiosity, sense of adventure and so on. Ultimately, sustaining children in school requires investment in school types located within the community. If full fledged schools are too expensive, then small schools, up to grade 5 need to be considered. The Education sector needs to be more critically aware that national solutions may be impractical for the North. Similar staffing norms cannot for example be used. A comprehensive policy framework would hasten educational provisions in the North. 42
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Annex Table A. Districts with Highest Secondary School NER 2003
2007
District
Male
Female
Total
Male
Female
Total
Kiambu
23.2
29.9
26.7
40.1
42.5
41.4
Meru
Meru
South
18.4
23.7
21
48.7
45.1
46.8
34.8
46.6
40.7
38
43.8
41
Keiyo
23
31.1
27.2
47.1
63.2
55.5
Buret
29
29.6
29.3
53.4
51.6
52.5
Nyamira
35.2
36.2
35.7
48.1
38.6
43.2
Vihiga
23.2
30.6
27
38.6
41
39.8
Kericho
12.3
10.6
11.5
44.9
31.7
38.2
Machakos
26.2
29.4
27.7
37.6
41.1
39.3
Muranga
26.5
34.9
30.6
38
38.1
38.1
Total
25.1
30.2
27.7
43.4
43.6
43.5
Key: Red‐ Arid North; Green – Agricultural; Yellow – Semi Arid Districts Table B KCSE Candidature by Gender and Province, 2003 and 2007 Province
2003
2007
Male
Female
Total
Male
Female
Total
Coast
5,276
4,087
9,363
7,596
5,897
13,493
Central
20,637
22,044
42,681
25,506
26,564
52,070
Eastern
18,647
18,262
36,909
24,368
23,773
48,141
Nairobi
5,202
3,819
9,021
7,335
4,996
12,331
Rift
Valley
23,360
19,925
43,285
33,201
28,253
61,454
Western
12,626
11,250
23,876
16,974
14,341
31,315
Nyanza
23,569
15,658
39,227
29,577
18,940
48,517
North
Eastern
960
341
1,301
1,346
513
1,859
Private
Candidates
1,312
755
2,067
4,196
2,816
7,012
National
111,589
96,141 207,730 150,099 126,093 276,192
% increase 44.1%
22.0%
30.4%
36.7%
42.0%
31.2%
23.7%
42.9%
239.2%
33.0%
Source: KNEC
44