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The sex ratio, the infant mortality and adjoining societal response
in pretransitional Iceland / Gisli Gunnarsson.
Gísli Gunnarsson, 1938Lund : Ekonomisk-Historiska Institutionen, Lunds universitet, 1983.
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Lunds Universitet
THE SEX RATIO, THE INFANT
MORTALITY AND ADJ OINING
SOCIETAL RESPONSE IN PRE
TRANSITIONAL ICELAND
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Giin Gunnarsson
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uh“.-
‘Q‘ry , .
THE SEX RATIO, THE INFANT
MORTALITY AND ADJOINING
SOCIETAL RESPONSE IN PRE
TRANSITIONAL ICELAND
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Gisli Gunnarsson
Meddelande från Ekonomisk-historiska institutionen
Nr 32, 1983, Lunds universitet
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OL//U
DL
35'7
653
ISSN 0348—680—X
©
1
”Lunds universitet,
Ekonomisk-historiska institutionen,
Printed in Sweden
AV—cent ralen
Lund
1983.
5
I
In table 1 we can see the Icelandic sex ratio at different
dates. The lowest number of men was in 1785; this was at
the end of the demographic catastrophe 1784/1785 when the
population decline was 19,0%. (1) This decline was mainly
to starvation
due
deaths.
But also after
of
periods
population growth there were far more women than men, for
instance in 1769 and in 1801 and this sex ratio "anomaly"
existed throughout the 19th century.
Table 1.
The sex ratio in Iceland at different points of time.
Males per 1000 females.
Iceland
Sweden (for comparison)
1703:
1769:
1785:
1801:
1835:
1750:887
1850:
1870:
1901:
1930:
832
843
784
839
898
913
903
919
968
912
919
914
940
940
937
953
968
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1974:1022
Sources:
998(1967)
The published
national statistics.
11
The classical explanation for the sex ratio in Old Iceland (2)
has been the great number of drowning accidents at sea due
to the technically backwards boats used in the dangerous
ﬁsheries. Valentin August Heinze expressed this opinion in
1789 (3),
Sigurdur Hansen in 1858 (4) and several other
writers did this from the 18th to the 20th century (5), in
short this explanation has been the commonly accepted truth
for at least two hundred years.
Certainly the Icelandic
fisheries were dangerous to
human life and definately contributed to the anomalous sex
The very fact that the relative surplus of women
highest after demographic crises points, however, in
another direction: The sex ratio was basically the result of
the very high mortality rate in Iceland, due to the simple
reason that women generally and in all age categories tend to
have better survival posibilities than men.
The general low survival rate for men was also noted by
The Icelandic bishop Hannes
some
18th century writers.
Finnsson wrote in the early 1790s that more men than women
died during famine periods in Iceland.(7) But the low male
survival ratio was indeed a general "European" phenomenon
as one writer has pointed out: "The higher rate of male
mortality was a well established phenomenon (1500-1700). It
was found in every
Thus "the balance
age group".(8)
between the sexes was frequently upset". The 'frauenfrage'
was an old classical problem, existing at least since the
Middle Ages. "Statistically this excess easily reached 20 % to
30 96.
In particular cases (immediately after epidemics, in
troubled periods... it could well surpass 50 is". (9)(10)
ratio.(6)
was
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III
for men in the
hazards
Relatively
great
occupational
of course
one
active
were
economically
groups
age
explanation for the relatively high male mortality in these
age groups. But as a study of table 2 reveals, the sex ratio
already well pronounced
during childhood,
was
anomaly
especially when we consider the natural birth surplus of male
infants.
A comparison between Iceland in 1703 and Sweden 1800
shows that the relatively high death rate of males in the
economically active age groups was almost as pronounced in
Sweden as in Iceland. The difference between the two was
basically due to the sex ratio anomaly among the Icelandic
children. The study of the particular Icelandic sex ratio is
primarlily the study of the very high infant
therefore
mortality in the country. Related to that study is the
investigation of foetal deaths and the death rate of children
in the age group 1—14, as well as the sex ratio at birth.
IV
If
in
the changes of the sex ratio of the different age groups
time in Iceland
are considered,
it is obvious that
demographic crises (or demographic expansions) are the only
causal
explanations
reasonable
for
these
changes .
particular
crises
were
of
importance
Demographic
during the
following periods:
1.
2.
3.
Table
1696—1702.
1756—1758
(1759).
1784-1785 (1786).
Evident in the census of 1801.
2 .
The sex ratio in Iceland at different points of time and in
different age categories. Males per 1000 females.
22:23
22:2;
Total
Sources:
888
888
888
888
888
888
888
888
818
888
832
784
The published
By contrast
1800
13??
1822
992
1333
1332
975
839
913
919
333 333
1881
1974
i833
1332
:22:
>
2;:
888
1901
12:2
8;; :88
22:23
1850
8:2 32$ 231 233
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22:23
1801
a:
32233
In Sweden
1785
222
32233
1703
22: as; as: 32? 333 338 322
12213
In Iceland the years:
2::
223
Age
groups
1022
887
national statistics.
the period 1787—1801 was characterized
by a
great demographic expansion (an average annual increase of
1,6%).
This was especially
pronounced
1794—1801
(the
average increase beeing 2,0%, with an average annual birth
rate of 4.3%). Even in the census 1901, the last hunger
desease period in Iceland (1881—1883)
seems to be reﬂected
in the sex ratio. (The difference between age groups 15—19
and 20—24).
Table 3.
Sex ratio at birth
and girls.
boys
and the age of one. Infant mortality of
with Sweden
(Comparison
In Iceland.
regarding infant mortality).
ICELAND
Sex ratio*
at
birth
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1771/80
1781/90
1791/1800
1781/85
1786/90
1771/1800
1851/60
1861/70
1871/80
1881/90
1891/1900
1901/10
1911/20
1921/30
1931/40
1941/50
*
1010
1022
1052
1003
1040
1027
1036
1061
1030
1067
1040
1091
1067
1062
1063
1074
age
of
SWEDEN
Infant mortality
Infant mortality
Boys Girls
Boys Girls
is boys
is boys
in total
in total
%o
is.
is.
%a
1
922
954
1003
916
980
962
998
1007
1006
1059
1045
1072
1045
1054
1051
1069
404
482
303
641
323
392
252
271
197
211
127
121
347
54,0
445
269
607
282
349
224
232
178
205
131
105
52,5
54,2
51,4
54,4
53,6
81
61
57
211
209
207
192
209
189
134
128
119
53,9
157
149
140
120
111
49
55,4
53,3
52,3
50,2
55,7
58,4
55,0
49
38
33
28
190
185
101
92
93
76
77
62
66
51
57,6
52
39
55,6
32
24
53,4
53,5
54,1
53,7
55,1
55,0
55,3
55,7
55,6
56,3
56,9
57,5
58,2
58,0
Males to females.
methods:
For Sweden, Historisk
Sources and construction
Statistiﬁ for Sverige, Deli, BeTolkning. For Iceland. Sex
ratio at birth calculated from material found in Skyrslur um
1858,
337—338,
vol 1,
till 1851, thereafter
landshagi,
Statistics of Iceland, 11, 63 1974(1976), p. 44. The rate of
the Icelandic infant mortality,throughout, was taken from
Hansen, 1978, the 18th century material from figure 2, p.
122, the material
1851 onwards from table 1, p. 117.
(A
minor adjustment had to be made regarding Hansen's material
for the construction of this table. Hansen used five years'
averages for the period 1850-1859 which was transformed to
an unwighted decennial average. Instead of using for each
decade
during
the
18th
century
years
the
1850—1859.....1890—1899,
as Hansen did, I used the years
without changing his data).
The percentage of male infants in the total number of
deceased infants was found by combining the infant death
ratios with the total number of births for each sex. The sex
ratio at the age of one was also constructed by combining
infant mortality with the number of births.
1851—1860....1891—1900
V
child
the basic cause of the
mortality,
pecularity of the Icelandic sex ratio, must of course be
divided into two categories: Infant mortality and mortality of
children in the age group 1-14.
Infant mortality was very high in Iceland. It has been
studied by Hansen 1978. 18th century infant mortality may
be seen in table 3. During the years of demographic crisis
1784
1785
and
"the
birth
were
almost
generations
extinguished before their first birthday."(11)
It is of
interest also to note that during the period of increasing
population stagnation (1768—1782)
the infant mortality rate
was 36% higher for males and 34% higher for females than
during the period
of population
increase
(1788—1802).
Nevertheless
the level was high even during the second
period and it stayed high during the 19th century, its
decline came in three phases with a relative stagnation in the
intervening periods: the 1870s, th 1890s and after 1910 (see
table 3).
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The
Icelandic
VI
deceased infants in Iceland 1771~1800 were
The 18th century percentage for Sweden was the same
during this period (53,775). But there was a great difference
in the infant mortality rate: it was almost twice as high in
Iceland 1771—1800 as it was in Sweden during the same
period. With the same proportion in the death rate between
the sexes in both dountries, this meant a far lower number
of surviving one years old boys in relation to the girls in
Iceland compared to the situation in Sweden.
Now table 3 does show that the death rate of male
infants declined more slowly than the death rate of female
infants. But this is mainly a 20th century phenomenon when
the infant death rate in general had become very low. We
can see this partly in table 3 (the difference in the sex ratio
at birth and at the age of 1) and in table 4, which presents
a model regarding the possible sex ratio at the age of one as
53,6%
males.
of the
the function of two variables: The sex ratio at birth, the
infant mortality rate and one constant, that 53,5% of the
deceased children were boys. The figures in table 4 are
based on 18th century realities in Iceland. As we can see in
table 3, the birth sex ratio 1003 was the one existing
1781—1785 (the years of a very great demographic shock):
the birth sex ratio 1010 the one existing 1771—1780 (when the
population upswing which started in 1760 was in its last
phase and the "Malthusian limit" was being reached); the
birth sex ratio 1052 characterized the period of population
recovery 1791-1800; the birth sex ratio 1027 was the average
for the whole period 1771—1800. The average infant mortality
rate for the whole period was 37%: thus the sex ratio 962 is
the actual average ratio for children at the age of one
during this period.
Table
4 .
The calculated sex ratio
function of the variable
death rate, with the
constant. (53,5 is of the
aﬁ of one, 1770-1800, as the
sex ratio at birth and the variable
sex ratio of infant mortality as a
deceased children were boys).
at the
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Sex ratio at birth
Sex ratio at the age
Death rate 30 %
Death rate 40 %
Death rate 50 is
Death
rate
37
For 1000 females, the number
of males:
1003
1010
1027
1052
945
914
875
954
927
886
979
952
919
1011
992
962
of one
962
%
VII
The reason
Iceland was
children.
for the
relatively
undoubtedly
the
high infant death rate in
habit not to breastfeed the
Breastfeeding was uncommon in 18th century Iceland.(12)
Indeed, it was rather an exception during the 19th century
as well. (13) Instead the mothers gave food to the children
which was considered good among by the adults such as
cream.(14) This was of course an effective baby killer. (15)
The infant death rate in 18th century Iceland was close to
40%.
The absence of breastfeeding in Iceland was a part of a
general European cultural trend. According to one source,
breastfeeding was apparently common during the Middle Ages
but began to disappear at the end of the 15th century;
during the 17th century several mothers in Western and
Northern Europe had ceased to breastfeed their babies.
Lactation started to be the general rule again first during
the 19th century. (16)
The cessation of breastfeeding
was cloesly connected
with various "superstitions", beliefs such as the commonly
accepted view that mother's milk was poisonous first after
the delivery.(17)(18)
During the 18th century doctors in various countries
began to inform the people about the beneficial effects of
breastfeeding but their inﬂuence was very limited. This was
certainly the case in Iceland but the first professional
doctors in that country then began to fight the traditional
Icelandic
methods
of
children ,
feeding
advocating
breastfeeding. These attempts were a total failure. (19) It
was first after 1900 that Icelandic
women by and large
started to breastfeed their babies (20).
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VIII
Tables 3 and 4 suggest that the Icelandic sex ratio anomaly
started already before birth, that is: The natural "surplus"
of boys to girls at birth diminished during demographic
crises. However, it must be emphasized that the material we
are dealing with is probably too small to draw any definate
regarding this decrease in the natural male
conclusions
surplus at birth. Indeed, if we look at the annual figures,
the variations are great and it is only through making
aggregates of five or ten years that it is possible to find
this phenomenon. For instance the relatively small number of
newborn male infants in relation to female infants 1781-1785
is based on a very small population because fertility was
then extremely low.
Nevertheless, much larger populations over a long period
of time show some increase in the natural male surplus at
birth. For instance the sex ratio for all births (both live
births and still births) was 1054 males to 1000 females for
Sweden
For the period 1901—1950 it was for
1751-1800.
Sweden 1063:1000.
In Iceland the increase in the relative
number of male births has been greater than in Sweden.
(21)
Although this increase is not dramatic, it gives support
to the thesis that increased welfare has diminshed mortality
in a greater proportion for male foeti than female foeti,
especially because still births are included in these birth
It is well known that there is a large male
aggregates.
surplus among still births and this comes out very clearly in
early statistics. If we only consider live births, the Swedish
1950 it was
sex ratio of these 1751—1800 was 1046:1000,
1059:1000.
The available statistical evidence seems to suggest that
the rule of the male surplus of natal deaths may be applied
to foetal deaths prior to the natal process. The scientific
proof, however, does not lie in demographic statistics but in
biological research. (22)
Although it may be difficult to find a causal link between
chronic malnourishmnet and spontaneous abortions (23) this
obviously is not the case with famished populations, met with
in
as happened
dramatic cessation of food production,
starvation periods in Iceland.
It stands to reason to expect that shocks of that kind
must result in increases in foetal deaths.
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IX
available 18th century demographic evidence does not
us to to estimate exactly the contribution of infant
mortality to the sex ratio anomaly in Iceland. But it may be
chosen,
century material.
The
period
done
with
19th
1838—1847,
is the first ten years' period providing the
neccessary information. The infant mortality was then 36,0 %
for boys and 32,3 % for girls, for both sexes it was 34,2 %.
During this period there was a significant male surplus
at birth, unlike most of the years 1771—1799. But there were
no specific hunger years in the country 1838-1847 and hence
we might expect relatively few foetal deaths. On the other
hand there were two epidemics which killed a lot of children,
one in 1843 and the other in 1846 which resulted in an infant
mortality of 61,1 %.(24)
But as table 5 clearly shows, this male surplus gradually
vanished. In table 6 we can see how mortality in different
The
age categories actually created the sex ratio anomaly.
infant death rate was its main cause 1838—1847.
The
allow
10
Table 5.
Live births and mortality of age groups 1838—1847.
Absolute numbers
Live births
10189
9674
19863
3673
1031
2123
2677
9884
3123
1076
1752
3566
9815
6796
2107
3875
6243
19699
Mortality 0-1
Mortality
Mortality
Mortality
1—14
15—50
50+
Total no. of deaths
Source:
Skyrslur
um
Relative num—
bers of mor—
tality (95»)
%
of
51,3
360
158
387
323
164
320
342
161
354
54,0
48,9
54,8
42,8
59,1
landshagi.
Table 6.
Relative decrease of men to women with respect to age
1838—
—1847.
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%
Age 0-1
Age 1—50
+
550
326
still births
62,8
37,2
82
8
The figures in the first column
deaths in each age group.
Source:
Table
%
57,4
34,0
,6
show
the male
surplus of
5 .
X
As we can see in table 5, the Icelandic mortality in the age
group 1—14 was 1838—1847 somewhat higher than the mortality
in the age group 15—49 during that period, in relation to the
number of life years counted. It was by modern standards
quite high, 16,1 % of the children surviving to the age of
11
one could be expected to die before the age of fifteen. (In
modern Iceland this ratio is below 1 % for the age group
1—14). But contrary to what was the case for any other age
relatively more females than
group in Iceland 1838—1847,
males died between the age of one and fifteen.
The years of hunger during the 18th century come out
clearly in the age structure of the censuses 1769, 1785 and
1801. The relative smallness of the age groups who were
children during the famine years cannot be explained solely
by high infant mortality and low fertility; there must also
have been a relative increase in child mortality of age group
1+.(25)
The small age groups
caused by the famines were also
increases in the sex ratio anomaly, i.e.
relatively more males than females had died. We can see this
very clearly in table 2, for instance the age group 30-39
(born 1746—1755) in the census of 1785.
But it is not clear if this increased sex ratio anomaly
was solely due to increases in foetal and infant mortality
deaths or if it also must be explained by the increased death
rate of children aged 1—14. The evidence taken from the
directly
1838-1847
is
not
period
relatively prosperous
century.
of
years
the 18th
applicable as a rule to the famine
It may be the case that the female survival surplus for the
age group 1—14 also existed during demographic crises.
characterized
by
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XI
The conclusion regarding the consequences of child, infant
and foetal mortality for the sex ratio is the following:
It is probable, but not proved, that the natural surplus
of males at birth decreased during demographic crises due to
increased
mortality.
foetal
It is quite
that
definate
demographic crises caused the death of more male infants
than female ones. Thus the sex ratio anomaly in Old Iceland
was well established at the age of one. It is possible, but
definately not proved, that increased mortality during the
18th century famines among children older than one year of
age still increased this sex anomaly.
XII
did
European
Why
12
the
Icelandic
stop
women
women and indeed
several
Perhaps
the
breastfeeding?
other
basic
reason was to some extent a reflection of difficult times. For
instance
mothers having
to work in the fields almost
immediately after delivery, were hardly in a good position to
breastfeed their babies. (26) It is interesting to note that
this cessation of lactation ocurred mainly in Northern and
Western
Europe, the area of the typical "western family"
by a high age at first marriage and by the
characterized
fact that a large number of the women never married. These
European
countries
were
in
fact
effective
practising
population checks through this low nutiality ratio. Iceland
provided an extreme example of this "western family" type
and probably it is no incident that Iceland provided also an
extremely high infant mortality ratio. It looks as if the
peoples who
were practising
the preventive
of
check
restricted nuptiality were also practising the check of high
infant death rate. (27)
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XIII
The practice of the high infant death rate does not mean
that people were involved in infanticide, if by infanticide we
only mean the conscious, active killing of infants. This was
both a great civil and religious crime in Europe; this taboo
not to kill was commonly respected.
But there was a common saying in Iceland that the
A baby
happiest children were the angels in heaven.(28)
baptized in the name of the Lord was quite without sin, its
place in heaven was secure where it would be far away from
this dismal life on earth, happy in the company of God.
Everything
The Icelanders believed in predestination.
which happened had been so previously arranged and was
also a manifestation of the will of the supernatural power,
preferably of God. (29) The death of an innocent child could
only be due to the will of God. That child definately
belonged to Him, not to Satan. "The Lord giveth, the Lord
taketh. Blessed be the name of the Lord".
This was the rationalization and the ideology connected
to infant mortality. It was certainly a crime to kill a child.
But was not it a crime as well to prolong the life of a sick
and miserable child, thus preventing the Lord from taking in
due time what was rightfully His?
To accuse the 18th century parent in Iceland of anything
remotely connected to infanticide or even curel treatment of
his or her sick baby would rightly have aroused great
indignation. The parent loved the child and gave to it the
13
best available food according to adult taste. The child should
have the very best the short time it stayed on this miserable
earth.
This rationalization was only possible because it was a
part of a cultural pattern. To go against tradition and
accepted cultural values was very difficult. The deviator was
ridiculed and even condemned as an immoral person. The
absence of lactation has been explained by this appeal to
tradition, "..the mistakes repeated from one generation to
another became legitimized
the people as fixed,
among
unavoidable
"In
the
mothers'
immediate
habits"(30)
surroundings there will alvays be found people who are
opposed to breastfeeding....
Especially the besser—weisser
were effective
in persuading the young
grandmothers
mothers to use
the
same
lactation
tradition as they
themselves once had used".(31)
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XIV
The implicit suggestion made here is that parents were quite
utility
unconscious
about
the
of much of their own
pattern. They followed blindly certain social
behavioural
norms.
Maurice Godelier has once written about the neccessity to
reveal the unconscious origins "of the system of conscious
norms (which control) the social practice of the production
agents" (32); in other words,
man is conscious
of the
accepted social norms but not of their origins. These norms
may on the prima facie evidence seem to be irrational,
for
instance religious practices, but may in effect reﬂect very
rational economic ends.(33) The historian and/or the social
scientist must learn to distinguish between on one hand what
appears to be and is consciously accepted as truth and on
the other
hand what is the underlying
social reality,
frequently hidden by a variety of myths.
In stratified class societies the interraltionship between
"irrational behavior"
very
and rational
ends is often
complicated and evasive. These rational ends may be the
preservation of oppressive social bonds or harsh economic
realities which the individuals may find difficult to cope with
consciously, or the combination of both.
Kazimiers
Dobrowolski
has
described
a
stratified
pre—capitalist society in his essay about traditional peasant
culture in Southern Poland: "the permanent unchanging
character of social institutions developed, implying belief in
14
their intrinsic value: This our fathers and grandfathers have
always done, thus we shall do... In these circumstances any
conscious rational motivation for economic activity or manner
of conduct was of little relevance".(34) Instead there was "a
passive reception of the existing cultural system... and a
strong emotional attachment to it. In this way, cultural
contents and institutions acquired an unusual importance,
becoming a working authority.. ."(35).
Underlying
peasantry's
the
conservatism
was
its
suppression by the clergy and the ruling classes and the
peasants' passive acceptance of these conditions which were
integrated into their set of values. Cultural uniformity thus
became one prerequsite for the continued existance of the
social differentiation . (36)
The demand for cultural uniformity transpassing even
the class barriers was very strong in a small society like
Iceland with its maximum population of 50.000 individuals.
This demand for conformism was a logical consequence of the
social stratification, not in any opposition to it. This meant
that all deviations from the existing cultural pattern could
not be tolerated.
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XV
Two rules have now been put down. 1. People are to a large
extent unconscious about the origins and the use of their
behavourial norms in economic and social life. 2. The greater
the social stratification in society becomes, the stronger the
trend towards cultural conformity will become, in other
words "the slavery of convention" will then increase.
XVI
It
here above that there
has been
suggested
was
a
correlation
between the creation of the "western
family"
(characterized by delayed nupitality and a low nuptiality
ratio) and the cessation of lactation. It has also been
suggested that these demographic factors might be related to
certain economic
difficulties.
But there is frequently no
direct and mechanic relationship between the socio—economic
base
and
the
superstructure,
cultural
instance
for
synchronization might be lacking.
The fashion not to breastfeed continued to exist regard
less of the socio-economic origins. This in combination with
is
for cultural uniformity explains why there
demands
was no practise of lactation and why there was a high infant
mortality rate among the rich as well as among the poor (37 )
the
(38).
Nevertheless
their
children
in Iceland the women started to breastfeed
soon as the economic
and the general
demographic situation in the country had begun to improve.
This suggests that the relationship
(ca. around 1900).
between the base and the superstructure, the irrational and
the objective social realities, was very smooth and quick
when it came to responding to changes (39), at least in the
case of lactation. Also for the very religious, the bliss of
factor, easily comparable
Heaven
to the
was a relative
increasing or the decreasing miseries on earth.
But around the year 1900 in Iceland there was absolutely
nothing any longer in the socio—economic base which could
justify measures favouring severe population checks. As the
prerequsite for decreased legitimate fertility was decreased
infant mortality,
it might be argued that the "archaic"
Icelandic culture in infant nursing delayed the stage of
demographic transition by a few decades.(40)
as
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XVII
Some observations made here above have shown their validity
in the case of infant nursing in Iceland. The individual
parents were unaware of the ideological and economic origins
of their social practices. The demand for cultural uniformity
to prevent
alterations in the prevailing social structure
transformed these practices into universal laws for everyone.
It is possible to understand the causal process leading to the
very high infant mortality rate only by using the model
described here above regarding the unconscious actors of
objective social facts, in which the causal links were the
commonly accepted social norms and the demand for cultural
uniformity.
16
Notes
decline for the years 1784—1785
1783
with respect
to the year
as the base.
The
population decrease continued for one year more and it
was for the years 1784—1786 21,5 is with 1783 as the
base.
2. The term "Old Iceland" is used by me for the Icelandic
and
society existing before the deep—going
technical
society
socio—economic
into a
changes transformed the
1.
This was the population
modern one 1890—1920.
Valentin
August:
3. Heinze,
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zur Geschichte
Sammlungen
und Statswissenschaft,
vol. 1, Gottingen 1789, p. 32.
Islandi, Skyrslur um
Sigurdur:
4. Hansen,
Folkstala
a
1,
1858,
p. 5.6.
Kopenhavn
landshagi, vol.
5. For instance the publications by Danish authorities about
Icelandic demography during the 19th century such as
Tabelvaerk,
Hoefte,
1840,
Statistisk
10
VI
p.
Meddelelser fra det Statistiske Bureau, 4. Samling, 1855,
p. 74.
analyzed the Icelandic
One author
has systematically
annals with respect to drowning accidents at sea (Lugvik
calamity
Kristjansson,
The years of greatest
1971).
the population
census of 1703 altogether
preceding
resulted in almost 400 deaths due to drowning in the
fisheries. This should be compared to the ca. 9000
1690s,
who
death
the
people
during
starved
to
(Thorvaldur Thoroddsen, 1916).
In another North Atlantic country, the Faroese
Islands, where the inhabitants were probably as much
involved in the dangerous fisheries as the Icelandic
population
was,
there
were
actually
more
men
than
in 1834, (1006 males to 1000 females.) But the
infant survival rate was much higher in the Faroese
Islands than in Iceland. This difference between the two
by the fact that the
explained
countries
has
been
breastfed
their children,
Faroese mothers generally
unlike the Icelandic ones. (Joensen, Hans Debes, 1954
p. 230).
Finnsson, Hannes: Mannfaekkun af Hallaerum, 1796/1970,
p. 139, 145, 146.
Mols, S. J., Roger:
Population in Europe 1500—1700
(1972). Fontana Economic History of Europe, vol. 2, p.
women
.
67.
9. Mols,
op.cit., p.
47.
17
relatively high mortality rate of male infants can be
found in most published demographic statistics, both for
the past and the present. References to this phenomenon
for instance be found in Imhof et Lindesko ,
may
1973:1, p. 136 (for the past) and Bramblecombe et 511a,
1978, p. 9, (for the present).
11. Hansen, Hans Oluf: Some Age Structural
Consequences... Liege 1978, p. 121.
12. There
are various sources available regarding child
nursing in Iceland,
including infant food and the
absence of lactation.
Jon Steffensen in two essays
in his book 1975 (see bibliography) cites
published
10. The
several
sources
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Jon Pétursson:
(on pages
Um
231—233,
436—439),
a Islandi,
1971.
orsakir sjukdéma
such
as
yfirh6fu8,
Rit Laerdomslistafélagsins vol. XI,
Also 'Arni Bjornsson, 1981, has collected much
valuable information
and the
regarding infant
food
absence of lactation. Among the authors he quoted there
were two gentlemen who opposed breastfeeding:
Olafur
and Hannes
Stephensen
Finnson. Both have been
context
as.
the
frequently
refered
to
another
representatives of 18th century conservative thought in
Iceland.
The 18th century travel reports are for this purpose
also very valuable sources of information, especially the
travel reports of Eggert Olafsson and Bjarni Palsson
(Ferdabok Eggerts Olafssonar, I, 229-230, 313-314, see
bibliography) and of Niels Hoﬁebow (p. 197—198, see
bibliography) .
As for th
century information,
19th
see
Jon
'Arni Bjtirnsson, op.cit.
Also P. A.
Island undersbgt fra et laegevidenskabligt
Synpunkt, Kjobenhavn 1849. Arnljétur iOlafsson, 1858,
has given short but valuable references to infant deaths
and infant nursing in Iceland.
Joensen, 1954, gave a good account of the general
of lactation at different points of time and
development
made various references to Iceland in that context. Jonas
Jonasson,
1945,
267—268,
has
diverse
collected
information regarding habits of lactation and baby food
in Iceland.
14. Horrebow, 197. Fergabok Eggerts Olafssonar, I, 314.
15. This habit
to give such food to infants which was
dangerous to their health was almost a universal rule in
various "poor"
"The use of rice-water,
societies.
barley—water,
cornstarch
or even sugar—water
as a x
13.
Steffensen
Schleisner:
18
and
weaning food and the variety of taboos... are examples
of common practises which lead to malnutrition and death
of children... even among families whose other children
do
and
adults
not
suffer
from
malnutrition" :
Sciences,
of
Social
the
reference
to food,
(Encyclopaedia
p. 504. My emphasis).
Joensen, 1954, p. 17—18.
Ibid.
18. Important
superstitions of the Icelandic crown official
regarding
and
landowner ,
Olafur
Stephensen ,
were
closely connected to his opposition to
breastfeeding
the development of the fisheries. He maintained that
mothers eating fish provided unhealthy milk. (Quoted
from Arni Bjornsson, op cit. , p. 41.)
16.
17.
19. Steffensen,
.
21.
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22.
23.
24.
25.
1975, 231—233.
Joensen, op, cit., 230.
R. Mols S. J. noted a variation in the ratio of male to
female births in Continental Europe 1500—1700 which he
characterized as "fairly small: usually between 103 and
(Mols, op.cit., p. 66). I
108 boys to every 100 girls".
disagree with this definition of the varation as being
'fairly' small; the high masculine mortality makes any
decrease in the male surplus at birth an important factor
in deciding the sex ratio in the future.
For the demographer (and the medical scientist) it is
rather easy to find the neccessary statistics regarding
still births and infant deaths, but it is extremely
difficult to collect information regarding foetal deaths
prerequsite
for any
The
except
legal
abortions.
systematic study of the sex ratio of foetal deaths
therefore must be a research of the causal relationship,
a field obviously open only to the scientists of biology.
Menken, Jane; Trussel, James and Watkins, Susan: The
Nutrition Fertility Link: An Evaluation of the Evidence.
Journal of Interdisciplinary History, Winter 1981.
This was the highest infant death rate 1838-1847. The
lowest, in 1844, was 23,6 9:. The unweighted average
percentage for the ten years' period was 34,0, with a
standard deviation of 11,0.
Unfortunately the presently available statistics of the
censuses 1769, 1785 and 1801 only provide information
about eight and ten years' age groups.
26. Various sources provide evidence regarding this strong
sense of predestination, for instance the autobiographies
of two 18th century clergymen, Jon Steingrimsson and
porsteinn Pétursson. The latter as a pietist emphasized
19
30.
31.
32.
33.
the omnipresence, omniscience and omnipotence of God,
the former as an orthodox traditionalist, the predestined
and prearranged order of things. As porsteinn Pétursson
was an early pietist and an obedient servant of the
absolute monarchy, he did not develop his pietism in the
direction of individualism and rationalism and hence there
was no conflict between the socio—cultural views of the
two.
Joensen,
op.cit. p. 36 Joensen was here quoting a
German scholar writing in 1871.
Ibid, p. 38.
Godelier, Maurice, 1977, 54.
Godelier's example of concretization is naturally taken
from social anthropology.
It is the example of the Mbuti
pigmies, whose main occupation is hunting in the tropical
forest. They worship the forest, it is not the hunters
who catch the game, it is the forest which provides it.
"When they forbid the needless killing of animals... it is
(Godelier, op. cit.
the forest they are respecting"
58—59).
34. Dobrowolski, in Shanin, 287.
35. Ibid.
36. For his Polish Highlanders
this rule (op.cit.
has
discussed
in
effective method for preventing breastfeeding
Iceland was the tradition that during the first week in
the life of the infant, it stayed with the midwife, not
with the mother. (‘Arni Bjiirnsson, op.cit. p. 42).
38. According to Eggert ‘Olafsson and Bjarni Palsson there
was in 18th century Iceland one exception to the short
lactation period: Mothers who did not have access to
cow's milk due to poverty were compelled to breastfeed
their babies. But the more prosperous neighbours "out
of pity" then began to give milk to the poor women and
thus they could'cease to practise this immoral act of
lactation. (FerSabok ..., 1, p. 229,230). The authors
themselves were of the opinion that breastfed children
had the greatest survival possibilites. (Ferﬁabék .. 1,
314).
39. There is nevertheless
a very striking example of the
traditional Icelandic mercy killing of infants from the
1 9 16 .
folk .
year
Emilsson:
Fétaekt
(Tryggvi
Aeviminningar. Reykjavik 1976, 142—150).
40. This, of course, is a simplification of the causal process.
Neglecting children, the high infant mortality rate and
the high
legitimate birth
rate were
all constantly
37. An
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290—292).
Dobrowolski
20
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interacting factors and illustrated one side of the coin of
the socio—economic reality. The other side of the coin
was the sheer poverty of the people, poverty meaning
that the means were insufficent to provide the standard
of living
which
was
for changing
the
neccessary
demographic factors. In turn the demographic factors
influenced the societal response to this poverty.
21
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XIII.
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transportutveckling efter 1920. Lund 1972.
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XXXV.
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