Chapter- IV
CONCLUSION
The definition of ‘marriage’ is a much-debated one. Leach (1955) defined the
institution as ‘bundle of rights’. The early definition of marriage illustrated marriage as a
ritually recognized union between a man and a woman that the spouses live together and
that the couple has clearly recognized mutual sexual rights (Westermarck 1921). Reviere
(1971) has put forward marriage as isolable phenomenon of studying and defining it is a
misleading illusion. As Leach writes on marriage as a ‘bundle of rights’, marriage is personto-person relationship involving mutual rights and obligations, and there is no single right
which defines the institution of marriage because in each society different sets of rights
which he had defined will apply. The main function of marriage in most societies is
attributing the social status on the offspring (Beattie 1964). The main rights of marital
unions include legal fatherhood, legal motherhood, a monopoly of sexual access between
married partners, rights to domestic services and other forms of labour, rights over property,
accruing to ones spouse, rights to a joint fund of property for the benefit of the children of
the marriage, and recognized relations of affinity such as that between brothers-in-law. Levi
Strauss’s notion on the society’s function or recurrent activity is to maintain the structural
continuity of the group (Levistrauss 1963). Kinship system, marriage rules, and descent
groups constitute a coordinated whole, the function of which is to ensure the permanency of
a social group by means of intertwining consanguineous and affinities.
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Marriage is of central importance in all societies. From the time immemorial, the
institution of marriage had played an important part in shaping the society. It has connected
individuals, families, lineages, clans and perhaps to kingdoms. In ancient Egyptian rule,
brother-sibling marriage occurred in the royalty, while in the old Roman Empire, the
brother-sibling marriage occurred among the commoners too (Middleton 1962).
The orientalist policy was put forward by Warren Hastings in 1772, and it provided
the administration of the Hindu and Muslim laws in courts of British India. The court came
to recognize the regional and local peculiarities of marriage patterns. In the matters of
marriage, inheritance and caste was followed on the Dharma shastras, Shariah law and
judicial decisions of the court as in Europe where matters pertaining to marriage often came
under the jurisdiction of church law. The colonial rulers did not wish to interfere in these
most intimate and sensitive practices of both Hindus and Muslims. The special marriage act
of 1872 allowed persons to marry outside the castes and not outside the religion. The Hindu
widows remarriage act, which came in to effect in 1856, gave legal recognition of the
remarriage of the Hindu widows. After independence, in 1955 the Hindu marriage Act
obtained received the approval of the Parliament along with the other bills like covering
inheritance, guardianship, and adoption. Later on, the other laws on ending polygamy, laws
for making provision for the separation of divorce, and laws for giving daughters right of
inheritance in land were also recognized. As a result, we could see the increasing intensity
of kanyadana marriage and dowry, the weakening of cross-cousin marriage, the coming out
of a norm of post-puberty marriage, and strengthening of the ideals of intimacy and
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companionship between man and woman shaping a married couple.
The Hindu Marriage is sacrament. It includes mantras (hymns) and customs. With
the sasthric law of marriage, it is accompanied by pronouncing the sacred mantras. It does
not believe in Divorce, hence no ‘divorce mantras’ are seen (Reddy 2004). English justices
injected their principles of law. After independence the Government of India codified the
Hindu laws and put forward four important acts. It includes Hindu Marriage Act of 1955.
The sections 9 to 13 of the act give the matrimonial relief. Section 13 is the most important
one. This section explains Divorce. The section has been amended two times once in 1964
and the other in 1976 by Amendment Act 68/1976. The amendment Act 68 of 1976 brought
several changes. Due to globalization, modernization, urbanization, industrialization etc the
life of the Hindu has been changed. The socio-cultural-economic life has changed. In
keeping view of all these changes the Hindu Marriage Amendment Act 1976 paved the way
for the end of the sastric law of marriage and marked the beginning of the secular law of
marriage.
The peculiar obligations vary from one society to another. Co-habitaion is the most
common requirement in most of the societies (DharamVir 1989). Co-habitaion has been
regarded as a means of regularizing sex-relations. Apart from this, child-bearing, child
rearing, economic support and exchange of affection are some of the other widely accepted
marital duties. Apart from sexual intercourse and expectation of the children born out of the
relationship, the legitimacy, social recognization as wife and husband, social recognization
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for the children, affinal relationships between the kinsmen of the spouses are given much
importance. Legitimacy includes the necessary condition for marriage and formation of
family. It is a social arrangement, which determines and recognizes children and parenthood
in social sense. In a leviratic union, a man’s social father and his physiological father are
different i.e., his pater and genitor are different (Beattie 1964).
As an institution of marriage, polyandrous communities were studied by different
scholars (PrincePeter 1955, 1956, 1957, 1963; Aiyappan 1982; Berreman 1962; Goldstein
1976; Fischer 1956; Gough 1959; Radcliffe Brown 1950; Kapadia 1984; Leach 1955). The
phenomenon of the polyandrous marriage in Ladakh cannot be understood except in relation
to the ecological, economic and demographic features of the cultural system of which it is
an important traditional component (Crook 1985). The cultural domain in Tibet, the
polyandrous marriages are strictly in terms of the traditional patterns of land settlement and
inheritance, household structure, taxation and obligatory service to rulers and the
recruitment of young men for training in the extensive monastic system of Tibetan Budhism
(Goldstein 1976). In Ladakh, fraternal polyandry has been associated with the early transfer
of agricultural lands. Polyandry is mainly distinguished in Ladakh with lowered birth rate
related to unusually large number of unmarried potentially reproductive males (monks) and
females (Crook 1987).
The works of anthropologists like Kathleen Gough in the mid twentieth century has
forced to rethink on the definitions of marriage. The Notes and Queries on Anthropology
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(1951) assert that ‘Marriage is a union between a man and a woman such that children born
to the woman are recognized legitimate offspring of both partners’. This definition indeed
had paved the way to new definitions. The notion and role of social father and fatherhood is
well defined and attributed in many societies.
Polyandry from the time immemorial was socially approved custom of marriage
among Lahaula, in which they undergo adelphic fraternal type only the eldest brother
wedded a woman ceremoniously and she becomes a de facto joint wife of all brothers
having a common percentage (Sharma 1986). In High Himalayan, polyandry is stated as a
social norm in Kinnaur (see Raha and Coomer 1987). Polygynandry is also noted in the
Kinnaurese society. Sorrorate is prevalent even though not common. Levirate does not exist
there as the Levirate cannot exist in a polyandrous society. Cross-Cousin marriages as well
as Parallel cousin marriage are prohibited. Parallel cousin marriages were not found. Due to
various modern forces and with the contact with non-polyandrous people from outside
Kinnaur their culture has changed and polyandry has been in a state of decline. The ritual
procedures of Sinhaleese marriage are not concerned with the rights of the potential
children. The marriage rite gives importance to her first husband, and the public
announcement reveals that she has no longer further claims in her parental property (Leach
1961). During the co-habitation the woman bears a child, for the support of the child she
claims on the man. Finally, Leach forwards a hypothesis by putting forward the case of
Cylon in which the adelphic polyandry is related with the system where the men as well
women bear the property rights. Apart from this, in theory and practice polyandry reduces
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the potential hostility between the sibling brothers. Majumdar (1962) has divided the Indian
polyandry into two 1), Polyandry of north based on patriarchy, patriliny and patrilocal
characteristics; 2), Polyandry of the south where he cited Malabar coast of Kerala bearing
on matriarchy, matrilocal and matrilineal features.
Marriage is considered as a sacred contract in most religions confirmed by all the
ceremonies and rituals accompanying it. It has been sanctified in several cultures as a
spiritual and functional relationship between a man and a woman. The various aspects
related to family and marriages among the tribes are yet to be explored. The fraternal
polyandry was practiced by the Sirmurese, Kinnaurs, Khasas, Lahualians, Spitians and Toda
in Nilgiris. Chandra (1987) identified various factors such as - economic factors, Social
factors, traditional factors and demographic factors associated with polyandry. Economic
factors - polyandry system prevented the division of the property that is exclusively in the
hands of the males and reduced the potential hostility between the sibling brothers. The
Social factors - security of the wife and family in the prolonged absence of the husband
which has been seen as an advantage reducing intra familial amity, among the brothers.
Traditional factors – the story of Draupadi in the Indian epics like Mahabharatha may be the
one of the reasons for such fraternal polyandry. Demographic factor might also have
resulted in polyandry. Thodas practiced female infanticide. Polyandry of the Todas may be
a product of this custom (Kapadia 1984). 24 percent Kinnauras and 25 percent Bhots in
Himachal Pradesh still practice polyandry (Pathania, Kaur and Pawan Pathania 2008).
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Like Polygynous marriage, polyandrous marriage also contributed much in
forwarding new theories. The background for the theory was established from the many
existed polyandrous societies. Even though in many societies the polyandrous marriage
encouraged women to undergo mating relationship with several men the role of social father
is a matter of respect for the children. In fact the social position of the woman and her
children is guaranteed completely by the fact that she is married (Fischer 1956).
As already discussed, there may be several factors that may have led the society to
practice polyandrous marriage. The main factors are historical, ecological/environmental,
demographic, socio-cultural, economic or other factors like personal and psychological. In
Jaunsar-Bawar the Khasa trace their orgin from the Pandavas2. It is therefore historically
justifiable3. When we look at the environmental setting polyandry might have encouraged
the unity of the family and the women felt more secure with many husbands even in an
inhospitable environment4. The polyandrous communities in India are generally found in
the middle altitude, where they live in close proximity with ecology/physical environment
and to the natural resources on which they mainly depend for their survival. As a social
institution, polyandry is very much related with the ecology. It is also an important
determinant of the polyandry. The disparity of sex-ratio is also one of the reasons for
polyandry. Where bride price is very high for a single individual to afford, many men pool
their resources to purchase a wife. Most researchers agree with the fact that economic
factors are the drawing forces in facilitating polyandry. Socio - cultural aspects reveal that
security of the family, labour, power, kinship mechanisms, reduce potential hostility
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between brothers. Between the Nayars and Nambuthiris polyandry brought about to
accommodate their domestic habit (Tyagi 1997). Like monogamy, polyandry also limits the
number of wives and heirs with whom the property has to be divided, and this form of
marriage again displays a positive association with diverging devolution. In Tibet, the
provision of one legitimate heir –producing wife for a group of brothers is explicitly thought
of as a way of keeping the balance between people and land (Carrasco 1959). Polyandry
among Nayars in bygone days is left to the guidance of their free will and the play to their
own fancy (Thurston 1909). Polyandry is said to be fast dying out among many caste owing
to the influence of Western Civilization. In the course of 19th century, polyandry was
dwindling away among the Nayars and many now be said to be extinct (Iyer 1987).
The institution of polyandry may die its natural death. The reasons may be ban on
female infanticide, industrialization and urbanization, and these, later on, be resulted in
monogamy. Individuals psychology, social/economic/political constrains, women’s
awareness of their rights, etc are the other reasons. It is also possible that monogamous mass
majority might have forced the micro-minority of polyandrous mass to disdain this
institution, which resulted in the polyandrous people simply imitating their neighboring
monogamous people. The institution of polyandrous marriage that existed among the
Ladakhis and Jaunsaris are now at various stages of disappearance and decay. Thus, in
coming days, it will be read about only in books, especially as ethnographic bits and pieces
of the past. The developmental activities, outside migration and education may have led to
change of the traditional cultural practice (Pant, Rawat and Samal 1997).
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In Rawain-Jaunpur, where polyandry was common, polygyny has tended to increase.
The migrants and the businessmen in the city are often polygynous. They keep one wife in
the village to help in agriculture and another in the city where they secured employment.
This was mainly due to the women’s economic role. The bahubhartrikahood or the
polyandry has been seen in the context of structural-functional sub-systems (Bhatt 1991).
Among the Todas and the Iravas, polyandry existed in different forms. For the
Iravas, it was in fact corporate polyandry (Aiyappan 1982). The Nayars in South India
sanctioned hypergamy with Nambuthiris. Apart from the hypergamous relationship with the
Nambuthiris, there existed reciprocal marriage between Nayars. The Nambuthiris, who were
mostly patrilineal, allowed only the eldest son to marry within the caste and the younger
sons in the Nambuthiri families, were permitted to establish sambandham with Nayar
women and other women of the acceptable caste group. Tali rite was practiced for centuries
by most of the communities in Kerala both matrilineal and patrilineal. Izhavas gave up the
tali as a part of their modernization and thrift. It was an occasion in which neighborhood
and kinship network had mutual obligations. Family status and ritual rank were also counted
in such ceremonies. Aiyappan also discusses ‘the survival of memories ‘in the recent past
which were subjected to debate 1.Polyandry both fraternal and non-fraternel
2.Marumakkathayam or the matrilineal social system for which kerala is one of the classic
areas and 3.Talikettuklayanam described in latter-day discussions as mock marriage of little
girls. He pointed out that the polyandrous marriage of Nayars was remarkable for the
absence of sexual jealousy; subordination of women was also less (Fuller 1976). The
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marumakkathayam system in the Malabar Coast made the position of women generally as
better than in any other part of the civilized India (Hutton 1946).
Aiyappan (1982) opines that talikettukalyanam indicates the high role and value
attached by Kerala society to girl children, and it did not victimize female children as child
wives. This ceremony converted into a nominal marriage and moreover it had strong
resemblance to an initiation rite. These polyandrous marriages were socially approved and
sanctioned. Aiyapan (1982) states an incidence in which Maharaja Sri Rama Varma, ruler of
Cochin, a widower and who abdicated throne in 1913, underwent sambandham with a
Nayar woman after receiving the consent of the first husband. Hypergamous marriage was
held between Nambuthiri Brahmin of the Perumpadappu illam with the Chera princess of
Cochin Royal family, and the children of this marriage were the ancestors of the
Perumpadappu swaroopam.
The Brahmanical theory brings out the divine origin by arguing that Parasurama, the
legendry founder of Kerala, ordered the Sudra women to put off chastity and clothes that
concealed their breast and to satisfy the desires of Brahmin. All the junior members who
were condemned to lifelong bachelorhood had to consort with the Nayar women in the
vicinity of their illams. This loose unions which were known as sambandham in a nature of
concubinage came in to being and the Nambuthiris could enjoy all the pleasures of
matrimony with none of its fears and commitment. Several theories were put forward by the
writers and scholars in order to explain the marumakkathayam. Like the property theory
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which explains that this system was put forward to prevent the partition and destruction of
the family property and to keep the Nayar tarawads unbroken. Paternity was a matter of
opinion while maternity was an undoubted fact and consequently family property came in to
the hands of the sisters sons in the female line. Another theory put forward was the military
theory. The young male members of the Nayar families were condemned to the military
service and under circumstances the Nayar women were forced to accept sambandham as a
necessary evil (Sreedhara Menon 1979).
The matrilineal and matrilocal Nayar extended families had no trait of the Dravidian
pattern of kinship in their terminology. They had very attenuated form of marital relation in
which men and women entered into and ended marriages at will. They resided in their
mothers tarawads. The husbands visited their wives in their tarawads. The Dravidian
structure remains as a remnant in the form of ritual marriages performed at the time of
puberty. The boys of one tarawad become ritual husbands of the girls of the other tarawad.
It was considered as an initiation into adulthood and the capacity to form the marriages of
the kind. This pattern of alliance is equivalent of matrilineal cross cousin marriage or if the
boys of the both tarawads marry girls of the other in a direct exchange, then it is considered
equivalent of the ancestral pattern of bilateral cross-cousin marriage. This pattern allows the
married couple to live in the families of their mothers (but not together, instead separately).
We can observe two cases one a ritual marriage in which the family-to-family alliance
functioning for non-lasting relationship and more lasting non-ritualized kind of marriage
which forms loving couples but lacks the density of family-to-family relations formed by
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arranged marriage (Trautmann 2003).
The Nayar hypergamous customary form of marital relationship was termed as
sambandham. The interpretation given to the sambandham by the British India Civil Court
for the Nambuthiri-Nayar sambandham was promiscuous intercourse. It was after the act of
1933 legalized all existing sambandhams, constituting husbands and fathers as well as
conjugal and paternal relations among the matrilineal Hindus. The most problem case for
the universal definition of the marriage is that of the Nayars (Bernard 1998).
Until this act, sambandham offered no social or property responsibilities, neither as
husbands of the women or as father of his children. After this act conjugal relationship was
made possible in the hypergamous relationship in which the notion of legal fatherhood was
absent. A woman had a ritual husband in her enangar lineage and also various recognized
lovers, and these men were excluded from social and legal rights in the aspect considering
their own children (Gough 1952). This relationship lacked ritual status even though it was
customary, perpetual affinity, between the respective lineages (Gough 1955). The notion of
the legal fatherhood was lacking and the children called their mother’s ritual husbands as
‘lord’ or leader. The notion of biological and legal paternity was unknown. The matrilineal
and matrilocal Nayar extended families lived in tarawad (a term used to denote the dwelling
place of the matrilineal joint family), retained their terminology, in which both men and
women entered into and ended marriage on either will but settled in their own Nayar
tarawads of their matrilineal groups i.e., their mother’s lineage, while the Nayar husbands
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were visiting husbands in their wives own tarawads. These tarawads extended their ritual
marital relations with other tarawads of their enanger lineages. Among Nayars
Sambandham is a mere ritual which bestows no marital relationship on the participants
(Unny 1999). But this pattern accommodates the fact that the married boy and girl live
separately in the families of their mother i.e., their own tarawad, no need to continue their
relationship as a couple. Talikkettukalyanam was in fact a token for the sambandham
relationship. The ritual bridegroom had to tear his loin cloth into two handing the one piece
to his ritual bride retaining the other (Gough 1955). Among the commoner Nayars the
property was under the legal guardianship of the oldest male Karanavan. Both the property
group and the lineage group were called tarawad. Only the Karanavan, the women and the
children of the property group remained in the ancestral homes. The Nayars of one village
or of two adjacent villages formed a neighborhood group of six to ten lineages. The lineages
linked to one’s own were called enangar. The total neighborhood group the enangu. The
linked lineages played the most important role at the pre puberty marriage rites or
talikettukalynam. On the earlier fixed date a golden tali was tied around the neck of the girls
by each bridegrooms of the linked lineages i.e enanger. Before the tali tying ceremony, the
girls were secluded for three days and observed ritual taboos, as if they were menstruated,
after the tali tying ceremony the couples are secluded in a separate room. In Calicut and
Valluvanad, the couples had torn the cloth, which the girl worn at the time as a token for
separation in the public. The only one obligation towards this ritual husband is that the girl
should observe the death pollution on his death. In Cochin, her children used to refer this
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ritual husband as appan, even if he never visited her after this ceremony. Appan is the term
generally used by the patrilineal class (lower) to denote the father. The tali tying ceremony
brought social maturity to the girl and she attains the status of a woman. Now she is ready to
receive as many husbands. It should be noted that hypergamy is the rule here. No priority is
given to this ritual husband, when she receives a number of visiting husbands. The husband
visited her after supper at night and left before breakfast next morning. He placed his
weapons at the door of his wife’s room and others who came to seek her at times slept
outside the door in the varanda. At the time of birth, the husband provided a fee, cloth and
some vegetables to the low caste midwife. If nobody attends, then it is considered that she
has illicit relationship with Christians, Muslims or pratiloma. She received only gifts from
her husbands and her whole expenses were met by her matrilineal kin. The biological
paternity is made certain but this father had no economic, social, legal or ritual obligation
towards his wife and children. All the children called their mother’s current husbands as
Achan. Most of the unions of the women who belonged to the Aristocratic families were
upwards. Women of the village headman’s lineage entered sambandham unions with
chiefly, royal or Nambuthiris, chiefly men, with the women of village headman’s or
commoner Nayar lineages. Royal women for the most part had unions with Nambuthiri
Brahmans of highest rank. In Calicut, the women had unions with men of older and ritually
higher ranking royal lineages, which had through the conquest become politically
subordinate to their own. The ritual wife’s (and her children’s) right includes to mourn on
the death of her ritual husband and observe pollution at his death. A child could not acquire
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membership in his caste and lineage, if his mother has no ritual husband even though he is
fathered by a man of appropriate caste. The sambandham unions claimed sexual privileges
to men, all of whom were potential husbands by virtue of their membership in a sub-caste.
The husband had no individually exclusive rights and could be dismissed at the woman’s
wish. Their duties as members of their caste were to provide the woman and her lineage
with children to acknowledge their potential biological paternity through the birth payments
which legitimized the woman’s child (Gough 1962, 240).
Kathleen Gough had pointed out the following reasons for polygyny in the
matrilineal societies. Virilocal residence, a high productive value of women, the existence
of stratified political offices, in societies where there is free land or other resources which
officers can give to their children. For Malinowski (1962) the concept of the ‘social
fatherhood’, assuming the role of guardian and protector, which links the child with the
society, is through this fatherhood. The ‘role’ of fatherhood and its importance among the
Trobriand Islanders is well illustrated by Malinowski. The Trobriand Islanders have a social
father for every child. Radcliffe Brown also opines that usually “social fatherhood is
determined by Marriage” (1950). Kapadia (1984) has illustrated Polyandrous marriage of
Khasa where fraternal as well as non-fraternal polyandry existed. Kapadia also illustrates on
the Iravan Tiyans, Kammala and Coorgs for non-fraternal Polyandry. The Gumsa Kachins
of north Burma, which Leach calls as ordinary Jinghpaw, The Gauri Kachins - the
immediate neighbours of the ordinary Jinghpaw, and Lakher in Assam, resemble closely to
Gumsa Kachins. These three societies practiced high evolution of class hypogamy and
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patrilineage structure (Leach 1961). There is significant difference in the matter of
institution of marriage in these societies even though it is not attributed to lineage.
Patrilineage exercises jural control over its members in their whole life (Leach 1961).
Gough defines sambandham unions as marriage, as it involves the concept of legal
paternity, the legitimacy of Nayar child is proven by ‘ritual father’ and as well as ‘legalized
genitor’. After checking the cross cultural validity, the definition in Notes and Querries is
not found fitting to the Nayar sambandham unions and she came out with a new definition
incorporating this relationship.
Nayar mode of sambandham at night was a shameful, tailored to the needs of the
Nambuthiris who visited the Nayar women in darkness (Chandu Nambiar 1932). Later on
the term vivaham and kalyanam are used instead of the word sambandham because of its
old association with loose marriage morals (Puthenkalam 1977). As per the Madras
Marriage Act, 1896, a sambandham means “an alliance between a man and a woman, by
reason of which they, in accordance with the custom of the community to which they
belong, or to which either of them belongs, cohabit or intend to cohabit as husband and
wife”. In 1919 the Nambuthiri Yogakshema Mahasabha agitated against the sambandham
by marrying the younger brothers within the community. The Madras Nambuthiri Act was
passed in 1933. Madras Marumakkathayam Act was also passed in 1933 by which
sambandham was considered as a regular marriage, assuring the children the same rights of
inheritance and property as held by children whose parents were both Nambuthiris. This led
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to the gradual decline of the Sambandham marriages. Later on this custom ended.
Subsequently, Nambuthiri land was divided among their Nayar wives and their Children.
According to Bernard (1998) the most famous problem-case for the universal definition of
marriage is that of the Nayars.
As already mentioned in the previous chapters, the Ambalavasis are temple servants
who assist the Pitarar in their performance of the saktheya puja. They are different from the
other Ambalavasis commonly found in Kerala who forms the sub-castes like Chakkiyar
Nambiar, Variyar, Pisharoti, Puthuval, Marar etc. But the Ambalavasis in Madayi held the
title Ambalavasi itself. The Pitarar-Ambalavasi sambandham have some similarities with
the Nambuthiri-Nayar sambandham in the aspect of pre-puberty talikettukalyanam and
hypergamous relationship. But Pitarar-Ambalavasi sambandham is dissimilar from
Nambuthiri-Nayar sambandham in the aspect of monogamous and legitimate unions which
were life-long. The sambandam relationship between the Pitaran and Ambalavasis was not
at all shameful night unions like the Nambuthiri-Nayar relationship, but the security and
paternity was the same that the Ambalavasi children enjoyed just like the Pitaran children.
While comparing the institution of sambandham, one can see that these unions do not have
any association with loose marriage morals. For cross-cultural comparison, the institution of
the Nambuthiri-Nayar, Pitarar-Ambalavasi has been taken.
I would like to add something to the existing definition of marriage mainly because, as
far as I can tell, the Pitaran – Ambalavasi situation explained in this Thesis is hence treated
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as a test case.
Here in the Pitaran-Ambalavasi case the sambandham was conducted after a process
of negotiations - checking the compatibility of the horoscope, getting the prior permission
of the ruler for this life - long matrimonial alliance. This bond was monogamous. The
children born of the Pitarar-Ambalavasi unions called their father as achan, and the same
term was used by the Pitarar children to call their father. When we make a comparison the
Nambuthiri and Pitarar formed upper castes and the Nayar and Ambalavasi serve their
upper caste landlords. But Nambuthiris and Pitarar had different status in the local caste
hierarchy so as the Nayar and the Ambalavasi do. The Pitarar - Ambalavasi relationship
had social acceptance and equal contribution in looking after the children. The relationship
was intimate, and mutual respect was given.
Ambalavasi and Pitarar now engage in marital relationship only within their
community. Exogamy prevalent among them in the past was due to lesser population. At
present the increase, in the population in both the communities has led to endogamous
unions. Similarities and likeness in both the communities have been discussed to the several
reasons that have mentioned in the previous chapters. Social adaptation might have taken
place due to service relationships between them. Gough did not know the Pitarar Ambalavasi sambandham and we could see the same term sambandham used here in
different meanings. While anlysing the Nambuthiri-Nayar sambandham, Gough calls it
marriage, since it is a relationship established between a woman and one or more persons
288
and the child born to the woman, under circumstances not prohibited by rules of the
relationship, shall be a accorded full-birth status and rights in his society or social stratum.
When we analyse the sambandham relationship between the Pitarar – Ambalavasi, we can
see that the same term sambandham is applied to define the marital relationship with one
woman and one man instead of a woman and one or more persons. Sacredness and
participation in social functions can also be seen here. The same term sambandham has an
important but different role in their lives.
Since the Pitarar and Ambalavasi were the devotees of the same goddess religious
ties between them also strengthen the marital bond. Needless to say, the relationship is due
the in depth understanding and interdependence. In this thesis I have attempted to explain
the term sambandham in a different manner. Theoretical framework and new idioms on
marriage formulated by the classical anthropologists were rechecked and read on the basis
of historical accounts and efforts were made to bring out the differences between the
Nambuthiri-Nayar Sambandham and the Pitarar-Ambalavasi Sambandham. The meaning
behind the term Sambandham should be understood differently.
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Foot Notes
1. Westermarck E. 1921. The History of Human Marriage. Vol.III. London: Macmillan
& Co.
2. See Majumdar, D.N.1960, 1963. Himalayan Polyandry. London: Asia Publ.House.
3.
Prince-Peter, H.R.H.1963.A Study of Polyandry: The Hague:Mouton & Co.p553.
4. Singh, R.D.1978. Polyandry in Ancient India. New Delhi: Vikas Publ.House Pvt
Ltd.
290
Glossary
Abharanam
Ornaments
Achar
Pickle
Ada
A dish prepard out of rice
Adalodakam
Malabar nut tree
Adapradaman
A sweet pudding
Adichutali
Sweeping and cleaning the Floor /of the kavu
Adiynthiram
a post funeral ritual
Adukkala
kitchen
Adukkala Samagrigal
Utensil used in the kitchen
Aduppu
fire place in the kitchen/stove
Aharam
food
Alakku
Washing clothes
Alamarah
Almirah
Aliyan
Sister’s husband
Anapudava
The dress which is worn in rituals/ the Dress consists of
two long clothes
Aniyan
Younger brother
Aniyathi
Younger sister
291
Anugraham
Blessing
Apakadam
Danger
Apasakunam
Ill omen
Appan
Father’s younger brother
Appam
a snack in round shape
Arakkalu/Ammikkalu/
Attukallu
Grinding stones
Arangu
stage
Arippa
Sieve
Arivu
Knowledge
Arinurikkal
Blessing by showering rice
Arrival
Sickle
Aryalthara
Raised platform around peepal tree.
Arayal
Peepal tree
Arppu
Loud joyous shout/in ritualistic Occasion
Avil
Flattened rice
Ari
rice
Ath
Plant used for scrubbing body at the Time of bathing
Avanapalaka
Oval shaped wooden plank used as a seat during rituals or
religious ceremonies.
292
Aryaveep
Neem (Margoso)
Ayamodhakam
Bishop’s weed
Avanakku
Castor oil plant
Aya
Clothes line
Ayalvakkom
Neighbor hood
Bhagavan
God
Bhagavathi
Goddess
Bhagyam
Luck
Bharani
A jar
Bharam
Weight
Bharanam
Rule
Bhiksha
alms, symbolising a saint or a sanyaasi
Bhuvudama
Land Lord
Chack
Sack
Chamatha
Butea frondasa
Chanthu
Mixture of sandal wood & camphor
Charadu
String
Charukasera
Easy chair/Armchair
293
Chavitti
Doormat
Chaya arippu
tea strainer
Chirava
Coconut Scrapper
Chuttadichutali
Cleaning of the temple premises
Choroonu
First rice feeding ceremony of the child
Chool
Broom / Broomstick
Chorppa
Funnel
Choru
Cooked rice
Dakshina
An amount or thing given to Brahmins.
Danam
Charity
Darbha
Kusha grass
Daridryam
Poverty
Deviri
Cloth used for dressing in ritual Occasions
Dhathavari
Asparagus
Edu
a page in a book, symbolising knowledge
Ela
banana leaf
Elantha
Chineese date
Ellana
Caster oil
294
Encha pullu
Lemon grass
Esyan
Sanskrit scholar
Ganam
Song
Gayathri japam
The sacred spell to pray and salute Sun god
Gulggulu
Indian Bdellium
Grihasthashrama
Stage of a house holder
Hari
Lord Vishnu
Homam
Offering holy materials to the Sacrificial fire while chanting
Mantras.
Irruttu
darkness
Iswaran
God
Jaladosham
Common cold
Kaal
Leg
Kacholam
Kachurv
Kadavu
bathing points in the pond
Kadal
Sea
Kadu
Forest
Kadukka
Chembalic Myrobalan
Kadukkan
Earring worn by males in olden days
295
Kadumsharkavayogam
A Special mixture used for making idols.
Kaipidi
Holding hands
Kalam
Ritual art form / drawing made by Using powders from
naturally available material for magical performance and
rituals.
Kaliyattam
Theyyam performance
Kalkandam
Molasses
Kaman
God of love
Kanhi
Rice gruel
Kannadi
Mirror
Karanavan
Male head of the matrilineal family
Kari
Charcoal
Karikkathi
Kitchen Knife
Karingali
Dark catichu
Karma
One’s duty
Kathi
Sickle
Kattar vazha
Aloe vera
Kattavankku
Jatrophe
Kattil
Cot
Kavilamma
Goddess
296
Kavu
Sacred grove
Kayar
Rope – thick rope made of coconut fiber
Kazhakam
Temple service done by Ambalavasi
Kidakka
Bed
Kidakkaviri
bed sheet
Kila
Wall
Kindi
Goglet
Kinnam
A bronze plate.
Kiriyathu
Chiretta
Kizhar Nelli
Jaramala
Kottam
Sacred place for the lineage deity
Kudam
Pot
Kulam
Pond
Kurava
Ulvating sound made by the males and females in the
ritualistic occasion
Kurumulakku
Pepper
Kutta
Basket
Malaru
Puffed paddy
Manjal
Turmeric
297
Man kudam
Clay pot
Manth
Churning stick
Manthram
Sacred spell
Manthrakodi
New Bridal Dress
Mattu
Washed and cleaned clothe
Mattuvekkal
function associated with taking cloth in the ritualistic
Occasion
Mema
Mothers' younger sister
Metha
Mattress
Methiyadi
Wooden sandals
Montha
Goblet
Morru
Buttermilk
Muhoortham
auspicious time according to Astrology
Mullapuvu
Jasmine flower
Mundu
Traditional cloth worn by Malayalis.
Murram
Winnowing pan
Mylanchi
Henna
Nadumuttam
Central courtyard of the illam
Naivedyam
Food offered to gods/goddess
298
Nalukkettu
Traditional Malayali household to afford joint family.
Nazhi
Measuring wooden bow/used to measure rice
Naykurana
Cowhage
Neripode
Fire pan
Nerugu
Crown of the head
Nithya Karma
Daily routine of a Pitaran / to spend for ritualistic prayer
Nischayam
Betrothal
Neyy
Ghee
Ollakuda
Traditional Umbrella made by using coconut leaves.
Onnara
Traditional cream coloured cloth worn by the Malayali
women.
Paal
Milk
Padinhatti
The western wing of a quadrangular house Naalukettu
Padinhitta
Room in the western side
Palika
Small vessel
Palli
Masjid
Pallukodukal
First Milk giving ceremony
Pandal
Canopy
Panthi
dining structure
299
Pantheeradi puja
Puja at noon
Pavizhamalli
Coral Jasmine
Paya
Mat
Payasa
Sweet pudding
Peruvilli
name giving ceremony
Pinjanam
Plate
Poochatti
Flower pot
Pothi
Wrapper
Pradakshinam
Circumambulating
Pudava
Sari
Puja
worship
Pula
Pollution attached to birth and death.
Punyaham
ritual performance for purification
Punookkaran
a male who under went initiation
Puthina
Spearmint
Puttu
Steamed rice cake
Ramacham
Vetiver
Rakta chandanam
Red sandal wood
300
Raktatarpanam
Offering the blood to the deity
Rathri puja
Night puja
Rudraksham
Rosary nut
Saktheye puja
Puja done by the Pitarar
Sambandham
Hypergamous marriage between Ambalavasi and the
Pitarar
Sanji
Bag
Shatha Kuppa
dill
Samavarthana
Ritual done during Upanayana
Sambar
A curry
Samayam
time
Santhi
Occupation of priest
Sapthapathi
Seven steps during the time of marriage
Sadhanam
Object
Sarasoolam
An iron used at the time of life cycle rituals.
Sree kovil
Sanctum sanatorium
Sthridanam
Dowry
Sthanikar
Superior position of the illakkaran with respective rights
and responsibilities.
Thirumuttam
Sacred courtyard of the Kavu
301
Thyr
Curd
Thalavedana
Head ache
Tali
Wed lock tied in a chain
Thulsi
Basil
Talika
Tray
Thavi
Ladle / large spoon
Talikkuka
Sprinkle
Thalli
Natural shampoo prepared from certain leaves.
Thattumundu
Traditional dress – cloth
Thirandukalyanam
Puberty ceremony
Thukuvilakku
Traditional hanging oil lamp
Thattalmirah
Shelf
Thidappali
Kavu Kitchen
Tharattu
lullaby
Thanthri
Ritual specialist
Thatt
Wearing Cloth by tucking it in between the thighs.
Uyaram
Height
Ural
Mortar
302
Ullakka
Pestle
Upanayanam
Initiation
Uruli
big bronze vessel
Uthareeyam
Upper cloth
Uri
hanging kitchen pot rack
Uppu
Salt
Vayaruvedana
stomach ache
Vellichenna
Coconut oil
Venna
butter
Vathil
door
Vayambu
Sweet flag
Valmulakku
cubeb
Vaddakku
North
Vadakkina
Northern room
Valkkanandi
Mirror with a handle.
Veli
Marriage
Veshti
Cloth worn round the shoulder.
Vilakku
Traditional oil lamp
303
Vilakkuthri
Wick
Virakku
Fire wood
Varachathi
Fry pan
Velikunhi
Bride groom
Velikutty
Bride.
Uthareeyam
The Upper cloth.
304
Name and Address of the informants
V.Narayanan
Kesavan Master
Vayal Veedu
Ettammel Meethale Illam
Kalarivathukkal
Madayikavu
Valapattanam
Kannur
R.K Sharadamma
Iswaran M.V
Ramankulangara illam
Thezhekkandi House
Edacheri
Madayi
Vadakkara
Kannur
Kozhikode
Pathmavathi
Sreekanth K.V
Pappiniveedu
Kozhikkodan Veedu
Madayi
Madayi
Kannur
Kannur
Kunthidevi
Manjula
Kannanveetil vaikke veetil
Thazhekandi Meethale Veedu
S.N house
Madayi
Madayi
Kannur
Kannur
K.V Iswaran
Nambiyathan
Amba sadanam
Vadakkeillam
Kannanveetil vaikke veetil
Madayi
Madayi Kannur
Kannur
305
Kamalakshi
M.V.Devi
Pappiniveedu
Meethaleveedu
Madayi
Madayi
Kannur
Kannur
Savithri
Nangeliamma
Ettammel Thazheillath
Kozhikkodan Veedu
Madayi
Madayi
Kannur
Kannur
Late,Savithri amma
Rajeswari
Ettamal Meethale Illam
Ettamal Thazhe Illath
Madayi
Madayi
Kannur
Prema
Kunhi Krishnan Master
Ettamal Illam
Ayiramvalli Naduvile Illam
Madayi
Madayi
Kannur
Kannur
Krishna Pitarar
Savithriamma
Ayiramvalli Vadakke Illam
Ayiramvalli Vadakke Illam
Madayi
Madayi
Kannur
Kannur
306
Subhadra
Shankaran Vadhyar
Ottapura
Thazhathillath Pathayappura
Naduville Illam
Madayi
Madayi
Kannur
Kannur
Rathi
Sathi
Naduvile Pattillam
ThazhathillathPathayapura
Valayanadu Kavu
Madayi
Kozhikkode
Kannur
Valsala
Narayanan
Thazhepadikkal
Puthiya Illam
Kalarivathukkal
Pazhayangadi
Valapatanam
Subramanian Namboodiri
Shyamala
Puthiyillem
Ettammel Meethale Illam
Aduthila
Madayikavu
Payangadi(P.O)
Kannur
Kannur (Dist)
Janaki
Chalil Kundil House
Kuttikakam
Nadal
Edakkad
307