1. No category

Person marking in Sahaptin.
(sample presentation)
Organization
• Background
– Historical affiliation
– Phoneme inventories
– Morphological overview
• Person marking
LING 481 slides by Sharon Hargus
Genetic affiliation
Plateau Penutian
Proto-Sahaptian Klamath-Modoc
Sahaptin
Nez Perce Klamath Modoc Molala
LING 481 slides by Sharon Hargus
Plateau
linguistic
area
LING 481 slides by Sharon Hargus
Sahaptin dialects
Rigsby, Bruce, and Noel Rude. 1996. 'Sketch of Sahaptin, a Sahaptian Language.' In Languages, ed.
LING 481 slides
by Sharon Hargus
by Ives Goddard. Washington DC: Smithsonian
Institution.
666-692.
Sahaptin consonants
labial
stops
alveolar
p p’ t t’
affricates
ts ts’
lateral
tɬ tɬ’
fricatives
s
lateral
ɬ
nasals
lateral
glides
palata
l
m
velar
labio-velar uvular
labio-uvular glottal
k k’ kw kw’
q q’
qw qw’
ʔ
x
χ
χw
h
ʧ ʧ’
ʃ
xw
n
l
j
w
LING 481 slides by Sharon Hargus
Stress contrasts
[jXa]
'beaver'
[wXa]
'foot'
[pamta]
‘toad’
[pamta]
[akak]
‘nephew!’ (woman's brother's
child)
'goose'
[kak]
'your maternal uncle'
LING 481 slides by Sharon Hargus
Linguist-designed orthography
• Phonetically transparent
– ʧ <ch>
– ʃ <sh>
– j <y>
– q <k>
– χ <x>
– ʔ <’>
– stress transcribed with acute accent
LING 481 slides by Sharon Hargus
Vowel system
high
low
front
central
back
i ii
ɨ
u uu
a aa
[a] = mid central unrounded vowel ([ʌ] ~ [ə]): [pláʃ] ‘white’
[ii] (etc.) = [i:] = long high front unrounded vowel
LING 481 slides by Sharon Hargus
Affixation
number marking, “animate” nouns
singular
p'úus
spílya
áyat
dual
p'úusin
spílyayin
áyatin
plural
p'úusma 'cat'
spílyama 'coyote'
áyatma ‘women’
LING 481 slides by Sharon Hargus
Category-changing morphology
• -i: ]{N,Adj}___]V
• tákmaaɬ ‘hat’
– tákmaaɬi ‘wear, put on a hat’
• átaw ‘valuable, favored, important’
– átawi ‘like, love, value’
LING 481 slides by Sharon Hargus
Case suffixes
LING 481 slides by Sharon Hargus
Reduplication
number marking for “inanimate” nouns
singular
t'píip
shp’áw
tk’ú
plural
t’píipt’piip
shp’áwshp’aw
tk’útk’u
LING 481 slides by Sharon Hargus
'wingdress'
'ball'
'cattail'
Consonant symbolism
bigger
n
sh
tímash
myánash
anamáal
smaller
l
s
‘book’
tímas
‘child’
myálas
‘for a while’ alamáal
LING 481 slides by Sharon Hargus
‘paper’
‘infant’
‘for a short while’
Compounding
• “not so common in Sahaptin as in Nez Perce” Rigsby
and Rude 1996
• Nch’i wána
cf. nch’í wána
big river
• chmuk táatpas
black shirt
• yalmílk
myánash
haphazard child
‘Columbia R.’
‘(a) big river’
‘Catholic, priest’
‘illegitimate child’
LING 481 slides by Sharon Hargus
Person marking in Sahaptin
• 1st, 2nd person: clitics
• 3rd person
– affixes
– direct vs. inverse construction
LING 481 slides by Sharon Hargus
A verb paradigm
anáwi- 'be hungry'
-sha
imperfective
1sg
anáwishaash
'I'm hungry'
2sg
anáwishaam
'you're hungry'
3sg
i'anáwisha
'he/she is hungry'
1.incl
anáwishana
'we 2 are hungry'
1.excl
anáwishatash
'we are hungry'
2pl
anáwishapam
'you (folks) are hungry'
3pl
pa'anáwisha
'they're hungry'
LING 481 slides by Sharon Hargus
Clitics vs. affixes
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
i3SG.SUB
pa3PL.SUB
=nash, Vsh 1SG
=na
1PL.INC
=natash, tash1PL.EXC
=pam
2PL
=nam, Vm 2SG
=mash
2.OBJ.SG
=matash
2.OBJ
LING 481 slides by Sharon Hargus
3rd person number affixes
• I-’anáwi-sha.
‘He/she is hungry.’
3sg.SUB-be.hungry-IPFV
• Agree with pronouns
– Pínk i’anáwisha.
– Pmák pa’anáwisha.
‘He/she is hungry.’
‘They are hungry.’
– *Pínk anáwisha.
‘He/she is hungry.’
• Obligatory affixation
LING 481 slides by Sharon Hargus
1st/2nd person number clitics
• Anáwi-sha=tash.
be.hungry-IPFV=1PL.EXCL
‘We’re hungry.’
• Agree with pronouns
– Namák=tash
anáwi-sha. ‘We (excl.) are hungry.’
1PL=1PL.EXCL be.hungry-IPFV
– Ímk=nam anáwi-sha.
2SG=2SG be.hungry-IPFV
• Obligatory cliticization
– *Namák anáwisha.
‘You’re hungry.’
‘We’re hungry.’
LING 481 slides by Sharon Hargus
Properties of Sahaptin 2P clitics
• Expected properties of clitics
– freedom of host selection
– less prosodic integration
– do not trigger alternations
– no idiosyncratic meanings
– no arbitrary gaps
• Unexpected properties
– 1s and 2s alternations
LING 481 slides by Sharon Hargus
Freedom of host selection
 =nam/am 2SG
• i- 3SG.SUB
– Shaláwi-sha=am.
be.tired-IPFV=2SG
‘You’re tired.’
– Áw=nam shaláwi-sha.
now=2SG be.tired-IPFV
‘You’re tired now.’
– Mísh=nam
shaláwi-sha-’?
yes/noQ=2SG be.tired-IPFV-yes/noQ
‘Are you tired?’
– I-shaláwi-sha.
3sS-be.tired-IPFV
‘He/she is tired.’
– Áw i-shaláwi-sha.
now 3sS-be.tired-IPFV
‘Now he/she is tired.’
– Mish
i-shaláwi-sha-’?
yes/noQ 3sS-be.tired-IPFVyes/noQ
‘Is he/she tired?’
LING 481 slides by Sharon Hargus
Prosodic integration
• Some affixes shift stress off root
– Spiljáj ‘Coyote’
– -nmí genitive: Spiljajnmí ‘of Coyote’
• Clitics never cause stress to shift
LING 481 slides by Sharon Hargus
Semantic idiosyncracy
• Affix-base: some idiosyncracy
– wána ‘river, flow’
– -á agent
– wanaá ‘Sahaptin person from Celilo, Goldendale and
neighboring area’ (post-contact name for people who
refused to move to the Reservations, continuing to
live on the Columbia R., Boyd 1996)
• Clitic-host: no idiosyncratic meanings
–
–
–
–
But -pam ‘people’, cf. =pam 2pl
wánapam ‘Sahaptin people from Priest Rapids area’
xwáxway ‘bluejay’
Xwáxwaypam ‘Klickitat people’
LING 481 slides by Sharon Hargus
Idiosyncratic alternations triggered
• Some affixes require special bases
– pt’íniks ‘girl’
– pt’ilíin ‘2 girls’
– pt’ilíma ‘girls’
– áswan ‘boy’
– amíisin ‘2 boys’
– amíisma ‘boys’
• No clitics require special bases
LING 481 slides by Sharon Hargus
Idiosyncratic alternations
undergone
 Affixes with lexically specific variants
 accusative suffix –nan
 myánash ‘child’
 myánashnan ‘child’ (acc.)
 –aan with some lexical items
 pt’íniks ‘girl’
 pt’íniksaan ‘girl’ (acc.)
 -pa with kin terms
 káɬa ‘maternal grandmother’
 káɬapa ‘maternal grandmother’ (acc.)
LING 481 slides by Sharon Hargus
Idiosyncratic alternations
undergone
 Two clitics have special forms
1SG =Vsh after V, =nash after C
kúshxi ‘similarly’
kúshxiish ‘similarly I...’
áw ‘now’
áwnash ... ‘now I...’
2SG =Vm after V, =nam after C
kúshxi ‘similarly’
kúshxiim ‘similarly you...’
áw ‘now’
áwnam ... ‘now you...’
LING 481 slides by Sharon Hargus
Direct vs. inverse
• direct
• inverse
Umatilla Sahaptin
LING 481 slides by Sharon Hargus
Sg. vs. pl. inverse forms
• Sg. subject
Iwínsh i-k'ínu-na twít'ash
man
ku pá-'itɬ'yawy-a.
3s-saw-PST grizzly.bear and INV-kill-PST
'The man saw a grizzly bear and it killed him.'
• Pl. subject
Iwínsh i-k'ínu-na twít'ash-in-aman ku=pat
man
áw-itɬ'yawy-a.
3s-saw-PST grizzly.bear-DU-ACC and=3.INV ABS-kill-PST
'The man saw 2 grizzly bears and they killed him.'
Yakima Sahaptin
LING 481 slides by Sharon Hargus
Inverse vs. direct construction
• A. object is
topic
• B., C. subject
is topic
LING 481 slides by Sharon Hargus
Sahaptin summary
• Word formation types
– Affixation
– Compounding
– Reduplication
– Consonant symbolism
• Person-number marking
– 1st, 2nd person clitics
– 3rd person affixes
– unusual direct vs. inverse prefixes
LING 481 slides by Sharon Hargus