1. society
2. unrest and war

VICS XX
VENEZUELA CRISIS 1902 – GERMANY
Dear Delegates,
Welcome to the twentieth annual Virginia International Crisis Simulation! We are very
excited for this committee to get underway and to meet everyone at the conference. Our
committee is called the German Imperial Summoning and along with Cipriano Castro’s
Advisory Council in Venezuela and Roosevelt’s Cabinet in the United States, we make up a
three way joint crisis committee on the Venezuelan Crisis of 1902.
Hi, I’m Zachary Diamond and I will be your Chair. I am a first year intending to major in
mathematics with a potential double major in commerce. I have only been exposed to MUN
this year but I participated as a staffer in Virginia’s high school conference, VAMUN, and
have traveled with the UVA MUN team to other collegiate conferences. As a Model
Congress participant in high school, I enjoy the structured debate of MUN with also the
independence and unpredictability that lacks in a Model Congress. I am fascinated by
European war, conflict, and diplomacy especially in the 20th century which makes me very
excited for the level of debate and the topic of this committee.
My name is Liam Kraft, and I will be your Crisis Director. I am a first year at the University
of Virginia and intend to double major in economics and foreign affairs. I have been
involved in MUN since my sophomore year of high school, attended numerous conferences,
and served as a Crisis Director at VAMUN this past fall. Outside of my participation at the
International Relations Organization at the University, I enjoy playing all racquet sports,
writing music, and travelling. With a keen interest in Germany, I look forward to seeing
how this committee plays out, and the dynamics that result from all that is going on in both
the domestic and international spheres.
This committee comes at an exciting time in world history, as the United States and
Germany are the two strongest nations at this point and can use this incident in Venezuela
to make a true power grab in global affairs. With this crisis occurring only about a decade
before World War I, this committee has the chance to greatly alter what was the most
destructive century of mankind. If you have any questions, feel free to contact us or our
Director General, Gary DePalo, at [email protected].
Sincerely,
Zachary Diamond
Chair
[email protected]
Liam Kraft
Crisis Director
[email protected]
!
Committee Overview
Since the birth of the German Empire in 1871, Germany’s stature in world affairs has been
rising substantially. In the 1880s, under the direction of Kaiser Wilhelm I and Chancellor
Otto von Bismarck, Germany became a colonizing and industrialist nation, but it was Kaiser
Wilhelm II, upon taking over the throne in 1888, who thrust Germany forward in an
imperialistic manner. It is now the turn of the century, 1902, and Wilhelm II has called
together a group of Germany’s top political, economic, diplomatic, and military minds,
along with an assemblage of some of the key private industrialists of the time. Delegates will
be representing these figures and must react in real time to domestic crises, as well as
actions taken by the other two committees, in order to seize upon Germany’s resounding
strategic, economic, and militaristic expansionism.
The German Imperial Summoning is stationed in Berlin, far removed from the locus of the
conflict in Venezuela. Because of the telegram, however, the Summoning has the
technological capacity to have speedy communications with the world outside Berlin,
including the German ships in Venezuela, German nationals abroad, and other nations, for
example. Regardless, delegates should remember that the telegram is not always fully
reliable and thus are advised not to rely too heavily on it as a tool of diplomacy and
administration. Within the Imperial Summoning, standard parliamentary procedure will be
followed, and each delegate’s vote will carry the same weight. Delegates are asked to aptly
consider the views and individual interests of their character when it comes to debating
particular issues and taking potential actions. Delegates will be granted whatever portfolio
powers are appropriate for their role, but will not be given a specific list of possible portfolio
powers to choose from. It will be up to the delegates to contemplate what actions are within
their character’s power and capabilities. For the most part, the Summoning will operate and
!
take actions based on approval by a majority of the delegates. However, delegates must
remember their ultimate subjugation to the Kaiser (as portrayed by the Chair), which
means that Wilhelm II has the ability to reject any actions suggested by the Summoning.
Similarly, all delegates should exercise vigilance with regards to actions favored by minority
factions within the Summoning, as the Kaiser has never been afraid to overlook the will of
the majority to follow the counsel of those he finds trustworthy.
The immediate goals of the Imperial Summoning are to force Cipriano Castro to recognize
foreign debts, offer compensation for losses incurred by the Civil War, agree to pay
Germany’s first rank claims, and formulate a plan to settle all other German claims on
Venezuelan debt. However, it is no secret that German ambitions of industrial and military
expansionism are running high. Thus, the Summoning should not feel limited to the
aforementioned immediate goals. Where Germany will stand on the global stage by the end
of the conference hinges upon the course of action taken by the Summoning.
This committee will begin on December 10, 1902, and the crew of the German gunboat SMS
Gazelle has just boarded Venezuela’s Restaurador, the first official action of the blockade.
While the blockade stands as the primary point of conflict facing this committee, there are
many other relevant issues delegates will have to consider and address throughout the
conference. These will be touched upon in subsequent sections within this guide. With a
plenitude of issues facing Germany domestically and internationally, the Summoning has
many routes it can take to carry the empire to greatness.
History of the Germany-Venezuela Relationship
The Establishment of a Hamburg-Venezuela Trade (1786-1850)
!
The early formation of a Hamburg-Venezuela trade occurred around 1786, when
coffee exports, later to become a tremendous windfall for the trade relationship, first made
their way to Hamburg. By the mid-1830s, a system was established by which 1.3 million
Mark worth of coffee, cacao, tobacco, and cotton were shipped to Germany, while
merchants brought exports in the value of 500,000 Mark, such as linens, iron wares, glass,
butter, and beer, to Venezuela. There was no trade agreement, however, and this started to
cripple Hamburg’s trade by the time the United States, Britain, France, and the Netherlands
had all made favorable agreements with Caracas in the 1830s. In nations like Germany that
had no formal trade treaties with Venezuela, surcharges of up to 50% were levied on
traders. Thus, Hamburg made dramatic efforts to form a trade agreement with Caracas, and
was able to in May 1837.1 The Hamburg-Venezuelan trade experienced a boon as a result,
with German commerce in Venezuela rising to 5 million Mark per year.1 As Germany
industrialized, the nature of its exports to Venezuela changed and turned into more
“machine-made textiles and silk products, cement, drugs, and steel.” The HamburgVenezuelan trade blossomed, and is estimated to have been dominated by a dozen German
companies at La Guayra and Puerto Cabello. However, relations between Germany (as a
whole) and Venezuela were strained by the fact that a formal trade agreement had still
never been truly adopted between the two.2
The German Merchant Colony (1871-1895)
Though the new German Empire, founded in 1871, continued its unwillingness to
formalize a trade treaty with Venezuela, the countries began to recognize each other’s
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
Holger H. Herwig, Germany's Vision of Empire in Venezuela, 1871-1914 (Princeton,
N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1986), 18
2 Ibid., 19
1
!
patent rights in 1883.3 Furthermore, commerce between the two nations grew 143% from
1890 to 1895.4 The vast increase in volume of shipping necessitated the offering of new,
direct lines between Hamburg and Venezuela. The Hamburg-America Line and the North
German Lloyd, for example, instituted a service to Venezuela via the West Indies, providing
a tremendous spark to trade. The former of the two lines became a pivotal cog in the wheel
of German-Venezuelan commerce, as it shipped half of Venezuela’s total coffee exports by
1900. Indeed, the German mercantile community was preeminent in Venezuela, with nearly
one-third of commerce and two-thirds of the trade of manufactured goods under German
merchant control. The hub of German commercialism inside Venezuela was made up of 38
trading houses, which “[monopolized] the import and export trade, [mortgaged] harvests,
and [lent] money at twenty-percent interest rates.”5 Germans were able to secure such a
bustling colony largely because they assimilated themselves rather well with the native
Venezuelans. They either knew the language or learned it quickly and comprehensively. As
a result, they gained the trust and sympathy of the Venezuelan people. Tactically speaking,
merchants were attentive to the needs of markets in Venezuela and were willing to sacrifice
huge profits for smaller ones.6 Finally, “dumping” tactics were used by the German home
industry, essentially keeping prices low in order to attract entrepreneurs and their
associated markets from America, Britain, the Netherlands, France, and Italy.7
Commerce and banking, however, remained international and non-monopolistic in
nature. It was a cooperative venture and in fact, the overseas accounts of German banks
were largely handled by the London Discount Market. London was particularly a center for
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
Herwig, Germany's Vision of Empire in Venezuela, 1871-1914, 19
Ibid., 20
5 Ibid., 21-22!
6 Ibid., 26-27
7 Herwig, Germany's Vision of Empire in Venezuela, 1871-1914, 26-27
3
4
!
the banking and insurance industries during this period. Despite this collaboration, there
were strong nationalistic tones within the German merchant colony in Venezuela. After all,
Venezuela was regarded to be the “premiere overseas territory”. German merchants went to
great lengths to maintain their foothold in Venezuela, and throughout the 19th century
fended off several threats to their ability to function, such as paying off General Venancio
Pulgar in 1879-1880 and giving financial support to General Joaquín Crespo in 1892 to
avoid pillaging.8
The Blockade
Worsening German-Venezuelan Relations (1895-1898)
In 1895, relations between Germany and Venezuela began to worsen, due to Venezuela’s
inability to honor interest and loan payments on several major industrial undertakings
financed by German entrepreneurs. Additional gripes came from Venezuela’s poor handling
of claims submitted by German nationals in reaction to property loss and damage incurred
by years of revolts and internal conflict. One of the first conflicts between German
entrepreneurs and the Venezuelan government in Caracas occurred with the
Slaughterhouse in the Federal District.9 Financed primarily by Karl Henkel of Hamburg,
the facility cost approximately 2.25 million Bolivars. However, Henkel quickly ran out of
funding and the Venezuelan government failed to honor its pledge to pay part of the
construction costs. Upon completion of the facility, German owners refused to open the
slaughterhouse until all construction costs had been covered. By 1898, German
entrepreneurs and nationals looked to Berlin to push the Venezuelan government to settle
their debts and financial claims. Berlin, however, was still hesitant to act at this point in
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
8
9
Ibid., 27-28
Ibid., 82-83
!
time.10 The most pressing issue with Venezuelan debts, however, involved the Great
Venezuelan Railway.
The Great Venezuelan Railway
The Great Venezuelan Railroad was one of the largest financial investments of German
entrepreneurs in Venezuela. When completed, the railroad stretched 179 kilometers from
the Venezuelan capital of Caracas to Valencia.11 Construction of the railroad was first
contracted in 1888 when the Disconto Bank in Berlin financed an initial outlay of 10 million
Marks. The line was completed under the supervision of the Great Venezuelan Railroad
Company in 1894. However, due to the unexpected rough terrain, construction costs had
nearly doubled and with sporadic payment of debts, the Venezuelan government owed 7.2
million Bolivars in 1895. With these sporadic payments, the Disconto Bank refinanced its
loan with the government in Caracas for 50 million Bolivars with a five percent interest to
be repaid over the next three years.12 Yet payments once again were irregular from the
Venezuelan government, which did not satisfy the Berlin bank. By 1897, the government in
Caracas was already two months behind in payments on the loan and by the end of the
1898, Caracas was paying only one-half of its monthly obligations.13 In August 1901,
payments on interest ceased altogether. By 1902, the Venezuelan government owed 11.334
million Bolivars in interest alone on the 50 million Bolivar loan.14
From the refinancing of the loan up to the implementation of the blockade, the
Disconto Bank continuously appealed to the German government for assistance in making
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
10
!Herwig, Germany's Vision of Empire in Venezuela, 1871-1914, 82-83!
Ibid., 84
Helguera, J. LeoÌ n and Herwig, Holger, Alemania y el Bloqueo Internacional de
Venezuela, 1902-1903, 17-18 !
13 Herwig, Germany's Vision of Empire in Venezuela, 1871-1914, 84
14 Helguera and Herwig, Alemania y el Bloqueo Internacional de Venezuela, 1902-1903,
18
11
12
!
Venezuela honor its debts. In 1898, the Foreign Office in Berlin advised to send a German
warship off the coast of Venezuela in order to “further the negotiations” between the
Disconto and Venezuela.2 The Moltke was sent in 1899 to the coast of Venezuela but had
little effect in forcing the payments from Caracas to the Disconto.15 The debt owed on the
railroad would only be compounded by internal conflict. Domestic revolts destroyed
bridges, tracks, and telegraph lines in 1899, forcing the railroad to close for forty days.16
Unsurprisingly, the Disconto could not sell any of the bonds on the Venezuelan railroad on
the European market and found itself stuck with its large investment.17 With no reason to
expect the Venezuelan government to honor its payments in an efficient manner and the
consistent damages to the railroad from internal conflict, the Disconto could only look to
the German government to save itself from this disastrous investment.
Moving Towards Intervention (1898-1902)
Venezuela approached the 20th century in a full-blown financial crisis. The government in
Caracas owed about 208 million Bolivars. Furthermore, the appeal for investment in
Venezuela was non-existent and the government possessed no liquid assets that were
usable for investment, as all funds were directed toward repaying interest and debt
payments. The strains between Venezuela and international investors would only be
escalated by the rise of Cipriano Castro to the presidency in 1899. Upon assuming power,
Castro immediately harmed German investors and nationals. It was not a peaceful rise to
power, and Venezuelan was stricken with civil war at the turn of the century. In order to
win the conflict, Castro used the Great Venezuelan Railway, without paying compensation,
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
Herwig, Germany's Vision of Empire in Venezuela, 1871-1914, 85
Ibid.
17 Helguera and Herwig, Alemania y el Bloqueo Internacional de Venezuela, 1902-1903,
18!
15
16
!
to transport troops and he forced the “voluntary” contribution of German nationals to his
regime. Furthermore, Castro closed the Zulia-Catatumbo system in November 1899, which
prevented Colombians from shipping coffee out of Maracaibo; the Maracaibo coffee route
was controlled primarily by Hamburg merchants. Complaints streamed into Berlin from
German nationals: Henkel for his slaughterhouse, the Disconto Bank for the Venezuelan
Railway, and Hamburg merchants for their coffee. However, when the Kaiser and his
cabinet received a formal petition in December 1899 to send warships to Venezuela, the
petition was immediately rejected.18
This denial perhaps boosted Castro’s confidence that European intervention would
be nonexistent. In January 1902, Castro created a three man Junta for the
“Examination and Qualification of Credits.” The Junta rejected over 80% of the 16 million
Bolivars in international claims against the Castro regime. The rulings of the Junta were
rejected by Great Britain, the United States, Spain, the Netherlands, Italy, and Germany.
But Castro’s continued confidence alarmed Berlin and the Kaiser began to consider the
possibilities of a blockade.19 In March 1902, Castro suspended all payments of national
debts indefinitely and in June 1902 closed the Orinoco River to international traffic, which
Germany and Great Britain condemned. Additionally, German nationals’ residences in
Barquisimeto were destroyed in July 1902, adding another 1.6 million Bolivars in claims.
With Arthur James Balfour becoming Prime Minister in the United Kingdom, Germany
began to discuss the possibility of a joint blockade with England, but Kaiser Wilhelm
maintained willingness to proceed unilaterally.20
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
Herwig, Germany's Vision of Empire in Venezuela, 1871-1914, 85-93
Herwig, Germany's Vision of Empire in Venezuela, 1871-1914, 85-93!
20 Helguera and Herwig, Alemania y el Bloqueo Internacional de Venezuela, 1902-1903,
20-26
18
19
!
In January 1902, discussions of joint naval pressure opened between Great Britain and
Germany. The Italians also appealed to Germany in July and November 1901. Germany
realized that its navy was comprised of large battleships meant for deep sea combat as
opposed to smaller ships that could navigate shallow coast water and effectively blockade
Venezuelan ports. Furthermore, it was estimated that a unilateral blockade of Venezuela
could cost as much as 20 million Marks. Britain, meanwhile, was concerned about the
reaction the United States might have to a European blockade of Venezuela.21 The United
States in October 1902 sent a Caribbean Squadron under Rear Admiral John P. Coghlan
and operation plans for the winter were devised by Admiral George Dewey. While plans
were forming between Britain and Germany on a joint-naval blockade, a few issues still
remained. Debate sparked over whether the blockade should be a pacific blockade, where
neutral ships are not inspected (which was preferred by Germany), or a wartime blockade,
in which neutral ships are searched (which was preferred by Britain). Throughout all this,
many Germans feared that the British could not be trusted to carry out the entirety of the
blockade. This fear arose from growing anti-German sentiments in Britain that shaped out
of the Boer War.22
The Imposition of the Blockade
On November 25, 1902, Lord Lansdowne of Britain and the German Ambassador to the
Court of St. James Count, Paul Wolff-Metternich, signed an accord calling for the blockade
of Venezuela. The blockade was endorsed by Wilhelm II on December 6, 1902. Germany
originally intended to impose a “pacific blockade” against Venezuela as the Kaiser would
not have to consult the Bundesrat, a key German legislative body. However, both England
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
Ibid.
Helguera and Herwig, Alemania y el Bloqueo Internacional de Venezuela, 1902-1903,
20-26
21
22
!
and the United States refused to acknowledge a pacific blockade as legal in international
law and therefore the joint Anglo-German blockade was planned as a wartime blockade.
Other major powers were informed of the impending blockade. France would respect the
blockade so long as it received its share of the custom revenues, the Italians pressed the
English and German leaders to participate in the blockade, and the United States accepted
the legality of the blockade.23
On December 7, 1902, the German ultimatum was delivered to President Castro, who in
turn asserted that it was merely a bluff by the European nations. His address to the nation
caused 100,000 volunteers to join the Venezuelan federal militia.24 Furthermore, Castro
ordered the arrest of all German and British nationals in Venezuela and seized all nationals’
property and companies that were owned by German or British investors. The blockade
forces responded on December 9, 1902, by capturing four Venezuelan ships. The German
warships, Vineta and Panther, seized and scuttled the General Crespo and Totumo which
were in the repair docks at La Guayra. The British seized the Margarita, which they
scuttled, and the Ossun which France claimed as compensation. German and English ships
proceeded to move on Venezuelan ports and warships, and so, the Anglo-German joint
blockade of Venezuela had begun.25
German-European Diplomacy
The late 19th-early 20th centuries were a time of alliance building when it came to
diplomacy. It is vital that the Imperial Summoning understand which alliances are already
in place and proceed nimbly in its foreign policy. In 1882, the Triple Alliance was secretly
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
Ibid., 27-28
Helguera and Herwig, Alemania y el Bloqueo Internacional de Venezuela, 1902-1903,
27-28!
25 Ibid.
23
24
!
enacted, allying Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Italy. The terms of the alliance are as
follows:
1. If war breaks out between Austria-Hungary and Russia, Italy will remain neutral.
2.
If Germany is attacked by France, Italy will assist Germany.
3.
If Italy is attacked by France without having been the provoker, Germany and
Austria-Hungary will assist Italy.
4.
Germany and Austria-Hungary will mutually support each other in the event of an
attack by a major power, such as Britain, France, or Russia.26
In 1894, the Franco-Russian Alliance was “secretly” (though the Germans were well aware)
set in motion. France pledged its support for Russia in the event of an attack by AustriaHungary, while Russia pledged its support for France in case of a German attack. It was to
remain in place as long as the exact terms of the Triple Alliance remained unrevealed.27
German Industrialization
Industrialization in Germany had its foundational years from 1834 to 1849. During this
period, the process of railway construction started moving forward, textile companies
sprung up, and new machinery was conceived and built for the various industries. In 1834,
the Deutscher Zollverein (German Tariff Union) was founded, introducing a common
market to Germany for the first time. However, Germany’s true, sizable economic growth
under industrialization began around 1850. Its process of industrialization was primarily
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
26
!"The Triple Alliance of 1882." Triple Alliance, 1882.!
!"The Franco-Russian Alliance Military Convention - August 18, 1892." Avalon Project.!
27
!
consolidated within capital goods industries rather than on individual consumer goods. The
latter of which had more favorable conditions in England and France.28
Nevertheless, Germany experienced real and sustained economic and industrial growth
from 1850 to the turn of the century. There was substantial development in the way of
railroads throughout Germany, construction of steamships, a rise in the productivity of the
agriculture and forestry industries, and a booming electrical industry particularly in the
1890s. The electrical industry formed out of a variety of small-scale enterprises and has
increased its role in the “upward trend in trade and industry”. In 1890, the amount of
electrical production was 45 million marks, but by 1898, it became 228.7 million marks.
Meanwhile, Germany was simultaneously becoming the lead producer of steel throughout
Europe. By 1893, German steel production exceeded that of Britain.29 Industrialization,
however, did not affect all areas of the Germany economy, as many Germans remain
traditional artisans, small farmers, or workshop workers. This demographic should not be
ignored, as those people remaining in unindustrialized Germany have been prone to
turning to Anti-Semitism as a patriotic and anti-Capitalist ideology.30
Amidst the great industrialization of Germany, however, industrial employment increased
massively resulting in a severe drop in emigration numbers in the 1890s compared to the
1880s. With a surplus population, scores of Germans shifted into urban settings to work in
the factories of Berlin and the Ruhr, which has raised question regarding the German urban
centers’ capacity to accommodate all these new workers. Living and working conditions in
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
Wilfried Feldenkirchen, “The German Economy in the Second Half of the Nineteenth
Century.” In Werner von Siemens: Inventor and International Entrepreneur
(Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1994), 15-27
29 Feldenkirchen, “The German Economy in the Second Half of the Nineteenth
Century.” In Werner von Siemens: Inventor and International Entrepreneur, 15-27
30 Peter Heather. “Germany: The Economy, 1890-1914.” Encyclopedia Britannia Online.
28
!
an urban-industrial world are dubious at best. Moreover, with a speedily growing working
class, German employers have become more “authoritarian” and still scoff at the idea of
collective bargaining. Despite this, industrial workers throughout Germany have started to
unionize.31 The Free Association of German Trade Unions was formed in 1897, and the
Generalkommission der Gewerkschaften Deutschlands (General Commission of German
Trade Unions) was founded in 1890. The latter’s publication of the Correspondenzblattes
represents a fundamental component of trade unions, as it documents the workers’
conditions and represents their “agitation”.32 Labor organization has become a central
aspect of domestic politics in Germany, and thus, any path devised to move the country
forward must factor the situation of industrial workers into the equation. Discontent always
has had the propensity to open the door for radical ideologies and actions.
Questions to Consider
1. What terms constitute a successful blockade of Venezuela for Germany? For the other
players involved?
2.
What allies and support are needed in order to maintain the blockade and/or
pursue German national interest?
3.
What effect will domestic issues, such as industrialization and labor interests, have
on the carrying out of German foreign policy? And vice-versa?
4.
How does the safety of German nationalists in Venezuela compare priority-wise to
other aims of the blockade?
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
Ibid.
Klaus Hoven. Expansion und Konzentration: Studien zur Entwicklung D. Freien
Gewerkschaften im Wilhelmin Deutschland 1890-1914. 1. Aufl. ed. Stuttgart: KlettCotta, 1980
31
32
!
5.
What should Germany’s role in international affairs be, and what course of action
and policy should it take to bring about this role?
Recommended Research Tools
This background guide should provide you a strong base of knowledge with which to carry
out further research on the topic. Delegates are greatly encouraged to pursue a strong
understanding of German affairs in the late 19th-early 20th centuries. For a more holistic
grasp of the crisis, delegates should read the background guides provided for Cipriano’s
Advisory Council and Roosevelt’s Cabinet. Delegates are encouraged to be as creative as
possible in their research, as there are many forces at play in this crisis and it is a more
complex international situation than meets the eye. Here is a list of recommended
resources:
•
•
•
•
Graham-Yooll, Andrew. Imperial Skirmishes: War and Gunboat Diplomacy in
Latin America. 2002.
Hood, Miriam. Gunboat Diplomacy 1895-1905: Great Power Pressure in
Venezuela. London: Allen & Unwin, 1975.
Mitchell, Nancy. “The Height of the German Challenge: The Venezuelan Blockade,
1902-1903.” In The Danger of Dreams: German and American Imperialism in
Latin America. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1999.
Parsons, Edward B. The German-American Crisis of 1902-1902. 1971. Historian,
33: 436-452.
!
Dossier
Important Note:
Not every position on this list can be found easily online, nor do online sources do many of
these people justice; some are less well known and discussed in the public domain. I
strongly encourage those who come across this issue to consult the following books:
•
•
•
Men Around the Kaiser: The Makers of Modern Germany by Frederic William Wile (1914)
Germany’s Vision of Empire in Venezuela (1871-1914) by Holger H. Herwig
The Kaiser: New Research on Wilhelm II’s role in Imperial Germany by Annika
Mombauer and Wilhelm Deist
SECRETARIES/MINISTERS
Bernhard von Bülow – Chancellor, Foreign Minister of Germany
The fourth Chancellor of the German Empire, Bernhard von Bülow was promoted to his
current position on 17 October 1900. He had previously held an array of different
diplomatic roles and served as Secretary of State from 1897 to 1900. Having a strong
relationship of collaboration and trust with Emperor Wilhelm II, von Bülow wields an
aggressive foreign policy to elevate Germany’s global position and expand its power. He is
considered to be the guiding force behind Germany’s foreign policy.
Arthur von Posadowsky-Wehner – Vice Chancellor, Secretary of the Interior
As Vice Chancellor of the German Empire, Arthur von Posadowsky-Wehner simultaneously
serves as the Secretary of the Interior, and has done so since 1897. He had served as
Secretary of the Treasury for the four years prior. As Germany’s foremost social reformer
and a veteran of German politics, Posadowsky is the resounding authority on the nation’s
domestic affairs. With his immense popularity among the masses, Posadowsky is a key
player in the imperial inner circle.
Max von Thielmann – Finance Minister
Max von Thielmann has been the Finance Minister of the German Empire since 1897.
Despite his history of primarily diplomatic roles, von Thielmann was chosen to head up the
Reich Treasury, thus becoming the highest authority in the way of finance for the German
Empire. With Germany’s interests of foreign expansion, von Thielmann must ensure that
the finances of the empire remain steady.
Oswald von Richthofen – Under Secretary of the Foreign Office
As Under Secretary of the Foreign Office, Oswald von Richthofen is the head of Germany’s
Foreign Office. He developed an acute sense of the financial workings of military and
diplomatic action from his eleven years serving as a representative in the Debt Management
!
Office of Egypt. Von Richthofen thus has been a critic of taking naval action against
Venezuela because of the cost of doing so. However, von Richthofen’s position on the
matter has since changed, and he now stands on the forefront of addressing the Venezuelan
issue.
Heinrich von Gossler – Minister of War
A General of the Infantry but more significantly the Minister of War, Heinrich von Gossler
oversees the command, condition, and the financial administration of the German military.
With military experience in the Austro-Prussian and Franco-Prussian plenipotentiary in the
Bundesrat, von Gossler is a voice of tremendous authority in regard to taking military
action, and its consequences.
Theodor Möller - Minister of Trade
The head of the Ministry of Trade since 1901, Theodor Möller is the only parliamentarian to
have been appointed a minister under von Bülow. Möller was formerly a member of the
Economic Committee in the Reichstag, and prior to that he was a prominent RhineWestphalian factory industrialist. A National Liberal member, Möller has tended to favor a
moderately protectionist course when it comes to trade. The Minister has a less than stellar
relationship with the Foreign Office, however, with the latter believing he should have
remained a deputy in the Reichstag.
STATESMEN
Maximilian Egon II – Prince of Fürstenberg
The Prince of Fürstenberg and bearer of territorial titles throughout Prussia, Austria,
Hungary, Württemberg, and Baden, Maximilian Egon II enjoys a tremendously close
relationship with Emperor Wilhelm II. Commanding an extreme swath of wealth,
Maximilian II holds great influence in German affairs. He is said to be treated as an equal
by the Emperor himself, perpetually serving as a key advisor, creating a tension between
him and the Chancellor and ministers of state. Nevertheless, Maximilian II unequivocally
has the ear of Wilhelm II.
Philip Frederick Alexander – Prince of Eulenberg and Hertefield, Count of
Sandels
After years of service in politics and diplomacy, Philip Frederick Alexander was named the
Prince of Eulenberg and Hertefield and Count of Sandels. Though his diplomatic and
political merit has been brought into question at times, particularly by the late Otto von
Bismarck, he is a close confidant and friend of the Emperor. The Prince carries an unofficial
position of great importance in Wilhelm II’s inner circle, and was integral in the
nomination of von Bülow. Like Maximilian Egon II, Philip carries a certain elevation over
the Emperor’s Chancellor and ministers of state.
Frederick I Wilhelm Ludwig – Grand Duke of Baden
!
Frederick Wilhelm Ludwig, or Frederick I, has been the Grand Duke of Baden, a state in
Southwest Germany, since 1858. As the leading figure of Baden, Frederick I is a prominent
member of the German nobility and has been summoned by the Emperor as part of an
effort to keep the interests of the various German states that make up the nation in mind.
He is an effective statesman and supportive of the monarchy, and thus wields the reverence
of Wilhelm II.
Theobald von Bethmann Hollweg – Statesman
Theobald von Bethmann Hollweg is a German statesman with a history of experience in the
Prussian administrative service, since 1882. He has been brought in by the Emperor for his
political mind and his background as coming from a prominent banking family. His views
have strayed to the liberal side, and his opposition to heightening conflicts with other major
powers has run him into tension with some of his more nationalistic counterparts.
Nevertheless, he is thought by the Emperor to have a bright future, and thus will have a
voice in the conversation of how to move forward.
Wilhelm II of Würtenberg – King of Würtenberg
Wilhelm II has been the ruler of the Kingdom of Würtenberg, a state in southern Germany
since 1891. Very popular among his people, Wilhelm lives a middle class lifestyle and is
renowned for his ear-to-the-ground leadership style. An opponent of great militarization,
Wilhelm thus strays paths from the Kaiser in this regard. Despite the fact that Würtenberg
is landlocked, Wilhelm does have a passion for ships, and thus at least has some
commonality with the Kaiser.
Georg of Saxony – King of Saxony
King Georg of Saxony has held the throne to Saxony, a state in central-eastern Germany, a
mere 6 months. Prior to his rule as King, and before that Prince of Saxony, Georg served in
the German military as commander of the Saxon XII corps. Georg is one more in a line of
controversial Saxon rulers who, as Roman Catholics, ruled over a largely Protestant
kingdom.
Ernst Ludwig – Grand Duke of Hesse
The Grand Duke of Hesse since 1892, Ernst Ludwig is the leading figure in the German
state, Hesse-Darmstadt. He is primarily known as a devout patron and practitioner of the
arts. In 1899, Ernst founded the Darmstadt Artists’ Colony, as a means of boosting the
economy of Hesse-Darmstadt through the interplay between art and trade. The Kaiser
reveres his ingenuity and ability to think outside the box to bolster both income and
culture.
DIPLOMATS
Adolf Marschall von Bieberstein – Diplomat
!
A prominent statesman and diplomat, Adolf Marschall von Bieberstein tremendous strides
in his diplomatic affairs with the Ottoman Empire, attaining German rights to build the
Baghdad Railway. Though he was dismissed as Secretary of State in the Foreign Office in
1897, he remains a significant figure in German foreign affairs due to his diplomatic tact
and conviction about expansion of territory and influence. His skillset is a valuable asset to
the Emperor’s will.
Hermann Speck von Sternburg – Diplomat
Recently having returned to Germany, Hermann Speck von Sternburg is one of his nation’s
leading diplomatic figures. He previously served in a variety of roles in Beijing and Serbia,
while more recently he was first secretary of the embassy in Washington D.C. and the
Consul General for British India and Ceylon in 1900. With his broad range of diplomatic
roles and experience in the United States, he will be of great use to the Emperor.
Representative to Paul Wolff Metternich – German Ambassador to the United
Kingdom
Paul Wolff Metternich is the current German Ambassador to the United Kingdom, and has
sent Wilhelm II a representative. He has held the position since late 1901, and has so far
made a substantive effort to reduce tension and political conflict between Germany and
Britain. He views smooth Anglo-German relations as a central and necessary component of
German foreign policy. With English involvement in the blockade, and a great deal of
competitive strain between the two countries, the representative is worthy of a keen set of
ears in the Summoning.
MILITARY OFFICIALS
Admiral Alfred von Tirpitz – Secretary of the German Imperial Naval Office
As Secretary of the German Imperial Naval Office since 1897, Admiral Alfred von Tirpitz
holds substantial power in the German Imperial Navy. He has had involvement with
strategic naval development since 1875. Since gaining his current position, von Tirpitz has
proven eager to turn the Imperial Navy into a true force in the world, and stands as the
foremost figure on naval development. His ambitions are great, and his seamanship and
statesmanship strong.
General Dietrich Graf von Hülsen-Haeseler – Chief of the German Imperial
Military Cabinet
General Dietrich Graf von Hülsen-Haeseler is the Chief of the German Imperial Military
Cabinet, and thus has a position of authority over a central component of the nation’s
military power. Having held this role since May of 1901, von Hülsen-Haeseler has prior
served as Chief of Staff in the Guards Corps, a military attaché at the German embassy in
!
Vienna, and as an aide de camp to Kaiser Wilhelm II himself, which established a
relationship of trust between him and the Emperor.
Admiral Gustav Freiherr von Senden-Bibran – Chief of the German Imperial
Naval Cabinet
Admiral Gustav Freiherr von Senden-Bibran is the Chief of the German Imperial Naval
Cabinet, and thus is General Dietrich Graf von Hülsen-Haeseler’s naval counterpart. Like
von Tirpitz, von Senden-Bibran has the goal of building a powerful German navy to
challenge that of the British. His power has been gradually undercut by the rise of von
Tirpitz, however he still commands the ear of Wilhelm II, and can win over the Emperor’s
favor through acute handling of the Venezuelan crisis.
Admiral Georg Alexander von Müller – Admiral of the German Imperial Navy
Admiral Georg Alexander von Müller is a prominent admiral of the German Imperial Navy,
and his brilliant military mind has been noticed by Wilhelm II. He joined the Imperial Navy
in 1871, and has served in a multitude of different positions. His relationship with the
Emperor is still young, but the admiral has great potential to rise among the ranks, and
higher into Wilhelm’s favor.
General Moriz Freiherr von Lyncker – Officer of the German Imperial Navy
General Moriz Freiherr von Lyncker is an officer of the German Imperial Navy, one whose
strategic prowess and resounding devotion to the Emperor has earned him a seat before
Wilhelm II. He joined the German Imperial Navy in 1870 and saw combat in the FrancoPrussian War. While his military wits run strong, his political sense is lacking; thus he must
be wary of his place among the Emperor’s Summoning.
LOBBYISTS/PRIVATE INDUSTRIALISTS
Georg Blohm – Hamburg Chief of Blohm & Voss
George Blohm is the Hamburg Chief of Blohm & Voss, the mighty shipyard in Hamburg.
Blohm is unique private industrialist who does not desire foreign intervention in Venezuela
on a grand scale, only a measured German naval presence. He is, in fact, in opposition to
the views of all the other German merchants in Venezuela. He has presented his objections
to the Hamburg Board of Trade, the Senate, and the Berlin Foreign Office, particularly
scolding the idea of an Anglo-German blockade, but with little success. Blohm’s voice–a
significant one–has yet to be heard by the Emperor, until now.
Albert Ballin – Director of the Hamburg-America Line
Albert Ballin is the Director of the Hamburg-America Line, a transatlantic shipping
enterprise which is considered to be one of the most important private corporations in all of
Germany. He took over the business from his father in 1874. Ballin is an integral figure in
the development of Germany’s mercantile marine, as the Hamburg-America Line is
!
currently the world’s largest shipping company. With business interests in both England
and Germany, Ballin cannot survive without the support of both countries. However, his
strong link to England fosters a close interdependence between himself and Emperor
Wilhelm II.
Ludwig Roland-Lucke – Board Member, Deutsche Bank and Deutsche Bank
Overseas
Ludwig Roland-Lucke is a key board member for the Deutsche Bank and the Deutsche Bank
Overseas. He was a civil servant from 1877 to 1893, when he left that role to become a board
member at the Deutsche Bank. His company works to facilitate trade relations between
Germany, other European countries, and overseas markets. Roland-Lucke is thus someone
to look to in regard to expanding Germany’s economic interests abroad.
Emil Rathenau – General Manager, General Electric Company (AEG)
Emil Rathenau is the founder and current General Manager of the General Electric
Company of Germany, as of 1883. Another outstanding business figure, Rathenau and his
company’s interests and influence transverse the entire globe. He has intensified Germany’s
industrialism tremendously since the Franco-Prussian War and is intent on continuing to
do so, through his knack for market creation. Wilhelm II is cognizant of the need for a
commercial and industrial mind in the extension of German influence into Venezuela.
August Thyssen – Chief Executive Officer, Thyssen AG
August Thyssen, sometimes referred to as “King Thyssen” for his supremacy in the steel,
iron, and coal trade, is the CEO of Thyssen AG, an important company founded in 1891. He
encapsulates the aggressive industrial German spirit that Wilhelm II so encourages.
Thyssen’s business pursuits have been and continue to be transatlantic in nature, and he
has ushered in a sense of Americanism in German industry. His current pursuits reside in
streamlining, modernizing, and expanding the production of iron and steel, as well as
securing raw materials in foreign locations.
Representative from the German-Venezuelan Sulphur Company
With relations between Germany and Venezuela becoming strained, a representative has
been sent from the German-Venezuelan Sulphur Company. The company primarily worked
sulphur pits near Carupano, Venezuela with a capitalization of 2 million Mark. The
Venezuelan Civil War, however, interrupted its semi-monthly shipments of materials from
Germany. The company has made multiple appeals to Berlin for naval protection, but it
now stands in dire condition and fears collapse. It has thus sent Wilhelm II a trustable
delegate to represent its views and needs.
Representative to Gustav Knoop – Manager, Great Venezuelan Railroad
Gustav Knoop is the current manager of the Great Venezuelan Railroad, and has sent
Wilhelm II a representative. Since 1900, the railway has stepped up its demands from the
!
government in Berlin. Knoop has been witnessing the damage to the prestige of the German
Reich in Venezuela and has actively criticized the inactivity of the German government.
With access to Castro, Knoop is a valuable asset to Wilhelm II. However, he is neither a
member nor pawn of the German government, and thus, his loyalty should not go
unquestioned.
Appendices
Appendix A: German Warships in Venezuela (1902)
Appendix B: Venezuelan Warships (1902)
Appendix C: American Cruisers and Gunboats
Appendix D: Major German Ships
Appendix E: Major American ships
Appendix F: World Manufacturing Production, 1880-1900
Great Britain
France
Germany
United States
1880 (%)
22.9
7.8
8.5
14.7
1900 (%)
18.5
6.8
13.2
23.6
Appendix G: Total Industrial Potential in Relative Perspective (Great Britain in 1900 =
100)
1880
73.3
25.1
27.4
46.9
Great Britain
France
Germany
United States
!
1900
100
36.8
71.2
127.8
Appendix H: German Trade with South America (1897) (in millions of Mark)
Country
Colombia
Venezuela
Chile
Argentina
Brazil
Uruguay/Paraguay
Peru
Ecuador
Mexico
Commerce and
Banking
Capital
Credits
20
50-60
114
200
180
42
25
3
70
60
50-60
80-90
160+?
50-60
50
50
6
20+?
Industry
12
67
20-30
6-7
40+
1-2
Land and
Plantations
2-3
10-12
45
200+?
30
13
Total
5.5
ca.25
100-120
28
28
over 200
100
ca.200
270-300
570-600
ca.350
ca.110
Guatemala/Nicaragua/Costa
Rica
35
60-70
45-50
100
240
!
Bibliography
Feldenkirchen, Wilfried. “The German Economy in the Second Half of the Nineteenth
Century.” In Werner von Siemens: Inventor and International Entrepreneur,
15-27. Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1994.
Heather, Peter. “Germany: The Economy, 1890-1914.” Encyclopedia Britannia Online.
January 28, 2015.
Herwig, Holger H. Germany’s Vision of Empire in Venezuela, 1871-1914. Princeton,
N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1986.
Hoven, Klaus. Expansion und Konzentration: Studien zur Entwicklung D. Freien
Gewerkschaften im Wilhelmin Deutschland 1890-1914. 1. Aufl. ed. Stuttgart:
Klett-Cotta, 1980.
“The Franco-Russian Alliance Military Convention – August 18, 1892.” Avalon Project.
“The Triple Alliance of 1882.” Triple Alliance, 1882.
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