Submitted to the 6th Annual Proceedings of the Pronunciation in Second Language Learning and Teaching Conference,
September 5-6, 2014.
WHEN FRENCH BECOMES TONAL:
PROSODIC TRANSFER FROM L1 CANTONESE AND L2 ENGLISH
Jackson L. Lee, University of Chicago, [email protected]
Stephen Matthews, University of Hong Kong, [email protected]
March 25, 2015
What happens when native speakers of a tone language learn a non-tone language? This
paper describes and accounts for L3 French prosody by L1 Hong Kong Cantonese speakers
competent in English as L2. The general observed pattern in L3 French prosody is that
syllables of French content words (nouns, verbs, adjectives, and so forth) all bear the
Cantonese high level tone, whereas syllables of French function words (prepositions,
determiners, etc.) have the Cantonese low level tone. This is analyzed as a case of
interlanguage transfer, where L1 Cantonese contributes to the observed prosodic features
in L3 French via L2 English interlanguage. Beyond the empirical contribution, this paper
remarks on pedagogical aspects of second and third language acquisition.
INTRODUCTION
This paper reports observations regarding the prosody of non-native French spoken by native
speakers of Hong Kong Cantonese competent in English as a second language, and provides an
account for where the observed patterns came from. The overall observed non-native French
prosodic pattern is fairly simple in descriptive terms: syllables of French content words (nouns,
verbs, adjectives, and so forth) all bear the Cantonese high level tone, whereas syllables of French
function words (prepositions, determiners, etc.) have the Cantonese low level tone. Such a prosodic
pattern, with a binary tone system consistently differentiating function and content words, is not
found in French, Cantonese, or English. We show that such a peculiar non-native French prosody
results from language transfer effects. Specifically, our analysis is in terms of interlanguage
transfer (Cenoz et al. 2001, Leung 2007), from L2 English interlanguage (English influenced by
L1 Cantonese) to L3 French in our case.
In the following, we first explain the importance of documenting such observations in terms of
research on prosody and third language acquisition. The necessary linguistic background on
Cantonese and French is then provided, in preparation for the description of the non-native French
prosodic patterns. We account for the observed patterns in terms of language transfer. The paper
concludes with pedagogical remarks.
MOTIVATION AND BACKGROUND
This paper contributes what would otherwise be hardly known to our empirical database of
linguistic varieties. Specifically, we study a form of interlanguage with French being the target
language strongly influenced by the learners’ native Cantonese and non-native English, and we
focus on prosody in the sense of tone and intonation. Beyond the specific languages in question,
our case study fills gaps in two research areas: prosody in non-native varieties and third language
acquisition, both of which are to be elaborated below. We also discuss the relevant linguistic and
prosodic features of Cantonese and French as the necessary background for the description and
explanation of the observed prosodic patterns in non-native French.
1
Prosody in non-native varieties
In the literature on second and foreign language acquisition, it is well recognized that prosody, viz.
tone and intonation, is among the hardest things to teach and to master well; see Levis (1999) for
a review. Paradoxically, this has not quite generated a lot of research on prosody in non-native
varieties, in contrasts with the relative abundance of work on morphosyntax and segmental
phonology. This can reasonably be attributed to the highly gradient nature of tone and intonation,
which makes description and analysis much less straightforward than the much more categorical
concepts in such linguistic entities as tense/aspect markers as well as consonants and vowels.
Around half of the world’s languages are tone languages (Yip 2002, Maddieson 2013). What
happens prosodically (in terms of tone and intonation) when a tone language speaker learns a nontone language? While we expect effects of language transfer, what factors contribute to the
prosodic grammar of the target non-native language? By studying the prosodic features of the nonnative French by Cantonese speakers, this paper represents an attempt to contribute to the underresearched area of prosody in non-native varieties.
Third language acquisition
Given that there are more non-native speakers of English than native speakers worldwide (Crystal
2010), and that many people who speak English as an L2 learn yet another language -- the third
language, there is a growing literature on third language acquisition (Cenoz et al. 2001, Leung
2007). Learning French in Hong Kong constitutes a case of third language acquisition given the
socio-historical background of Hong Kong, cf. Yip and Matthews (2012). While the vast majority
of individuals born and raised in Hong Kong speak Cantonese as their first language (L1), English
is their second language (L2) taught at school since early childhood.1
There are notable linguistic similarities and differences between French, English, and Cantonese.
French is much more similar to English than to Cantonese, in terms of the writing system,
vocabulary, morphosyntax, and so forth. Therefore, for L3 French learners with a good command
of English in Hong Kong (particularly when language classes are taught with English as the
medium of instruction – as was the case for the speakers in our data), it appears intuitively tempting
to take advantage of knowledge about English to aid French learning, cf. Kellerman’s (1979)
psychotypology on learners’ perception of similarity among languages). Given such background
settings, it is reasonable to consider the possibility that L2 English plays an important role in
shaping the prosodic features of L3 French.
Cantonese
Cantonese is a tone language where every syllable has one of the six tones (see Matthews and Yip
2011 for more details):2
1
Mandarin Chinese is another L2 for the majority of contemporary Hong Kong locals. It is not clear how this might
influence non-native French prosody.
2
Audio demonstrations for Cantonese tones are available on the book website of Matthews and Yip (2011):
http://www.cuhk.edu.hk/lin/cbrc/CantoneseGrammar/
The six tones in Cantonese:
Level – high, mid, low
Contour – high rising, low rising, low falling
It has been reported that there is transfer of tonal features from L1 Cantonese to L2 English (Luke
2000, Cheung 2008, Gussenhoven 2012, Yiu 2014). The three level tones in Cantonese are of
particular interest here, because they appear to be what is often transferred to the target language
by L1 Cantonese learners.
French
In contrast to Cantonese, French is not a tone language. Moreover, unlike languages such as
English and Spanish, French has no word stress. The prosody of French, therefore, centers on
phrasal and sentential intonation; see Di Cristo (1998), Post (2000), and Gussenhoven (2004) for
more detailed descriptions together with analyses in various theoretical frameworks.
For the purposes of this paper, it is sufficient to familiarize ourselves with the intonation pattern
of a canonical statement in French. In general, the way French intonation works is that an utterance
is syntactically parsed into its constituents (noun phrases, verb phrases, etc). Each constituent then
has its own intonational pattern. Typically, it is an overall rising pitch pattern for a non-sentencefinal constituent and a falling pattern for a sentence-final constituent. In other words, a common
intonation pattern for a statement uttered in a neutral and canonical way has a succession of rising
pitch contours, each spanning across a syntactic constituent, until the end of the statement where
the pitch contour falls.
Another characteristic of French important for understanding L3 French prosody described in this
paper is word order. French is head-initial, similar to English. This means that a phrase which is a
syntactic constituent has its head on the left and its complement on the right; for instance, a
prepositional phrase has the preposition on the left and its complement noun phrase on the right.
It will be shown below that these facts about French are important for accounting for the L3 French
prosody by L1 Cantonese speakers.
Data
We recorded classroom spontaneous French as spoken by undergraduates presenting coursework
in French language classes at the University of Hong Kong, where the medium of instruction is
English. All the undergraduates were native speakers of Hong Kong Cantonese with a good
command of English as their L2. They were all third-year undergraduates at the time of being
recorded, having taken French language classes at the university for almost 400 class contact hours
and having been to France for a summer intensive language program. The data were class
presentations where each student spoke for about three minutes. In this preliminary study, we
report the most salient L3 French prosodic features by two students, a female and a male. The data
were coded in terms of high or low pitch for each syllable. While a more detailed examination of
our dataset is in order, the L3 French prosodic patterns described in this paper appear to be common
among the students in our corpus.
L3 FRENCH AS A TONE LANGUAGE
Descriptively, the prosody of L3 French spoken by L1 Cantonese learners follows a simple pattern:
all syllables of content words (nouns, verbs, adjectives, etc.) bear the Cantonese high level tone
(one of the six tones of Cantonese; see above), whereas syllables of function words (prepositions,
determiners, etc.) have the Cantonese low level tone. This effectively makes L3 French a tone
language, albeit in a rather unusual sense. There are tone languages such as Cantonese for which
the tone of a particular word or syllable is usually unpredictable, as well as others such as Bantu
languages for which tone may mark grammatical information such as tense and aspect. However,
neither is the case for the L3 French prosody described here: the status of a word as a content or
function word correlates with which tone is used.
Using the formalism from autosegmental phonology (Goldsmith 1976, 1990) in the examples
below (Figures 1 and 2), we indicate the pitch level of each syllable by using H for high pitch and
L for low pitch, with each H or L linked to the respective syllable by a vertical line. The pitch
tracks from Praat (Boersma and Weenink 2008) for both examples are also provided. Figure 1
comes from a male speaker, and Figure 2 from a female speaker.
Figure 1. Example of L3 French prosody by a male speaker
Figure 2. Example of L3 French prosody by a female speaker
The pitch tracks in Figures 1 and 2 appear to suggest that the intonation in both cases is falling in
pitch in general, which might cast doubt on whether there are only two discrete level tones being
used. To the extent that the pitch patterns are acoustically falling, it is well recognized that this
phenomenon, known as declination, is universal and physiologically based, due to the fact that
pulmonic pressure decreases across an utterance. This means that, for tone languages where pitch
is crucial for tone identification, there is presumably a perceptual mechanism that compensates
declination across an utterance so that, for example, phonologically identical high tones at two
different positions within an utterance are perceived as the same entity despite their acoustic pitch
difference. Such a mechanism has been confirmed to exist for Cantonese (Yuen 2007).
There are undoubtedly other prosodic patterns in L3 French by L1 Cantonese speakers that are
worth further investigation, e.g., boundary tones as evidenced by the rising pitch contour towards
the end in Figure 1 for upcoming new information in the discourse and a falling one in Figure 2 to
indicate the end of a statement. Nonetheless, these do not mask the most striking and consistent
patterns of Cantonese high level tone used for French content words and Cantonese low level tone
for French function words.
ANALYSIS
Where did the L3 French prosodic features reported in the previous section come from? The goal
of this section is to provide an account, particularly in terms of interlanguage transfer (Cenoz et
al. 2001, Leung 2007). While French (the target language) is clearly relevant in shaping the
learners’ French, L2 English (influenced by their L1 Cantonese) plays an indispensable role as
well.
Both the intonation and syntax of French contribute to the observed L3 French prosody by Hong
Kong Cantonese speakers. As described above, French has no word stress and relies entirely on
phrasal and sentential intonation for its prosodic grammar. Non-sentence-final phrases typically
have a rising pitch contour. In terms of word order, French is head-initial, which makes a phrase
usually begin with a function word and end with a lexical content word.
These facts about the intonation and syntax of French serendipitously produce the following
configuration: function words coincide with low pitch, whereas the final syllables of content words
bear higher pitch. Despite this, native French prosody does not exhibit what appears in L3 French
prosody to be plateaux of high pitch spanning over the entire durations of polysyllabic content
words.
Abstracting from important details, such a crude mapping between high/low pitch and
content/function words respectively in L1 French matches the observed L3 French prosody by L1
Cantonese speakers where high level tone is used for content words and low level tone for function
words. This is by no means the whole story, however. In particular, what is left to be explained is
the use of discrete tone levels in the described L3 French prosody, as French intonation is much
more gradient in nature. While the missing piece of the story certainly has to do with Cantonese,
it is insightful to discuss it in terms of L2 English with highly relevant L1 Cantonese features,
rather than just Cantonese alone. It must be noted, however, that our current data are also
compatible with a view that it is only L1 Cantonese which is responsible for the observed nonnative French prosody; further research will provide more clues about the extent to which L2
English plays the role of a proxy in language transfer.
L2 English prosody by L1 Hong Kong Cantonese speakers has been analyzed in terms of tonal
transfer from Cantonese to English (Luke 2000, Cheung 2008, Gussenhoven 2012, Yiu 2014).
Crucially, the patterns of tone assignment depend on word stress in English. The following two
examples are from Luke (2000):
English word
examination
encyclopedia
Tonal pattern using Cantonese tones
M-H-H-H-L
M-M-M-H-L
Luke (2000) describes the use of the general tonal template of Mid-High-Low (from Cantonese
mid level, high level, and low level tones, respectively). There appears to be an algorithm that
could account for tone assignment. Give an English word, the syllable with the primary stress is
assigned H (for a high level tone): examination, encyclopedia. The syllable with the secondary
stress may or may not bear H: examination with H, encyclopedia without H. Then, all syllables
sandwiched between two H’s are assigned H’s: examination with H; see Cheung (2008) and Yiu
(2014) on high tone spans in Hong Kong English. After all H’s are assigned, L (for a low level
tone) and M (for a mid level tone) are assigned. All unassigned syllables to the left of the first H
bear M’s (examination, encyclopedia with M), and all unassigned syllables to the right of the
rightmost H bear L’s (examination, encyclopedia with L).
The use of Cantonese tones in L2 English has important ramifications for our understanding of the
L3 French prosody. First, the tonal patterns in L2 English demonstrate the tendency that L1
Cantonese speakers use Cantonese tones in their non-native languages. Second, the precise
patterns of which Cantonese tones are used at which syllables or words in the target language
depend on prosodic properties of the target language, particularly in terms of pitch. Third, no
syllables in the target language are toneless; this conforms to the property of L1 Cantonese that all
syllables bear a tone. In the target language, if a syllable is not assigned a tone, it is assigned one
by a certain tone-spreading mechanism.
We are now at a position to provide an analysis of L3 French prosody by Hong Kong speakers.
The analysis is in terms of language transfer, drawing features from both L1 French and L2 English
discussed above. The two major components of the analysis are the assignment of H and L tones,
and high tone spanning.
Let us consider the French phrase la capitale touristique “the touristic capital” used in Figure 2.
First, function words (most of which are monosyllables) are assigned L. As for H, because most
(non-sentence-final) phrases in L1 French have a rising pitch contour, and because the phrases
usually end with a content word, it is reasonable to assume that all content words in L3 French
have their final syllable assigned with H (recall that L2 English assigns H to stressed syllables, but
French has no word stress). In other words:
L
H
H
|
|
|
la capitale touristique
Our view that it is the final syllable of a content word which bears H is paralleled by the analysis
of Central African French (Bordal 2015). This variety of French has been in close contact with
Sango, a tone language. The tonal pattern for content words in Central African French is (L+)H –
with H on the final syllable and L on all preceding syllables in the case of a polysyllabic word, or
just H for a monosyllabic word. The case of Central African French provides support to the idea
that there is a tendency for non-native French influenced by a tone language to have final syllables
of content words bear some sort of a high tone.
Since no syllables can be toneless in our case of L3 French, high tone spreading---similar to L2
English---assigns H to toneless syllables in content words, formally by spreading from the finalsyllable H:
L
H
H
|
|
|
la capitale touristique
The word is the domain of high tone spreading. This results in exactly what is observed as reported
in Figure 2 above:
L HHH HHH
| | | |
| | |
la capitale touristique
Finally, the fact that L3 French assigns tones by the division of function and content words may
possibly coincide with a presumably universal tendency for content words being uttered at a higher
pitch (and therefore more loudly, due to the close correlation between pitch and loudness in human
speech) because of their higher importance for discourse information load, in contrast with
function words uttered at lower pitch and more softly. Functional factors such as this may therefore
also be at work in shaping L3 French prosody.
CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS
This paper has provided a description of the non-native French prosody by native speakers of Hong
Kong Cantonese. Given the socio-historical background of Hong Kong, the speakers are also
competent in English as a second language, and French can be considered a third language. The
striking prosodic pattern in L3 French by Hong Kong speakers is that the Cantonese high level
tone is used for syllables of French content words, and the Cantonese low level tone for syllables
of French function words. Such a pattern has been accounted for in terms of interlanguage transfer,
from L1 Cantonese to L3 French via L2 English interlanguage.
In terms of language learning and teaching, by studying a target language other than English, this
paper demonstrates the general strong tendency for tone language speakers to employ tone in
learning non-native languages. Anecdotal comments suggest that the speakers themselves are in
general unaware of the specific prosodic patterns in their target language. Therefore, making
learners aware appears to be important so that they can more actively attempt to achieve more
target language-like prosody. To this end, visualization techniques, discussed by Levis and
Pickering (2004) and others, are appropriate for precisely the dual purposes of raising learners’
awareness, on the one hand, and providing visual and instant feedback for improvement, on the
other. Visualization of prosody has been shown to be helpful for non-tone language speakers
learning a tone language (e.g., Chun et al. 2013 with native English speakers learning Mandarin
Chinese). For the opposite situation of tone language speakers learning a non-tone language---a
case of which is reported in the present paper, it is expected that visualization techniques for
prosody will help learners steer away from the use of discrete tone levels and imitate the much
more gradient prosodic features in the target non-tone language.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
We are grateful for the questions, comments, and encouragement from the audience of the
conference held at the University of California, Santa Barbara, on September 5-6, 2014. Guri
Bordal Steien and two anonymous reviewers provided insightful comments. We also thank those
who have provided us feedback earlier, especially Vincie Ho and K. K. Luke, as well as the
undergraduates of the French language program at the University of Hong Kong who kindly agreed
to be recorded for the cause of science.
ABOUT THE AUTHORS
Jackson L. Lee is a graduate student in linguistics at the University of Chicago. He obtained his
BA in Linguistics and French from the University of Hong Kong, and MA in Linguistics from the
University of Manchester. He is a computational linguist, focusing on morphology and phonology.
With general interests in language acquisition and the lexicon, his doctoral dissertation focuses on
morphological paradigms from the perspective of unsupervised learning. He has long-term
interests in tone and intonation. For a better understanding of the lexicon, he has also worked on
topics on Cantonese grammar ranging across phonology, morphology, syntax, semantics, and
grammaticalization.
Stephen Matthews is Professor of Linguistics at the University of Hong Kong and Co-director of
the Childhood Bilingualism Research Center at the Chinese University of Hong Kong. His
research interests include linguistic typology, language contact, as well as bilingual and
multilingual acquisition. He has published on the grammar of Cantonese and other Chinese
varieties, on bilingual first language acquisition, and on third language acquisition. He is a coauthor of The Bilingual Child: Early Development and Language Contact (2007, Cambridge
University Press, co-authored with Virginia Yip) which is the 2009 recipient of the Leonard
Bloomfield Book Award by the Linguistic Society of America.
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