1. No category

Fertility and nuptiality in Iceland's demographic history / Gisli Gunnarsson.
Gísli Gunnarsson, 1938Lund : Ekonomisk-historiska institutionen, 1980.
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HB 1023.697
and nuptiality In Iceland's de
III‘III
EKONOMISK-HISTORISKA
INSTITUTIONEN
Fi nnnnnan 16
223 62 LUND
FERTILITY AND NUPTIALITY IN
ICELAND'S DEMOGRAPHIC HISTORY
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Gisli Gunnarssnn
Nr IZ.
1980
MEDDELANDE FRÅN
EKONOMISK-HISTORISKA INSTITUTIONEN
LUNDS UNIVERSITET
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FERTILITY
Gisli
Lund
ISSN
1980/12
8039
AND
NUPTIALITY
IN
ICELAND'S DEMOGRAPHIC HISTORY
Gunnarsson
8/,
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‘
ii
n
\
G 6! 3+
CONTENT
......................
Abstract
. . . . . . . .
.............
Introduction ..... . . . . ............ . . . . . . . . . ... .
The census of 1703, the general outline ...... .
The nuptiality ratio and legal restrictions on
.............................
marriage
. . .
..
..
. . . . . . . . . . . .
..
. . .
of sexual permissiveness .. . . . . ............
miscomprehension regarding "impliCit" marriages.
the "Nordic" illegitimacy ratio unique? ........
"sexual revolution" in Iceland .................
marriage and illegitimacy in nineteenth century
Pages
1
2
4
7
The myth
15
The
19
Was
The
Law,
Iceland
.........................
........
Relative illegitimacy
Fertility
and
Bibliography
nuptiality in
........
. . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . .
modern
....
.................
Iceland
.........
.........................
21
28
29
31
36
39
FIGURES
Figure 1: Age pyramids, Iceland 1703 and Sweden 1750
Figure 2: The illegitimacy ratio in Iceland 1770—1978
Figure 3: The covariation between the percentage of
married women in the age group 15—50 and
the legitimacy ratio in 15 Icelandic
districts
1860/1870.
5
22
27
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TABLES
Table
1:
Percentage
of married
women
in Iceland
and
in different periods.
......
Different age groups, nuptiality groups and
social groups in Iceland 1703 among women,
Sweden
Table
2:
percentage
Table
Table
Nuptiality
tives aged
of each group. .. . . . . . . . . . ..
status of female dependant rela
in Iceland. . . . . . . ..
The combined percentage of married women and
widows of different age groups in Iceland
50+
in
1703
1703
Table
Long term changes
in
Table
some
in the illegitimacy
ratio
European counties.
Long term averages
of the illegitimacy
in the Nordic countries.
ratio
8
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Pages
Table
The
legitimate
and the
illegitimate fertility
rates per year in Iceland during different
. . . . .
periods.
....................
Table
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Table
32
...............
33
legitimate and
rates in different countries during different
The
periods.
Table
...........
illegitimate fertility
The
..........
. . . . . . . . . . .
factors changing the illegitimacy
ratio
in Iceland 1790-1977. .......................
(footnote) Illegitimacy and social groups in
Prussia 1877-1886. .. . . . . . . ........... . . . . . ..
36
24
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ABSTRACT
nuptiality
social status are among the demographic
variables found in the Icelandic census of 1703. The age
distribution indicates a rapidly declining population and
from other sources a great frequency in starvation deaths
is known for the decade preceding 1703. The Icelandic popu
lation size in 1703 was nevertheless higher then than at
any time later during the 18th century and first reached the
level of 1703 in 1825.
Age,
Only 27.8
%
in 1703. As
and
of the women in the age group 15-49 were married
all functional marriages were registered in the
of married women reflects a pre—
ventive check on the population. (Economic crisis > low nup
tiality > low fertility). The causal link between low nup
tiality and the economic crisis consisted primarily of the
control of the landowners as access to land was the prere—
quisite to marriage and of the control exercised at the lowest
administration unit, the commune, by the ratepaying farmers.
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census,
this low proportion
Nuptiality was the main determinant of fertility. Although some
illegitimacy existed,it was considered a social evil and brought
legal punishments. The 1703 census provides no information about
the illegitimacy ratio. There is .information about illegiti
of 10%.
macy for the period 1770-1800, showing an average ratio
During years of demographic crisis this ratio fell 6-7 %.
Considering the low nuptiality ratio, this indicates a low
illegitimacy fertility rate.
During
the 19th century the
illegitimacy
ratio
became
higher,
probabably because of an increase in the illegitimacy
rate early during the century. This, together with
statements made by contemporarieslsupports the thesis of E.
Shorter about a "sexual revolution" in western countries.
The most important reason for the high illegitimacy ratio in
Iceland before 1900 was nevertheless thevery low nuptiality ratio
due to restrictions on marriage, a fact which supports a thesis
put forward by J. Knodel. 1850—1930 there were great fluctua
tions in the illegitimacy ratio while the illegitimacy ferti—
lity rate remained rather constant. Thus nuptiality and ille—
gitimacy had a clear inverse relationship.
most
fertility
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The hypotheses
have
been put
forward (mainly by Tomasson)
that in the Nordic countries, and then especially in Iceland,
there had been from pagan to urban society, unaffected by
other social changes, a high degree of "sexual permissiveness",
reflected in high illegitimacy ratios. There is no historical
evidence to support these ideas which reflect serious ignorance
of social and economic life in the past. For instance, the
Nordic illegitimacy ratios were not exceptionally high by
European standards.
very high illegitimacy ratio in Iceland after 1930 is no
logical continuation of 19th century illegitimacy but reflects
basically the specific social conditions of 20th century Iceland
The
which are new
in origin.
Introduction
great value of Nordic demographic data for population
studies far back in time is well known. As regards Iceland,
this country has an unusually good record of population cen
cuses. These were, before 1835, made the following years:
1703, 1762, 1769, 1785, 1801 and 1816. During the period
1835—1860
there was a population census every fifth year,
after 1860 every tenth year.1)
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The
1)
All
no
the material of the census of 1703 has been printed, with
details being left out. (Manntal a Islandi arié 1703, asamt
manntali i prem syslum 1729. Reykjavik 1924—1947). Statistical
elaborations of this census have also been published (Statistics
of Iceland II, 21, Reykjavik 1960). As for the other 18th cen
tury censuses only contemporary aggregates exist at present.
The material of the 1816 census has been printed through the
efforts of the Icelandic genealogical society In SkYrslur um
landshagi a Islandil vol. 1 - 5, published in Copenhagen
1858-1875, there are many useful statistical elaborations
of both 18th and 19th century demographic data in Iceland.
A population census for three Icelandic counties was made in
1729, the material of this census has been printed in Manntal
a
Islandi....,
have been
vik 1975).
op.cit.,
published.
and
statistical elaborations of it
(Statistics of Iceland,
II,
59
Reykja
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3.
royal decree in 1735 made it obligatory for the bishops
in the kingdom of Denmark—Norway to keep records about the
number of births and deaths in their respective bishoprics.
Later during the 18th century the registration of marriages,
confirmations and sex started and from one of the bishoprics
the aggregates of illegitimate births is available for the
period 1771-1800.2)
A
to use the extensive Icelandic demographic data in
the context of demographic history and theory in general have
been very limited and the exceptions to this rule are easily
accounted for. 3) This may have helped to create certain mis
understandings regarding this data. 4) But the purpose of this
paper is to improve the academic communication concerning
Icelandic demography with special regard to some of the efforts
Attempts
prviously
2)
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3)
made.
Published in Skyrslur um landshagi, op. cit., vol, 1, p.336—338.
The calculated statistics are found here in figure 2.
The most notable exception in this context is H. Gille: The
Demographic History of the Northern European Countries in the
Eighteenth Century, Population Studies, Vol.
1949-1950.
In his discussion of the 1703 census H. Gille was somewhat
handicapped by the fact that several valuable aggregates were
not available to him as these were first published in 1960.
(Statistics of Iceland II, 21). For his study of 18th century
Iceland he only made use of the censuses of 1703 and 1801.
He made some minimal use also of the total population aggre
gates in SkYrslur um landshagi, op. cit. As for the combination
of the two demographic variables, nuptiality and fertility,
III,
in the legitimate and illegitimatefertilityrates,
his article mainly studied the Swedish data and
he did not consider the available Icelandic data here at all.
His main interest regarding Iceland’s demographic history during
the 18th century was the country’s remarkable age and sex distri—
bution. He also presented graphs showing the very great fluc
tuations in both the mortality and fertility rates in 18th
century Iceland. (p. 41—42).
Hans Oluf Hansen has also made some interesting use of the
Icelandic data. See, for instance: Some age structural conse
quences of mortality variations in pretransitional Iceland
and Sweden, Institute of Statistics, Copenhagen University,
as expressed
H. Gille in
March
J.
1975.
very short but valuable references to Icelandic
by D.V. Glass
and D.E.C. Eversley, London 1965, p 137.
For instance Tomasson Richard: A Millennium of Misery: The
Demography of the Icelanders, Population Studies No. 3, 1977.
Hajnal has
made
demographic data
4)
in Population in History, edited
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of 1703, the general outline.
The census
The most
unique
source
the census
of 1703.
.
All
in Icelandic
demography
the material
census has been preserved.
is
undoubtedly
collected during the
5)
According to the circular given to the census registrators
every person should be included. For each farm and for each
cottage there should be recorded the hquand and the wife,
the children and other residents both with their Christian
names and
their fathers'
For each male
and female
names,
specified.
clearly specified his
and the age should
there should
be
be
or her occupation, whether he (she) was a farmer or a lodger,
a free labourer or a labourerixlservice,
or engaged in any
other honest way of living. Also the name and the age of each
communal pauper should be recorded with specification as to the
responsibility for his or her upkeeping. The names of the
vagrants passing by in the commune the night before Easter 1703
should be
registered.
mainly in March and April 1703. Altogether
there were 50358 individuals registered (according to the elabo—
rations made by the Statistical Bureau of Iceland), but then
some double counting, a statistically insignificant number,
had
The census was taken
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been
The
eliminated.
historical
crisis in
background
to the
1703
census was the economic
Iceland.
country was a dependancy of the Danish—Norwegian crown,
economically with a colonial status. Its very important foreign
trade was ineffectively carried out by monopoly merchants in
Copenhagen under the tutelage of the crown. Due to a technical
and economic stagnation,
the great resources of the adjoining
seas were only exploited in a minimal way and the population
was left for its sustenance to the resources of the land. Here
farming had been made difficult by the extreme cold weather
during the last decade of the 17th century, which definately
was thecoldestperiod during the socalled Little Ice Age
The
5)
See note
1,
op.cit.
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5.
Especially the population in the areas most
(1600—1900).
easily reached by the arctic climate in the north and east
regions of Iceland were badly hit. Very many people died from
hunger during the decade preceding the census of 1703. Various
sources, including the historical annals make this clear. 6)
Figure 1.
Iceland
Age pyramides,
1703
and Sweden
1750.
59'
Males
n7&'|
Females
I=I"44::J
mac-69
60-6
55-59
c2350“
45-49
40-44
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SC"
45
an
20
fl
0
9
I)
20
Sweden 1750
6)
33
40
50
I
.
'
*4
'/~ 40
.
30
Iceland
1703
According to the historical annals there were hunger deaths
on a large scale every year 1694-1702. (Annalar 1400-1800 I—,
Reykjavik 1922-. Thoroddsen, Thorvaldur: Arferoi a Islandi i
pfisund ér, Copenhagen 1916-1917. Steffensen Jon: Hungursottir
in Menning og meinsemdir,
a Islandi (Hunger deseases in Iceland)
Reykjavik 1975. In this same book by Steffensen there are
articles on Small Pox and Plague in Iceland.
There were no epidemics recorded in Iceland 1672 to 1707. But
due to the hunger certain endemic deseases began to cause more
deaths than they did in "normal" periods. According to one
source (Thoroddsen, op.cit.) 9000 people died because of star
vation in the decade preceding 1703, or 15 to 17 per cent of
the population.
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6.
data shows clearly that the population was declining,
instance the very low nuptiality rate and the remarkable
Census
for
structure of the population, indicating either an unusu—
ally high infantile death rate or a very low birth rate or,
age
as
is
most probable
both.7)
In figure 1 we can see this age structure of 1703. For comparison
the age structure of the Swedish population in 1750 is shown,
but we may assume that this Swedish population was rather typical
for a pretransitional society which was not subjected to excep—
tional
shocks.
exogeneous
declining Icelandic population in 1703 is remarkable with
respect to the fact that it was bigger in 1703 than at any
other point of time during the 18th century. First in 1825 the
population size of 1703 was reached. This is indeed a clear
indication of the economic decline of 18th century Iceland. 8)
The
7)
Hajnal has also drawn attention to this phenomena stating that
"the age structure of the Icelandic census of 1703 suggests a
rapidly declining population with a low birth rate".
(Population in History, op.cit.)
One writer has described
"the general rule" thus: "falls in
births and marriages seem to coincide with a rise in the death
rate
in famine years“. Such a coincidence was not found during
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epidemic years. (solvi Sogner: A Demographic
Scandinavian Economic History4Review,
1976:2)
Crisis Averted?,
H. Gille made this cautious statement about the age distribution
of Iceland in 1703:"... it is clear that the great changes in
the birth—rate during the last half of the seventeenth century
to which the
8)
...
age
distribution .. testifies,
must have been
peculiar to Iceland". He then adds:
the marked variations
found in the number of births and deaths after 1735, suggests
that the age distribution in Iceland was not only very irregular
at the beginning of the 18th century, but must have continued to
be so throughout the whole century". (Gille, op.cit., p. 24—26.)
The factors leading to this decline are my primary research
objects. Briefly it can be related here that according to my
findings this can best be explained by various institutional
factors, mainly the Copenhagen monopoly trade in combination with
the archaic socio economic system within the country. There cer
tainly were some great exogenous shocks, both in the form of
climatic and geophysical (vulcanid catastrophes. But in my
opinion the effects of these shocks must be studied in the context
of the societal response to these shocks (or rather to the lack
of these). These problems have been discussed by me in various
articles or: "The Limitations of Climatology as an explanatory
Factor of Human Institutions" in Climatological Papers, No. 4,
Danish Meterological Institute, Copenhagen 1978. "Some Inter
disciplinary Problems of Climate and History: A study in Causal
Relations and other Questions of Methodology". A paper delivered
at the International Conference on Climate and History in Norwich,
July 1979, (Stencil). "Fishery Records in Iceland and Sea Tempe
rature in Icelandic Waters during the Little Ice Age". (Stencil 1979)
"Landskuld
coming
i mjoli
og vero pess
in Saga 1980, Reykjavik.
fra
15.
til
18.
aldar", forth—
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7.
The
nuptiality ratio
legal restrictions
and
on marriage
high number of unmarried women in 1703 has been met with
some scepticism
and the suggestion has been made that the
actual number of married women might have been higher than
the registered one. 9) It is indeed reasonable to ask if in
fact only 27.8% of Icelandic women in the age group 15—49
were married in 1703. Is this to be explained by failures
in the registration or by the effective social control of
the reproduction process that is: Was there in Iceland a good
preventive check in times of crisis which through keeping the
nuptiality rate low, the fertility rate was kept at a low
The
level?
In table
1
we can
see
the
nuptiality ratio for Icelandic
historical perspective. The sources for the 19th
century are quite certainly reliable.
Here we can see that
the nuptiality rate was traditionally low in Iceland and
women
in
first
a change
a
half of the 20th
century. In 1703 it certainly was lower than at later dates
but the difference may very well be explained by the special
came
here during the second
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economic circumstances in Iceland
at the time.
In table 2 the nuptiality status of women in 1703 is related
both to age and to their social status. The table gives in a
concise form most of the available information regarding these
variables among Icelandic women at the time.
Here
we
can see that mainly the young
the unmarried
category and
social status
were
Almost
all
we
women
constituted
can also see that marriage
closely interrelated
the communal
then
and
phenomena.
female paupers were unmarried, indeed
the great majority of the old unmarried women were paupers. By
contrast, then, was the social position of married women and
widows, who in old age at least were much better off than the
spinsters.
were more frequently paupers than men, especially in
the age groups 20-59, which obviously was the consequence
Women
9)
Population
in History, op.cit.
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8.
Table
1
Percentage
of married
in Iceland
women
and Sweden
in different
periods
All
Iceland
women
15
21.2
25.9
1703
1729
1750
1800/01
1850
1860
1870
1900/01
1930
1950
1960
1974
29.8
27.9
27.3
24.2
26.7
29.4
34.1
36.8
40.4
All
Age groups
+
28.4
38.4
40.1
40.2
37.1
39.8
42.8
48.9
55.9
57.7
20
Sweden
Age group
women
15
+
32.9
44.7
34.5
34.5
31.7
32.3
31.7
32.2
35.6
46.0
47.5
47.2
48.3
45.6
43.8
44.7
48.7
55.1
66.8
+
50.3
50.1
46.5
47.8
47.2
46.8
46.8
59.6
60.6
only three counties in Iceland
Sources: 1. Iceland: Statistics of Iceland II, 21, 40, 59, 63.
SkYrslur um landshagi, vol 1-5.
2. Sweden. Historical Statistics of Sweden, Part 1,
Population. For comparison with Norway, Denmark
and Finland in the years 1750, 1800 and1900, see
H. Gille, Population Studies, vol. 3, 1949-1950.
1729
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of their failure in participating in the production process,
either as housewives or in the unmarried state as workpeople.10)
Hajnal has suggested that when
wife of the head of a household
to the head as a servant would
that she was married.11)
10)
The
a
married
woman
was not the
in Iceland, her relationship
be recorded and not the fact
available statistics both from
1703
and from the
19th
century show clearly that many women must have been unmarried
servants all their life in Old Iceland. Servanthood was thus
more than a phase in the life cycle in Iceland. It also served
the purpose of preventing marriage for life time. This should
be compared to P. Laslett's thesis of "life cycle servants" in
"Characteristics of the Western Family", published in Family
love in earlier generations. Essays in histo
life and
rical sociology, Cambridge 1977. Jonas Fryklund comes to a
similar conclusion for Sweden as Laslett did for England:
"To be a maid was more of a phase in a life cycle than a means
of livelihood". (Horan i bondesamhallet, Lund 1977, p. 226).
11) Population in History, op.cit.
illicit
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Table
2
Different
nuptiality
age groups,
Iceland in
1703
among
women.
groups and
social groups in
of the total of each
Percentage
group1
0-14
15-24
25-49
Total in absolute numbers
6910
5394
9823
2757 2412 27491
Total in percentage
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0100.0
100.0
97.6
77.8
3.6
0.5
43.2
5.0
29.9
19.4
53.8
1.9
6.3
6.2
30.9
8.5
43.8
3.9
0.2
5.0
15.2
18.7
45.9
4.6
41.7
40.8
0.0
0.4
0.5
4.5
2.8
0.4
0.7
0.6
40.4
39.6
0.3
0.2
0.3
16.6
10.0
4.3
0.9
1.4
19.7
18.2
1.2
total
Unmarried
of households
Children at home
Relatives at home
Heads
Workpeople
Paupers and vagrants
18.1
Married total
Housewives
Children
&
relatives
2.4
2.2
1)
0.1
0.1
Workpeople
Paupers and vagrants
total
Widows
Heads
of households
Children and relatives
1)
Workpeople
Paupers and vagrants
1.
2.
60+
6.3
5.9
29.1
0.1
0.2
34.4
6.8
25.7
0.5
1.4
100.0
72.5
1.5
30.3
5.2
19.2
16.3
21.2
20.6
0.15
0.2
0.25
6.3
2.6
2.8
Children and relatives "at home".
195 with unspecified age is included in the total. The census
always stated the nuptiality and the social position, if not
always sufficiently accurate.
Statistics of Iceland II,21
Source:
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0.1
50-59
o-wZ)
Age groups
But
a
female
were
Manntal
a
a male)
worker
in the law—stipulated yearly
of their masters' househoulds not
expected to be married during the service period as marriage
wouldnormally mean the establishment of own separate hoursehold
which according to the instructions of census would then be
registered seperately from the master's household. 12) Only
if married couples were not living together, for instance
because of impoverishment after marriage, the registration of
the married status was not stipulated in the instructions.
12)
service
(or
as members
Islandi, op.cit.
0
4
0.5
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10.
organizers of the census obviously did not consider it
to be important to have non—functional marriages registered.13)
The
of 1703 was very thoroghly done in one commune in
Iceland's south. 14) The marriage status of all social categories
was always registered here, also when the couples were living
The census
seperately and consequently did not constitute separate house
holds. If we assume that the registration of non—functional
marriages in this commune was similar to the actual status of
non-functional marriages in the whole of Iceland in 1703, the
nuptiality percentage of women in all age categories would in—
crease from 21.2 to 22.9%. Thatis: It would remain very low.15)
It is
obvious that the status of widowhood must usually have
been recorded as we can see in tables 3 and 4. Table 3 describes
the nuptiality status of female "private paupers" aged 50+.
Many of these were widows. Is there any reason to assume that
the registration of widowhood was better made than the registra—
tion of s insterhood?
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13)
Usually
a
separate household
also meant
a
seperate production
unit, but there were notable exceptions to this rule, mainly the
class of cottars "without land use" and the socalled "lodgers'
class". These people normally did notpossess their means of pro—
duction but used the farmers‘ means for the farmers' account.
Thus either directly or indirectly the establishment of a sep—
erate household in Iceland was bound to the access to land, in
the cottars' case through the dependency on the farmers' class,
but this arrangement was usually stipulated through law. The
cottars were frequently compelled to give all their labour to
farmers, or they were forbidden to possess any means of produc
own use. Thus fishing was tied to farming. The commune
any cottar from its district.
sometimes had the power to expel
Through this mechanism the landowners more or less controlled
simultaneously both the production and the reproduction process
in this society. This mechanism, of which the cottars' position
was an important part, will in another context be further ex—
plained by me.
The sources for laws and descriptions of the rights of labour
and land in Old Iceland are numerous from the 12th to the 20th
centuries, showing here a relative status quo. 1117: Gragas II,
p. 145-146, 273. 1281: Jonsbok, p 234. 1350: DI, vol. 2 p 860.
1490 & 1514: LI, 1:42, 21, 8:511.
1622: LI, 1?205, 1679: LI,1
396. 1785: BibliotheCa Arnamagnaeana
IV:83—85. 1821:LI
_ 8:281—283,
tion for
14)
15)
1863:25 17:557.
Manntal a Islandi,
It is
op.cit.
of course questionable
in the nuptiality ratio.
(The
commune
of Stokkseyrir).
to include non-functional marriages
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11.
In table
of married women
and widows in different age groups. The constant percentage of
the different age groups 35+, together with the low percentage
of women who were married or were widows under the age of thirty
five, as we may expect in a society in an economic crisis,
increases in my opinion the reliability of the nuptiality
records of the census.
Table
we can
4
percentage
see the combined
3
Nuptiality status of female dependant relatives
in the age
Unmarried
(private paupers)
1703.
50+.
22.2
3.5
74.3
Married
Widows
100.0
Source:
Table
Statistics of Iceland II,21
4
The combined
age groups.
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Age group
45-49
of married
women
and widows
of different
1703.
%
4.8
20.7
40.9
51.5
58.6
57.3
20—24
25—29
30—34
35—39
40—44
Source:
percentage
Age group
50—54
55—59
60—64
65—69
70—74
75—79
%
58.1
55.7
52.0
55.2
58.2
54.9
Age group
20-34
30—49
30-59
50+
%
20.4
52.1
53.3
55-7
StatiStics of Iceland, II,21.
small number of married workpeople (and children at home)
is quite in accordance to what we might have expected with respect
to the prevalant traditions and regulations which again may in
the first instance be explained by purely economic causes. Work
people could not sustain their children. The maximal wages,
annually, for a fit and healthy male labourer, was besides food
and ordinary clothes, 60-120 ells,16) from the 14th to the
The
16)
In one valid cow, or cow equivalence, there
Originally these were ells of vadmal (rough
ell
were
120
home—spun
"ells".
clothes),
47.7 cm (Magnfis Mar Larusson in Islenskar maeliei—
ningar, Skirnir 1958). During the late Middle Ages "the ell"
had become the basic abstract unit of the internal price system,
without any neccessay
Bfialogor
relation to homespun cloth.
(See Bfialog 1775, 1915-1933).
one
being
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12.
usually only earned their own
According to the Bfialog of 1775 the cost
clothes and food.
of keeping a young pauper was usually 182 ells 18).
In the record books of one commune in Iceland during the 19th
century the cost for keeping paupers below the age of twelve
for one year was invariably 120 ells for each pauper.1 9)
19th century.
Female labourers
17)
It is difficult
fo find laws prohibiting the marriage of work
people because the church could not officially accept such a
prohibition. Marriage was a holy institution, officially open
to all honest Christians. The problem was what should be done
to the poor who were honest. (The well-to—do farmers had the
tendency to maintain that poverty and dishonesty was the
same thing but the Church could hardly accept that.)
legal prohibition of the marriage
of poor people is found in the oldest Icelandic law collection,
the Gragas, much of which reflects the legal situation of the
12th century. There the possession of a certain property minimum
was the prerequisite for marriage except when the woman was
not in a fertile age. 20) The prohibition is not found in J6nsb6k,
The
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17)
only clear and definate
Thoroddsen, Thorvaldur has given a good account of the wages of
workpeople in service in LYsing Islands vol. 4, Copenhagen 1922,
p. 294—373.
total cost in
a good male labourer in service the
different times estimated as 600—700 ells.
Thus his direct wages were only 10-20% of this total cost.
"history of wages" in Iceland is in good harmony
Thoroddsen’s
with the more extensive study of this problem for Medieval
Iceland, — Thorkell Johannesson: Die Stellung der Freien
Arbeiter in Island, especially pages 203-244. Some special
categories of labourersenjoyed a somewhat higher pay, for
The
keeping
whole year was at
instance skilled
labourers,
managers. These were,
18)
Bfialog edur Verdlag
um
Lausamenn
boat captains and household
however, relatively few in number.
...
fornt
Vinnumenn
og nYtt
item Albingissambykkt
og Lausgangara.
Hrappsey 1775, p 83.
19)
Haraldsson, Hjalmar: Familj
20)
Gragas Ib,
collection
och hushall
i
bland islandska
En ostislandsk bygd under 1800—talet
jamforande
1978,
(A paper in ethnology at Lunds Universitet).
p 38,
i
Gragas
KL.5.
II,
p
167.
b6nder.
perspektiv.
p
46.
Definition of this law
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13.
the
new
lawbook introduced
in
12802 1)
which was the basis
for Icelandic legislation until the 19th century.2 2) Probably
the traditional restraints on population growth, administered
through the commune and landowners’ control, were considered
to be more flexible than legal stipulations in reacting to
the fluctuating needs of population control and, besides, these
restraints did not go against the religious conceptions in
the
An
way as
same
law would have done.
interesting dialogue
views on marriage
final
is
between
found
the
religious
in the chief court
and economic
of 1720.23)
preceivable protests
book
with no
from the clergy. It was stipulated that people should not be
allowed to be married "unless they both by the sheriff and the
The
21)
was the economic<one,
word
Instead we find in J6nsb6k (p. 234) the stipulations for the
establishment of own independant production unit which is not
the same as the prohibition of marriage as porkell Johannesson
in his work op.cit. p. 193-194. See in this
for the discussion of the cottars' class. This
comes clearly forward in the actual article in J6nsb6k where
it was made explicitly clear that this law was also valid for
wrongly
assumed
context note
13
married person.
This minimum property stipulation was abolished in 1294 but
reintrocuced in 1490 and existed thereafter in different forms
the beginning of the 20th century. As for a definition
of this law book introduced through the efforts of the Norwegian
king, see KL 7.
22) In KL 20: 498 Sigurour Lindal writes that "the stipulations of
the minimal property (for marriage) were abolished" and he gives
as sources for this Jonsbok (1281) p. 75, and a law of 1314 (in
J6nsb6k, p. 296). These two law articles, however, do not deal
with any minimum property for marriage but with the mutual
sustenance obligations of a married couple.
The introduction of Jonsbok in 1281 was primarily due to the
demand for legal changes following the Icelanders'acceptance
of the sovereignity of the Norwegian crown in 1262 and conse—
quently the introduction did not neccessarily or always bring
about changes in civil law (concerning relations between private
persons). (See here Olafur Larusson in Arbok Haskola Islands
1922). For instance the communal structure seems to have been
left intact and the farmers were allowed to control the communal
affairs, of which poor relief was the most important part, with
out any interference from the new royal authority. (See Jonsbok,
p. 109-110, to be compared with Gragas Ib, p. 171-172, II, p.
249-250). The stipulation of minimum property as a prerequsite
for marriage was basically a policy of poor relief administra
a
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till
tion.
the more cautious formulation in my text above regarding
J6nsb6k and the property stipulations for marriage is to be prefer—
red to Lindal's somewhat misleading formulation regarding this
Hence
matter
23)
in
KL 20.
Alpingisbaakur
Islands vol. x, p. 557-573, Reykjavik
1969.
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14.
clergyman are considered
their children in
their own labours
This verdict
But
was
was
if it
neccessary
a
to
Christian
and not
able to sustain themselves and
be
way
fear of
through
God
that of others".
never formally
was
and by the
to serve
ratified
all
by the king which was
the formal functions of a law.
in a handbook for farmers printed 1775 the verdict of
included with all the appearances of a law.24)
for
1720
in 18th century
Iceland once wrote that the hunger created by the disastrous
economic situation "was the reason for the general preventive
measures by the clergy and the lay authorities against the marri—
age of the poor until 1760".25) But then, according to this
author, measures were taken to stimulate marriage instead of
preventing it. This was just after the great "positive check"
of 1756—1759 when the country's population had decreased by
11.3%. After this catastrophe there obviously was a shortage
of tenant farmers and therefore recently married people were
exempted from taxation for a period of time if they established
households on farms which were without a habitation at the
The most famous
spokesman
economic
reforms
moment.26)
The new
situation, however, obviously did not last long
and
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preventive measures were soon introduced again. (we may assume
that the landlords had by then rented out more or less all the
farms).
In 1778 one Icelandic writer lamented the habit then prevailing
of both lay authorities and the clergy in prohibiting the marri—
age of poor people, which according to the author "was caused by
an exaggerated fear that the communes would be burdenend
with
poor
relief".27)
...
24)
Bfialog
25)
Magnusson,
26)
Ibid.
27)
.
Hrappsey 1775,
op.cit.
til
Skfili: Forsog
en kort Beskrivelse
(1786), published in Copenhagen 1944, p.32.
af Island
Olavius, Olavur: Afhandling om de islandske Fiskerier, 1778.
This article exists only in manuscripts. The manuscript used
here is J. S. 34 £01., National Library of Iceland.
Preventive checks were the obvious ideal societal response. But
quite often these had to be "supplemented" by great hunger
catstrophes in 18th century Iceland. Then the unproductive
persons among the poor sections of the people were mainly dying.
This at least was nothing negative according to some spokesmen of
the societal upper strata. While lamenting periods of hunger in
general, they nevertheless emphasized its economically beneficial
effects. (See for instance, Hannes Finnsson: Mannfazkkun af
Hallaarum, in Rit Laerdomslistar félagsins no 14, 1793).
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15.
conclusion of this study about the
The
1703
census
Undoubtedly
in registering marriage
some
is
reliability of
the
nominal marriages were not
the
following:
registered, but
this only lowered the nuptiality rate insignificantly. But all
functional marriages were registered (when husband and wife
were living together). Thus the census regulations made by the
crown officials were followed in practice.
The myth
of sexualgpermissiveness
in Old Iceland brought various legal penalties.
To these the punitive pressure from the farmers' community
may be added. In view of the economic difficulties of the
workpeople in sutaining children, it is not difficult to imagine
what was the attitude of the communal authorities towards the
poor who were procuring illegitimate children.
Illegitimacy
author, Richard F. Tomasson, has specialized in trying to
find evidence for a high rate of illegitimacy in Iceland from
the beginning of the country's history until the present day.28)
One
writes frequently about "Ancient Scandinavian marriage
patterns". For instance "the Ancient Scandinavians accorded
women high status and along with thiswentliberal attitudes
towards premarital sex relations, illegitimacy and divorce".29)
According to his thesis the Icelanders in their great isolation
in the North Atlantic, preserved this liberal attitude to sex
through the ages, irrespective of all socio—economic changes
in the society, and the 20th century high illegitimacy ratio
in Iceland is a clear evidence of this remarkable continuity.
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Tomasson
28)
Tomasson, Richard F:
1. Premarital Sexual Permissiveness and
Nordic Countries. Comparative Studies
no. 2, 1976.
Illegitimacy
in the
in Society and History
Millenium of Misery: The Demography of the Icelanders,
Population Studies, No. 3, 1977. (op.cit. no. 4).
2. A
29)
Tomasson, 1976,
p.
253-254.
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16.
in
matters relating to sex is contrary to the actual knowledge of
But Tomasson's
idea of "ancient Scandinavian" liberalism30)
If
look at very old laws (not selected parts
of the old Sagas), women in Medieval Scandinavia had very limited
freedom, especially when it came to sex.31)
these people.
we
In Gragas, the oldest Icelandic laws, there was death penalty
for a man who committed the crime of having sexual intercourse
with a maiden, regardless if the maiden had wanted to participate
in the act or not, if the maiden's male guardians had not pre
viously accepted a marriage. 32) The maiden‘s role in the case
was similar to that of a horse during the trial of a horsethief,
her virginity was the property of her family and the theft of
such
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30)
By
a
value was punishable with death. Apart fom widows,
women
"Ancient Scandinavian" moral codes Tomasson, following an old
tradition, means "Pre—Christian" or "pagan" conceptions. What
is not Christian is found out through studies in the official
teachings of the Church. If reality is in contrast with these
teachings (as these are understood by the author), it must be
explained by the persistance of pagan conceptions. It is for
gotten in this context that the Catholic Church made a very
fine distinction between the sinfulness of human society (errare hu
manum est)and the holynessof
the Christian faith. Sin, repentanceh
and absolution were the three neccessary ingredients in the
contacts between Man and God.
The term "Ancient Scandinavian" implies that there were some
pagan moral codes common to all Scandinavians. This is a bold
assumption. Our knowledge of pagan beliefs in Scandinavia is
solely based on the writings of Christians and most frequently
these writings are two or three centuries closer to our time
than the paganism they claim to describe. The sad truth is
that we know very little about the old nordic pagan religion(s)
and nothing about "the pagan moral codes".
31) Even such a sholarly writer as S.F. Hartley in one instance
falls into the same trap of romantic historicism when she calls
the North—European bundling practice "a pre—Christian tradition".
(Hartle , S.F.: Illegetimacy. University of California Press,
1975,
32)
Gragas
p.
I
108).
b, p. 48, 57-58,
II,
p.
177,
188-189.
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17.
did not have anything to say about their marriage
could be married agains their will.33)
other sources we know that
during this period.34)
From
many
rich
men
"liberal" attitude in Catholic Iceland to
summarized in this way: A rich man could have
The
and they
kept harems
sex
may
be
manychildren with
as many women as he wanted to as long as he could sustain them
(andpay the fines for the illegitimate ones to the Church).But if
he could not sustain the newborn child, he really was in trouble,
regardless if he had the child with his wife or not. Women’s
adultery or fornication was not accepted except when they were
the concubines or whores of rich and powerful men and there
were no male relatives of the women in high social positions
protesting against these conditions.
as
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For proving "the sexual permissiveness" of Old Iceland, Tomas—
son chooses to ignore the severe legislation regarding adultery
and related matters which was introduced in Iceland 1564, follow
ing the establishment of Lutheranism in the country.35) For the
wealthy the severity of the new legislation was great, especial—
ly the parts dealing with adultery. The fines of the Catholic
33)
In this context the great pioneer work of Lizzie Carlsson might
studied: "Jag giver dig min dotter", Vol 1, Stockholm 1965,
vol 2, Stockholm 1972. A summary of her most important points
may be found in her article: Aktenskapets ingaende enligt aldre
be
ratt,
Her
sex
Fataburen
1969.
legal aspects of marriage and
relations in Medieval Scandinavia, with a special emphasis
study deals with the various
she makes frequent references to
on Sweden. Nevertheless,
Iceland. She summarizes the position of the "Ancient Scandi—
navian" women in this way: "The women was legally incompetent
and her guardian, as a rule her father, appeared on behalf of
her". (Fataburen 1969, p. 23)
34)
has made a very impressive compilation of the
sexual behaviour of rich libertines in Medieval Iceland. Most
Tomasson, 1976,
of his evidence can
mistake
is to apply
be
classified
the behavior
as historical facts. Tomasson's
of rich males to both sexes and
to all classes in society.
35) This was combined with the establishment of the strong central
authority of the Danish-Norwegian crown in internal Icelandic
affairs for the first time in the history of the country.
Consequently the power of the indigenous upper classes was
greatly reduced.
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18.
era were largely substituted with whipping and death penalties.
There are numerous court verdicts to prove that the law was
carried out quite thoroughly, often with a logical absurdity,
or to quote the words of a writer describing the situation in
another country: "Partners could be brought under ecclestical
discipline for an offence somewhat grotesquely described as
’fornication before marriage with his own wife".36)
It is
reasonable guess that the high number of unmarried
female servants and paupers were mainly responsible for pro
curing the illegitimate children. It is very probable that
some female vagrants who travelled from one place to another
with their very young children in 1703 were not widows but
unwed mothers. In the commune of Stokkseyrir in Iceland’s
south there were three such women at that time.37)
a
Illegitimacy may here been seen in the context of economic
'subgroups".In Old Iceland there was the persistant rule
"once a pauper, always a pauper". The label of pauperization
in youth tended to linger on through the life time of the
individual, both through social and socio—cultural sanctions
of the commune, not allowing a person
to marry until the debt collected during a pauperized child—
hood had been paid.
and the economic demands
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ill
This looks rather like "the
defined subsociety" which
according to Laslett was mainly responsible for the main—
tainance of English bastardy in a historical perspective.38)
In the Icelandic context, however, this "subsociety" becomes
well defined. "The illegitimacy prone subsocity" was no
separate cultural trend but people carrying economic poverty,
involving social sanctions, from one generation to anothter.
previous explanations: People having children
out of wedlock in the old Icelandic society were met by
The summarize
36)
Laslett, op.cit.
p. 128. In 1735 the Danish—Norwegian king
issued the following regulation for Iceland: "We, Christian
the sixth .... hereby declare that those who marry after having
committed fornication together, may be absolved from the obliga—
tion of public confession,but as for the fines, these shall be in
accordance with the law (of 1564) dealing with fornication".
(Lovsamling
for Island, vol.
2,
37)
Manntalio 1703, op.
cit.
p.
38)
p.
107,
151.
Laslett, op.cit.
518.
Copenhagen
1853,
p.
226-227).
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19.
sanctions on two levels.
crown.
2.
The
social,
1.
The
legal punishments of the
economic and, in
a
wide meaning,
the
"cultural" sanctions of the farmers' community.
Malinowski's "principle of legitimacy" has always been valid
in Iceland: "The woman has to be married before she is allowed
legitimately to conceive. Roughly speaking, an unmarried mother
is under a ban, a fatherless child is a bastard. This is by no
.... The most
means only a European or Christian prejudice
important moral and legal rule concerning the physiological
side of kinship is that no child should be brought into the
world without a man — and one man at that — assuming the role
of sociological father, that is, guardian and protector, the
...
male link between the child and the rest of the community
the father is indispensable for the full sociological status
of the child as well as of its mother ..." 39)
The miscomprehension
Other
historical
regarding "implicit" marriages.
evidence
collected
by Tomasson
for supporting
sexual permissiveness in Iceland tends
to be equally misleading as his example of "ancient liberalism"
his thesis of premarital
120
sex a
maintains that the low number of married woman in the
census 1703 per se is another evidence for sexual permissiv—
ness. "One of the inadequacies of this census was that couples
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Tomasson
who
were
cohabiting,
a
situation
common
in Iceland,
were
not
This presumption is based on the very low
proportion on the population enumerated as married and on a
partial census taken in 1729 which does give data on cohabiting
0)
couples ....
(My emphasis).4
Tomasson's comment on the 1729
enumerated as such.
census
is
based on misunderstanding.
author of the aggregates of the 1729 census, H.O. Hansen,
complains that in one district out of the three, the census
was badly carried out, especially when it came to the registration
The
39)
Bronislaw Malinowski: The Principle of Legitimacy, p. 38—39
in Kinship, Penguin Modern Sociology Readings, edited by
Jack Goody,
40)
1971.
1977, p. 418. For Tomasson the low nuptiality ratio
Tomasson
ls both an evidence for the existance of sexual permissiveness
and a consequence from
it.
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20.
of marriage and frequently the nuptiality status did not
1) Consequently,
for show
come clearly forward in the text.4
ing his critical evaluation of the sources, Hansen, in his
specification regarding the nuptiality status, used two
categories:
1.
In Icelandic "considered married although
it
does not
clearly in the census lists". The English translation
"persons implicitly registered as married".
come
out
In Icelandic "registered married in the census lists".
English translation "persons explicitly registered as
The
married".42)
Tomasson's
married
is that implicitly registered as
cohabiting.4 3) This is indeed a very bold inter—
interpretation
means
pretation but
it
his purpose, to show that "the Icelan
ders ... never fully accepted Christian conceptions of marriage"
and "that many (most?) rural Icelandic adults lived in de facto
sexual unions for some time in their lives, just as many Ice—
serves
landers do to—day.
ll
44)
registration of nuptiality in one of the three
districts in 1729 is in fact exactly the same kind of registra
tion as the one which was practised in all the Icelandic
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The
"imperfect"
districts during the countrywide census of 1703. 45) If Hansen's
criterium for nuptiality in the 1729 census is used for the
1703 census, all the marriages
1703 would be of an "implicit"
nature. This would through Tomasson's misunderstanding mean
that no Icelanders were married in 1703 while quite a lot of
them were cohabiting at the time.
42)
Statistics of Iceland,
Ibid, p. 18.
43)
Tomasson, 1977,
41)
44)
45)
p.
II,
59,
op.cit.,
p.
10.
422.
Ibid, p. 424.
By linguistic standards this registration
first,
is sufficiently clear.
followed by that of his wife,
thereafter the names of their children came. This was the order
stipulated in the census regulations. Usually, but not always,
the words "his wife" and "their children", followed the respec
The name
tive
of the husband
came
names.
"perfect" registration of the two districts in 1729
followed a new pattern. After the names of both the husband and
the wife the specification "married couple" always followed. Only
people with this specification were counted as explicitly married
in the aggregates of Hans Olof Hansen.
The more
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21.
Tomasson's
fundamental
mistake
is that
he
to the most
too limited material
comes
general conclusions on the basis of much
and without ever seriously studying the socio—economic rela—
tionships in his research area. This mistake may largely be
explained by the influence of the romantic tradition in Ice
landic historiography in seeing contemporarylceland as a
logical continuation of
of the vikings
Was
an
idealized version of "the Iceland
and the Sagas".
illegitimacy
the "Nordic"
ratio
unique?
of his articles in this way: "The Nordic
countries differ from other Western societies in their long
histories of premarital sexualpermissiveness". 47) The author's
evidence for this "sexual permissiveness" is primarily the
high illegitimacy ratio in certain Nordic regions during the
19th and the 20th centuries, with Iceland usually having the
highest one, or in Tomasson's words: "(Iceland's) uniquely
high level of illegitimacy that has always characterized this
most isolated of Western societies".48)
Tomasson4 6)
starts
one
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It is
of course quite unacceptable to assume that high illegiti—
macy ratios are some kind of a function of sexual permissiveness
in 19th century societies. On the contrary there is much evi—
dence to support the thesis that a high degree of illegitimacy
may best be explained by various kinds of oppression of the poor
and especially of the poor women. For instance increase in the
prohibition on the marriage of the poor led frequently to an
increase in theillegitimacy ratio, at least during the 19th
46)
47)
48)
Tomasson, 1976,
Ibid,
Ibid,
op.cit.
p. 252.
p.
253-254.
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22.
Figure 2.
The
illegitimacy
ratio in Iceland
1770—1978.
Illegitimate
ratio
35
30
25
20
15
10
5
N70
80
_90
1800
1830 “LG
50
60
7O
80
90 1900
10
20
30.
40 1950
60
Sources: For the 18th century, Skyrslur um landshagi, vol I,
p. 338, Copenhagen 1858. For 1827-1974, Statistics of Iceland,
63, Reykjavik, 1976. As fortjuamost recent years (1975-1978)
I rely on reports from the Statistical Bureau of Iceland which
have been published in newspapers.
II,
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70
18th century data only applied to the southern bishopric of
Iceland. There lived, however, during the 18th century 74.1 to
76.5% of the country's population and data existing for the
northern bishopric 1791-1796 indicates clearly that then the
The
illegitimacy ratio was virtually the same in both of the
bishoprics.
The series include all births, i.e. also still births. This is
because we do not have access to long term series of illegiti
country's
mate
still births,
only the total number.
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23.
Table
5
Long term changes
1845
~50
in the illegitimacy
ratio in
1865
1876
1887
1901
—69
—80
—91
1896
1900
-10
European
some
1911
-20
1921
—30
1931
-40
9.5
7.7
7.5
8.6 12.1
9.4
7.3
5.9
5.2
4.8
5.0
5.5
7.2
14.5 13.8 14.7 14.3 12.7 24.1 23.3
20.5 20.6 12.9 14.0 13.7 12.5
7.5
8.1
7.5
7.8
7.7
7.4
8.6 10.8 11.5
Hungary
Italy
Austria
Bavaria
Prussia
Germany
West—Germany
Portugal
France
England and
Wales
7.4
7.6
7.2
8.4
12.1
9.1
countries.
1941
1951
—50
—60
1961
-68
7.0
5.2
4.0
3.1
2.1
19.2 14.7 11.7
11.5 1) 7.8
12.8 10.8
8.1
6.4
10.9 12.9 13.5
9.0 10.4
8.6
4.9
8.3
6.0
6.7
4.9
4.4
6.2
4.9
7.6
6.0
4.8
4.5
4.1
3.9
9.5 10.2 13.7
8.8
9.8 10.0 10.2 11.4 12.7 15.0 15.4 13.9
13.9 16.6 20.7 19.9 15.6 13.5 13.2 14.0 20.9 25.6 26.0 27.7
Sweden
Iceland
Only the years 1945-1950
Sources: For Sweden Historical
1)
Statistics of Iceland
II,
Statistics, Population.
63.
For Iceland
all other countries: 1) 1845-1850, Zeitschrift des Koniglich
Bayerischen Statistichen Bureaus, Munich, 1879. 2) 1865-1891, Bulletin
For
L’Institut International
de Statistique, vol. 7, 2nd and 3rd part,
vol. 20, 2nd part, Vienna, 1915. 3) 1896—1968, S.F. Hartley:
Illegitimacy, University of California Press, 1975.
de
1894,
Rome
Table
6
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Long term averages
Iceland
1830—1870
1871-1900
1901-1930
1931-19602)
1960—1974
1
2
In Iceland
till
‘
10.9
10.1
11.0
8.3
10.5
29.1
1771—1800
till
In Iceland
1972.
Norway
Denmark
9.61)
14.5
19.0
13.6
24.2
1771-1800
ratio in
of the illegitimacy
1974,
in
for
countries.
Sweden
4.5
8.0
7.9
6.9
5.5
5.7
only statistics
the Nordic
3.9
8.5
10.6
14.4
11.2
16.9
70—75%
Sweden and Norway
till
of the population.
1973, in Denmark
Sources: Sources are the national statistics of each country, published
statistical bureaus, with the exception of 18th cen—
by the respective
tury Iceland where the source is SkYrslur um landshagi, vol. 1.
Copenhagen
1858.
it is interesting to note Laslett's estimation of the
ratio in 18th century England (for 1771-1800), but it
For comparison
illegitimacy
was
and
5.8%.
trends in bastardy in England, In Family life
love in earlier generations, Cambridge 1977, p 116-117.)
(Long-term
illicit
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24.
century. 49) To this we may add the sexual exploitation of
50,51)
women servants by their masters.
illegitimacy ratio of the Nordic countries.
Was it really as exceptionally high as Tomasson has claimed? Was
Iceland unique in this respect?
But going back to the
49)
50)
This is discussed in some detail here above.
Jonas Frykman has discussed the various aspects of sexual
oppression in the old peasant society. In some southern regions
in
51)
found
Sweden he
clear positive relation
a
between
the degree
of social oppression and the illegitimacy ratio. Horan i bonde—
samhallet, 1977, op.cit. Sexual Intercourse and Social Norms.
A Study of Illegitimate Births in Sweden 1831-1933.
Ethnologia Scandinavia, A Journal for Nordic Ethnology 1975.
There is statistics from Prussia for the years 1877—1886 showing
the social background of 1) the fathers of legitimate children,
2) the mothers of illegitimate children. These statistics very
clearly show that it was the poor who mainly procured the ille
gitimate children. There is every reason to think that the situa—
tion was similar in other European countries, including Iceland.
-
Illegitimacy
social groups in Prussia 1877—1886.
Occupational groups. Social groups Percentage of the Illegitimate
children's guar- fertility rate
dians
for different
Fathersof Motherssocial groups
legitimate of ille- per 100 women
children gitiaged 15—50.
Table A,
and
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mate
children
1. Farm and domestic sevants
2. Unspecified occupation1)
3. Textile and unskilled urban
4.
5.
3.3
0.8
labourers
Engaged
in 1 and
All
in farming, not included
2
other occupations
Total percentage
guardians
Illegitimacy
aged
1. As
15-50
for
rate for
women:
"haustochter",
Source:
of children's
groups per
Unspecified
"daughters
Zeitschrift
Bureaus,
all
des
Berlin
44.8
11.5
3.6
0.9
16.2
19.1
4.3
36.9
42.8
21.7
2.9
3.3
1.3
100.0
100.0
100
"
women
2.6
occupation consists mainly of
at home".
Koniglich Preussischen Statistischen
1889,
p.
193—194.
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25.
gives a definite answer
There were certainly great differences in
Data from most European countries
in the negative.
the European illegitimacy ratio, but the top is not in the
Nordic countries but in the German speaking areas of Central
Europe. If we make an illegitimacy map of 19th century Europe
"the center of illegitimacy" would seem to start in the Roman
Catholic Carinthia (Karnten) in Austria, dramatically decreasing
as we enter the Italian and especially the Slovene speaking
areas in the south and the east and the Tirol region and
especially the Swiss cantons in the west. To the north of
Caranthia the level of illegitimacy was high, but it decreased
further one came to the north or from the top of ca. 40% in
Carinthia to ca. 25% in Upper Austria to ca. 14% in Bohemia,
Bavaria and Saxony, to ca. 10% in East Prussia. 52) Both to the
east and to the west of this "belt", illegitimacy was much
lower, however, a new height was in Wallonia and North—Eastern
France, where the illegitimacy ratio was slightly above 10%
which is the same as the late 19th century national aggregates
for Sweden and Denmark. But in these last two countries there
were great regional differences and in the South Swedish regions
of Skéne and Blekinge the illegitimacy ratio was comparatively
high throughout the 19th century.53) Two isolated phenomena
were outside this belt, Iceland with an illegitimacy ratio of
Portugal with a ratio of 12% during the 18905. By
contrast, in Russia the illegitimacy ratio was ca. 2%, in
Greece 1.2%, in the French Alpine regions 2—3%, in Ireland 2.8%.
and
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19%
In table
timacy
5
we
can
ratio, or
see
some
examples of long term European
the development
illegi
from the 19th century to the
20th century for various countries. But
it
must
be emphasized
late
that
chronological comparison may be very misleading. The fac—
tors behind the illegitimacy ratio of a 20th century urbanized
society are of course not the same as the causes for illegiti—
macy in an agrarian society although some continuity may exist.
such
52)
a
period studied for analysing the "illegitimacy belt" in
Europe was mainly the 18905. The regions in Austria cover the
period 1895-1898, in France 1890—1892, in Prussia 1875—1907.
The
The
source: Bulletin de LInstitut International de Statistique,
p.20, Rome 1894, vol XX, part 2, p. 461—
2 & 3,
vol. VII, parts
476,
53)
Vienna
Frykman,
1915.
1975,
op.cit.
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26.
If
consider the 20th century evidence the assumed "uniqueness"
of the Nordic countries loses all its meaning. Also during both
centuries the trend divergency between the different countries
are great and is indeed impossible to find any single cause
for the changes in the trends. Thus in some countries urbaniza—
tion was accompanied by a lower illegitimacy ratio, in other
countries it was accompanied by a higher ratio. In the case of
Austria after 1918 the increase in the illegitimacy ratio was
probably only the consequence of new political boundaries.
we
Icelandic illegitimacy
The
ratio
was always
relatively high.
But the great divergency compared
to other European countries
in this trend was after 1930 when it began to increase in
Iceland while becoming lower elsewhere. But prior to 1930 at
least it is easy to explain the high ratio in Iceland. The fluc—
tuations in illegitimacy were then primarily the function of the
changing nuptiality ratio. An analysis of the general illegiti
mate fertility rate shows this clearly, but it remained almost
constant until ca 1925 while the illegitimacy ratio fluctuated
very much during the same period. See in this context tables
1,
5
&
7.
Also in 19th century Iceland there were
some
regional differen
in the illegitimacy ratio and the nuptiality ratio. It
is of special interest to note that there was a good correlation
between nuptiality and legitimacy.
The higher the percentage of
district,
married women in the
the higher the degree of legiti
macy. There is one exception to this rule: The greater the region
was involved in fishing and the more it was subject to changes
in the occupational structure, the higher the illegitimacy ratio
and the rate tended to become. In figure 3 the correlation
between nuptiality and legitimacy in Iceland 1860-1870 is shown.
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ces both
Four
districts representing
tion (in
+0.74.
tion)
If
1860)
the
are not included.
four districts
are included,
nuptiality rates
All this
14.6%
and
the
total popula—
correlation coefficient is
of the country's
The
(with fishing as the main occupa
correlation coefficient
between
the
legitimacy ratio would be +0.625.
the fact that the illegitimacy ratio in 19th
closely
followed the general European pattern.
century Iceland
The uniqueness in the Icelandic illegitimacy ratio is a 20th
emphasizes
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27.
Figure
3
covariation (and the correlation coefficient) between the
percentage of married women in the age group 15—50 and the
legitimacy ratio in fifteen Icelandic districts 1860/1870.
The
Percentage
————————————————— ——
Legitimacy
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ratio
of
15—50
women
married
Legitimacy ratio
Percentage
of married
women
90
46
88
44
86
42
84
40
82
38
80
36
78
34
76
32
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
9
8
10
11
12
13
14
Four Icelandic districts are not included in this comparison.
Reykjavik, Gullbring
These are the districts of Vestmannaeyjar,
SnaefellsnessYsla,
fishing as the most
all
and
areas
with
usYsla
important occupation instead of farming which predominated in
the rest of the country. The fishing areas were in a state of
relative decline 1860-1870. See text for further explanation.
of two years, 1860 and
Skyrslur um landshagi, vol.
The average
Source:
p.
584-585.
1870,
3,
p.
is
shown
215—216
in the figure.
and
vol.5,
15
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28.
starting around
explanation for
this phenomena are many, but none of them has anything to do
with Old Iceland.
century phenomena,
1930.
The
The
"sexual revolution" in Iceland
The
rise in illegitimacy in Iceland during
the 19th century
is
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of course no isolated phenomena. It may be described as a part
of a European process, old constraints were not as effective
as before in preventing unmarried people from cohabiting while
they were effective in preventing the marriage of the poor.
In Iceland, as in Continental Europe, the learned observers
were very well aware of the socio—political implications of
the rising illegitimacy ratio. The author Arnljotur Olafsson
wrote the following words in a book published 1858: "After
1787 illegitimacy
began to rise as the trade became freeer.
Early during this century Magnfis Stephensen (a crown official
in Iceland, in 1808) noticed this and he discussed (in this
context) the increasing "vigour" among the people and the
shortage of land for new farmsteads".54) The author then
compares, in the article quoted here, illegitimacy in Iceland
and in other countries and he shows that while the illegitimacy
ratio was high in Iceland, the illegitimacy rate was not
particularily high in the country.5 5) His conclusion was that
the low nuptiality ratio in Iceland explained the high illegiti—
macy ratio and he stated with some indignation: "Those who
know the situation in Iceland and in other countries, they
see clearly that the number of children born out of wedlock
in Iceland is not the consequence of any promiscuity or immo
rality among the people".56) Here the author obviously has in
mind that "increased vigour" during the early 19th century
was no
54)
56)
phenomena.
Olafsson, A., in SkYrslur um landshagi, vol. 1, op.cit. p. 373.
Olafsson is here quoting the book of Magnfis Stephensen, Island
i
55)
isolated Icelandic
det attende
Aarhundrade.
Ibid, p. 337. See also tables 7—8 for further explanation
the rate and the ratio of illegitimacy.
Ibid,
p.
374.
of
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29.
Magnfis
Stephensen'
observations
s
Arnljotur Olafsson in
in
from 1808 and the ideas of
with the thesis
put forward by E. Shorter regarding the socalled sexual revo
lution in Modern Europe.57) All three agree on the timing for
the increased vigour (or the sexual revolution) all three relate
it to the increased conception of personal freedom and all see
that this increased vigour must lead to increased illegitimacy
if the authorites would not become more tolerant in allowing
poor people to marry. The toleration of the authorities regarding
the marriage
1858
of the poor
are
good harmony
was dependent on the
situation
on the
labour and the land market.
Shorter's general outline of the "sexual revolution"
be well applicable
to 19th century Iceland.
Law,
J.
marriage
Knodel
marriage
illegitimacy
and
has found
and a low
a good
seems
to
in Nineteenth Century Iceland.
correlation between restrictions
nuptiality rate
on one hand and a
on
high
illegitimacy ratio on the other for 19th century Germany.58)
My findings about 19th century Iceland are in good harmony with
Knodel's thesis. Laslett, however, has found that when the total
fertility rahewentdown in England, the illegitimacy ratio went
59)
down as well.
contradicting the general
yglpg of Knodel's observations? I do not think so. Laslett
and Knodel are dealing with different periods, with different
sets of values and social constraints. Secondly: The question
of the total fertility rate is important in this aspect. In
a society accepting population increase there is obviously
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Are
57)
58)
59)
Laslett's findings for
Shorter,
Edward:
Illegitimacy,
in Modern Europe.
History, Autumn 1971.
Knodel.J.: Law, Marriage
Change
England
The
Sexual Revolution and Social
Journal of Interdisciplinary
and
Illegitimacy
in Nineteenth—
Population Studies, vol. XX, No. 3 1967.
Laslett: Long term trends in bastardy in England, published
love in earlier generations",
in "Family life and
Century
op.cit.
Germany,
illicit
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30.
attitude to bastardy than in
restraints on population growth.60)
another
a
society with great
society where the traditional restraints
on extramarital relations had been weakened to such a degree
that new legal restraints had to be introduced. Laslett's
study of a simultaneously declining illegitimacy and decli
ning fertility dealt with English regions during the 17th
century when traditional restraints still were intact.
Knodel was studying
a
Icelandic evidence from the 18th century shows that during
years of great hunger and demographic crisis general fertility
illegitimate fertility declined more
legitimate fertility. This is not surprising. When child
declined very much,61)
than
bearing was considered
illegitimate births
but
a
social evil. the COnstraints preventing
became
stronger than ever.
When
the
opposite situation arose, when childbearing was considered a
love would be
social benefit, the toleration towards
expected to increase. This can operate quite independantly of
the nuptiality rate because increased toleration of
love does not neccessarily bring about increased toleration
regarding the marriage of the poor. This has often been over—
looked.
illicit
illicit
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60)
The
"concateneated
in this respect.
theory" of S.F. Hartley is of some interest
states that while high nuptiality will
She
inevitably lead to a low illegitimacy ratio, low nuptiality
"does not neccessarily lead to a large proportion of births out
of wedlock". The degree of social sanctions decides how close
is between a low nuptiality ratio and a high
illegitimacy ratio. "Other things being equal, restrictions
on marriage would be expected to produce increased proportions
of births out of wedlock". (Hartley, op.cit. p. 121). But
the connection
quite often other things were not equal.
61)
causal link between starvation and decreased fertility is
obviously both of a social and a biological nature. Here I deal
only with the social aspects.
solvi Sogner, op.cit., has discussed the causal link between
starvation and low fertility and has stated that "the two sets
of explanations (the social and the biological) do not exclude
but supplement one another" (p.119).
As for the societal response, I avoid the use of such words
The
individual active participation in limiting nuptial fertility
during years of starvation. Usually no "free will" or "individual
as
choice" consciously
made
was
involved here. For instance,
during
economic crisis poor couples were frequently seperated, either
through the efforts of the communal authorities (the usual
the societal control broke down,
pauperization procedure) or
illegal
vagrancy.
through the cruel fate of
if
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31.
The
classical
authorities in the communes or
the administration of poor relief. From their
was safer to tolerate illegitimate children
problem of the
the parishes was
point of view it
than to allow poor people to be married. The most common
individual fecundity was one child although examples may easily
In marriage the expected fecundity could
be given of more.
hardly be less than four or five children.
illicit
This does not
timacy.
had
disliked it but as
into relation to other evils.
Of course
to put
Relative
it
liked illegi—
practical men they
that the communal authorities
mean
they
illegitimacy.
thing, the illegitimacy ratio
is another and there need not be any logical connection between
the two. In a society favouring high fertility while fearing
the childbearing of the poor, we might expect a high legitimate
fertility rate, a low nuptiality ratio and, perhaps, a high
illegitimacy ratio while the illegitimacy fertility rate is not
neccessarily high. This was the situation in 19th century Ice—
Sexual permissiveness
one
all
kinds of combinations of these different
demographic variables. A very low nuptiality ratio would probably
lead to a dramatic decline in the size of the population if other
factors would not neutralize its effects. The most logical one
would be a very high legitimacy fertility rate. Laslett has
observed the combination of these two phenomena, stating that
"there actually were more children to a marriage when fertility
was low than when fertility was high".62) But it would a priori
fertility rate
be very difficult to estimate the illegitimacy
in these circumstances. It would vary very much from one period
to another, from one country to another, being dependant on
the strength of social sanctions and various cultural factors.
While a low nuptiality rate would, other things being equal,
tend to raise the relative number of illegitimate children,
the high legitimacy fertility rate wouldtendto lower it.
land. There are
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is
62)
Laslett, op.cit. p. 131. By fertility he means here, of course,
the total fertility in society, not within the individual
families.
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32.
Table
7
legitimate and the illegitimate
in Iceland in differentpperiods.
The
fertility
rate per year
of births/Number of women in fertile age - 100
(illegitimate births/unmarried women) (legitimate births/married
Number
women).
Fertile
age
is
here defined as the age group
15—44.
In the third column there is shown the relative illegitimacy
rate, that is the illegitimacy rate divided with the legitimate
rate (~100).
Period
fertility
1966—70
1971
1972
1973
Source:
Statistics of Iceland,
1876—85
1886—95
1897-1906
1906-15
1916-25
1926-35
1936-45
1946—55
1956-60
1961-65
II
Illegitimate
38.0
32.4
34.7
31.9
29.6
28.7
27.3
22.8
18.8
19.6
19.0
16.7
13.0
12.0
12.7
12.0
1865-65
1866-75
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I
Legitimate fertility rate %
rate
%
3.7
4.2
3.8
3.5
3.1
2.6
2.6
3.0
4.2
6.7
8.1
7.9
7.6
7.6
8.3
8.3
II,
63, Reykjavik
II/I
III 100
-
9.7
13.0
11.0
11.0
10.5
9.1
9.5
13.2
22.3
34.2
42.6
47.3
58.5
63.3
65.4
69.2
1976.
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33.
Table
8
Legitimate and illegitimate fertility rates in different
countries in different periods.
I:
Legitimate
of married
fertility
rate
aged
women
II: Illegitimate fertility
15—50
rate
births/no. of unmarried
100,
=
no. of
women
The
aged
illegitimate
15—50
100,
-
in
IV:
The
relative illegitimate fertility rate = The illegitimate
fertility rate/the legitimate fertility rate 100, in
1896—1905.
relative illegitimate
1896—1905
Legitimate
fertility
rate
Austria—
Hungary)
Italy
Switzerland
France
Belgium
Neatherlands
EnglandZ)
Imperial Ger
many
Denmark
Sweden
Finland
Norwa
Japan
)
Australia3)
Iceland4)
fertile
are 1897-1906
III
IV
1896—1905
fertility
legitimate
legitimate
rate
rate
1874—1891
Illegitimate Relative
rate
1.9
0.9
1.8
1.7
0.6
0.8
25.3
21.7
21.9
24.5
24.7
21.0
21.0
(29.6)
il— Relative
2.6
2.3
2.3
1.7
1.5
2.9
1.2
16.9
8.2
4.0
12.9
8.0
2.2
3.9
17.8
9.8
4.3
10.2
7.5
10.3
11.4
10.5
6.9
9.8
4.8
6.1
13.8
5.7
10.5
(3.1)
11.0
only called Austria.
1874—1891
called England
1874-1891
age of women is here
and 1876-1895.
15-44
and Wales.
and the
periods
Sorces: For Iceland Statistics of Iceland II, 63. For all
other countries Bulletin de L’Institut International
de
Statistigue,
1874-1891:
vol VII, dieuxieme livraison
et derniere, p. 18-19. For 1896—1905: '____'__"
vol. XX,
livraison,
dieuxieme
il—
fertility
fertility
4.1
Only the years 1901-1905.
The
rate 1874—1891.
1896-1905
24.2
23.2
22.4
14.0
21.3
27.2
20.3
In the source for
In the source for
fertility
II
I
Country
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legitimate births/no.
in 1896-1905.
-
1896—1905.
III:
1.
2.
3.
4.
no. of
=
p.
292—296.
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34.
that the illegitimacy ratio in Iceland before
1800 was around 10%. This was a society with an extremely
low nuptiality ratio, only 28 to 45% of women in fertile
age were married. This means that 55 to 72 % of the women
gave birth to 10 % of the children. If the illegitimacy
We
have
seen
ratio in
1703
was
10
the
%,
relative illegitimacy
fertility
rate would then have been 4.3 %.63) But due to the increase
in social sanctions during demographic and economic crises
in "subsistance" economies, we might expect a lower illegiti—
macy ratio in 1703, perhaps as low as existed in some years
of hunger during the late 18th century which was 6 to 7%. That
ratio would be very low indeed considering how many women were
not married.
in table 1 the percentage of married women
became lower in Iceland during the period 1850—1870, while
there was some increase in the illegitimacy ratio. Still in
1901 there were relatively fewer married women than in 1850.
The illegitimacy ratio was highest 1876—1891.
As we can
If
see
consider the regional differences we find that the rela—
tively greatest nuptiality was in the farming areas in the
north and the east while it was lowest in the south and the
west. Both fertility and total population increase shows the
same pattern.
This is indeed remarkable. The areas with the
we
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most
traditional
farming
economy
expanded
more than the areas
in the occupational structure. We
)
may find some answer in the available statistics64
which
decline,
indicate a relative stagnation, if not sometimes a
during the period in the growth of the economic sector most
mainly affected
by changes
likely to encourage new economic development, but this was
the cod fisheries in the south and the west while better
communications and trade decreased the vulnerability of old
farming
63)
64)
See here
areas
of terms.
to hunger during years of hardship.
tables
7—8
for comparison
and
available statistics used here of
for the definition
two kinds: 1. The number
1850—1900. (Source: Gils Guomundsson,
Skutuél—
din, vol. 4, p. 35—44, Reykjavik 1977). These declined in abso—
lute number 1850—1880. 2. The export statistics. (Source:
63, op.cit,) The importance of pro—
Statistics of Iceland,
ducts from the cod fisheries in the total value of exports
in relation to the products from the
was constant 1880—1900
farming sextor, although there was during this period some
increase in the number of decked vessels which was used in the
cod fisheries. Mechanization in the fishering fleet did not
The
of decked vessels
II,
start until the 20th century.
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35.
In the Icelandic society 1850—1870 there are clear indicators
supporting the thesis that production was lagging behind the
population increase. There was a remarkable increase in the
number of paupers during this period, in 1850 paupers were
1.9 % of the total population, 1860 the percentage was 2.7,
in 1870 it was 5.6.65) The total number of households decreased
while the population incrased. 66)
In 1870 the legal punishment for simple fornication 67) and
adultery were abolished. 68) This, together with the very low
nuptiality ratio at the time may explain the rapidly rising
illegitimacy ratio. Also the illegitimacy fertility rate in
creased, although far less than the ratio.
history of the late 19th century Iceland thus
example of the general pattern evident in the
The demographic
gives
a good
crisis
nuptiality rate
less
fertility.
probably, we may add, a higher degree of
illegitimacy. Here, however, the question of the strength of
the traditional and judicial sanctions enter and it is reason—
able to assume that these were more effective in 1703 than
during the late 19th century.
1703
census:
Economic
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69) And
65)
Skyrslur
66)
p.
Ibid,
um
landshagi,
>
low
op.cit. vol.
V, p.
>
340-342.
313.
67)
Simple fornication: When both delinquents were unmarried
they were not related to each other through family.
68)
Skyrslur
69)
um
landshagi,
The prominent
op.cit. vol.V,
Icelandic writer
p.
and
600—601.
on economic
affairs, Arnljotur
Olafsson was in 1858 quite certain that the low nuptiality
ratio in the country was caused by the low productivity in
farming and fishing, making it impossible for the labourers
to earn daily wages instead of being in annual service in the
farmers’ household. (See Skyrslur um landshagi, vol. 1,
p.
379).
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36.
Table
9
factors changing the illegitimacy ratio in Iceland
The
1790—1977.
of married women (the nuptiality ratio) and the
legitimacy fertility rate are negatively related to the illegi
timacy ratio while the illegitimacy fertility rate is positively
related to it.
The percentage
Percentage
married
of
women
Legitimate fertility rate
Illegitimate
Illegitimacy
ratio
Increase from
9% to 14%
Increase to 17%
Increase to 20%
fertility
rate
1790—1850
Increase?
Constant?
Sharp increase
1850—1870
Decline
Constant for
Constant
Constant
Constant
Decline
Decline
Decline
Sharp increase
Increase
1870-1895
Decline
20+
1896-1930
1930-1940
1940—1965
1965-1970
1971-1973
1974—1977
Slow increase
Constant
Increase
Slow increase
Slow increase
Constant
Sharp decline
Constant
Sharp decline
Constant
Constant
Sharp increase
Constant
Decrease to
Increase to
Constant
Increase to
Increase to
Increase to
is selected as a suitable date with respect to
after the demographic catastrophe of 1784—1786.
For periods prior to 1930 the annual average of the illegiti
macy ratio is shown, thereafter the rise to the last year of
the period. As for further explanations, see text, and tables
The year
1790
1,
7
the recovery
5
and
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found.
Fertility
also the neccessary source references are
where
and
nuptiality in
modern
Iceland.
illegitimacy ratio reflects various other demographic
phenomena, mainly the percentage of married women in fertile
The
legitimate
age and both the
of
women.
Table
9
is
factors led to
ratio in Iceland.
which
and
illegitimate fertility rates
of tables 1, 5 and 7. It shows
rise or a decline in the illegitimacy
a summary
a
in table
of married women in
exceptions, mainly 1850—
1870 when the nuptiality ratio declined due to a shortage of
available land for the establishment of separate production
units in an agrarian society. The 1930s were also an excep—
tion because of the economic depression, also the period from
1974 onwards when the increase in divorces neutralized any
increase in the number of new marriages.
As we can
creased
see
most
1
the percentage
of the period with
some
14%
25%
30%
34%
36%
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37.
legitimacy fertility rate has been declining in Iceland
as in other countries in Europe. This decline started rela—
tively late in Iceland (1866—1875) and synchronized with a
(relativly late) fall in the infant death rate. The Icelandic
"baby boom"70) started as elsewhere during the 1940s but it
lasted in Iceland for a relatively long period, or
ca.
fertility
1965. During this period the legitimate
rate was
constant, in some years it even went up.
The
till
fluctuations in the illegitimacy
The
well with the European experience
itthereafter.The
prolonged
fertility
till
Icelandic
1930
"baby
rate harmonize
but diverge from
boom"
1940-1965
was in fact both the function of the rising illegitimacy fer—
tility rate and the rapidly rising nuptiality ratio. The two
factors neutralized each other with respect to the illegiti—
macy ratio.
of the present illegitimacy ratio
shows that it primarily may be explained by first births and
an increase in the illegitimacy rate and ratio among young
women,
especially below the ages of 20 and 25. 46.5 % of all
illegitimate births 1966—1970 was given by women under the
age of 20. During the 19th century "high illegitimacy period"
in Iceland, the female age group below twenty only gave birth
to 3% of all the illegitimate children.71)
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Another
type of decomposition
of the parents of children who were born out of wedlock
1966—1970
were living in the same home during this period.
Undoubtedly many of the remaining 61.1 % who were registered
in separate homes intended to establish together own house—
holds later. But de facto unions with children constituted
only 3 % of all family nuclei for the period 1964—1970. 72)
38.9
70)
71)
72)
%
in this context is of course the sudden increase
which started in most western societies during the
second world war. See here, for instance, Easterlin: "The
American baby boom in historical perspective", National Bureau
of Economic Research. Occasional Paper no. 79, New York 1962.
The
in
"baby
boom"
fertility
The sources
61 and 63.
for these calculations are Statistics of Iceland
Statistics of Iceland,
people
aged
16+
II,
II,
61, p. 15. In these statistics all
counted as "families", separate from their
regardless
they were living in the home
were
parents' families,
of their parents or not.
if
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38.
noticing postponements in the marriages of the
parents of illegitimate children. It needs to be reemphasized
We
are obviously
that these are 20th century phenomena in Iceland.
of nuptiality is indeed the only explanation
which until now has been given regarding the present high ille
gitimate rate and ratio in Iceland. But no serious analysis
has been made for studying the reason for this postponement
nor for any other plausible causes for the high illegitimate
The postponement
rate.
it
No
attempt
will
would be beyond
be
made
the scope
essay and anyway the neccessary
It is sufficient
here to do such an
analysis
as
of this paper as an historical
for this purpose is lacking.
of the elements usually
fertility rate in modern
data
to state that most
connected with a high illegitimate
western society are present in Iceland today. 73) For instance
very rapid urbanization, a high percentage of young people,
the disapperance of old traditional values, improved possibi
lities of the young to earn their living combined with a great
housing shortage.
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It is
to emphasize that these objective factors
belong to the very young largely urban community known as modern
Iceland and these did not exist in the present form in the rural
Iceland of the old days. This clearly indicates the danger in—
volved in the application of the mechanistic evolutionism which
has characterized some studies of Iceland's development.
73)
neccessary
In this context
see
Hartley, op.cit.
and
Easterlin,
op.cit.
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39.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Islands (Acta Comitorum Generalium
vol. 1—11, Reykjavik 1912-1969.
Albingisbaekur
=
Albb.
.
Icelendie),
Annalar
Islandici Posteriorum
(Annales
1400—1800
Reykjavik
I—,
...
Ver8lag fornt og nytt
Bualdgpeour
Lausamenn
og Lausgangara,
Bfialég
ver8lag og allskonar venjur
um
Hrappsey
livraison,
Carlsson,
1775.
i
viéskiptum og buskap
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