VICS XX VENEZUELA CRISIS 1902 – VENEZUELA Dear Delegates, Welcome to Virginia International Crisis Simulation XX! We hope you all are just as excited to be part of VICS XX as we are! Our committee is called Cipriano Castro’s Advisory Council. This is a joint crisis committee along with Roosevelt’s Cabinet and the German Imperial Summoning within the Venezuelan Crisis simulation, so prepare for the unexpected. My name is Michael Treves. I will be your Chair. I am a third year in the College of Arts and Sciences at the University of Virginia. I double major in history and government with aspirations of one day attending law school. When I am not trying to remember every fact there is about a country’s history or political system, I am very involved in different forms of advocacy on Grounds. I am a Senior Support Officer with the Honor Committee, member of the University Democrats, volunteer tutor with Madison House, and part of UVA’s MUN team. I have done MUN since my freshman year of high school, attending numerous conferences around the country and making it a big part of my life ever since. I love everything from the engaging debates to the chaos of a crisis in committee. My name is Nojan Rostami. I will be your Crisis Director. I am a first year in the College of Arts and Sciences at the University of Virginia. I double major in media studies and government and am currently torn between pursuing a doctorate and attending law school. When I’m not trying to fix my perpetually broken sleep pattern you can find me coping with insomnia by being involved with pretty much anything I can on Grounds. I am a research assistant in the media studies department, editor of The Oculus publication, member of the Undergraduate Research Network, executive officer of the Alexander Hamilton Debating Society, and part of UVA’s MUN team. I, too, have done MUN since my freshman year of high school and by force of habit I’ve kept at it ever since. Starting in December 1902, this committee will seek to identify a plan for the Venezuelan response to German demands for debt repayment. While keeping in mind the numerous factors impacting Venezuela at the time, debate will principally revolve around events and crises brought to the attention of the committee. Although we encourage delegates to be versed and knowledgeable in the history of the Venezuelan Crisis and the Venezuelan Revolution, we ask delegates to avoid consciously following the established course of history. Debate will be far more enjoyable and stimulating if decisions and their impacts are featured in real-time. You never know, Venezuela might never repay Germany! We are looking forward to meeting all of you and hearing your ideas for this pressing time in South American history. If you have any questions, feel free to email us or our Director General, Gary DePalo, at [email protected]. Sincerely, Michael Treves Chair [email protected] Nojan Rostami Crisis Director [email protected] Timeline of Important Dates 1888 Friedrich Krupp AG contracts with Venezuelan government to build Great Venezuelan Railway 1892 La Revolución Legalista 1894 Great Venezuelan Railway completed 1896 Venezuela receives loan from Disconto Gelleschaft of Berlin 1899 La Revolución Liberal Restauradora Oct 1899 Start of Thousand Days’ War in Colombia Oct 1899 Cipriano Castro victoriously enters Caracas Dec 1899 To solve the economic crisis, Castro calls Manuel Antonio Matos to apply for a loan in the amount of one million Bolívars Jan 1900 Matos and Bank of Venezuela deny request for the loan. Castro orders the arrest of Matos and the directors of the Bank of Caracas and the Bank of Venezuela. After being paraded around in chains, the bankers grant the loan and are released Oct 1900 Castro calls for a National Constitutional Assembly to draft a new Constitution Feb 1901 The National Constitutional Assembly appoints Cipriano Castro Provisional President of Venezuela July 1901 It is reported that the Government of Colombia plans to invade Venezuela and overthrow la Restauración July 1901 Germany proposes to Venezuela mediation by the Permanent Court of Arbitration in The Hague in regards to debt payment July 1901 The Battle of San Cristóbal Aug 1901 Colombia and Venezuela break diplomatic relations. Castro begins preparations to invade Colombia in response to raid in Táchira and desire to restore la Gran Colombia Nov 1901 Castro receives news of Matos’ revolutionary plot Dec 1901 Kaiser Wilhelm II sends message to President Theodore Roosevelt about his intentions to exert pressure on Venezuela for cancellation of debts Dec 1901 Start of la Revolución Libertadora Jan 1902 Matos, aboard Ban Righ, lands in Coro and distributes European firearms to revolutionary army Jan 1902 Ban Righ declared a pirate ship by the Venezuelan government; Venezuela offers a $10,000 reward for her seizure Jan 1902 Castro creates Junta for the Examination and Qualification of Credits; Commission rejects over 80% of the 16 million Bolívars in claims Feb 1902 Ban Righ sinks Venezuelan man-of-war General Joaquín Crespo March 1902 Nicolas Rolando joins the rebellion against the government and lands in Carúpano April 1902 Ban Righ docks at Port of Spain, Trinidad May 1902 Matos lands at Guiria and is pleased with rebel successes July 1902 British Resident Minister in Venezuela, William Henry Doverton Haggard, delivers a note to Castro imposing an ultimatum by the British Government for the repayment of debts Nov 1902 Government troops launch a final attack to San Mateo, destroying the center of the revolutionary army, ending the Battle of La Victoria Nov 1902 End of Thousand Days’ War in Colombia Nov 1902 Kaiser Wilhelm II meets with King Edward VII; decide to implement a naval blockade of Venezuela’s coast Dec 7 1902 Germany and the United Kingdom send a final ultimatum; British and German ships are positioned off coast; Castro rejects the ultimatum and the British and German Ambassadors to Venezuela leave the country Dec 9 1902 15 ships of the Royal Navy and Kaiserliche Marine begin blockade and attack port of La Guaira; a combined force of British and German troops land and occupy the docks Dec 10 1902 British and German naval vessels capture Venezuelan warships; Margarita dismantled in Puerto Cabello; only Miranda escapes Committee Overview Over the course of this conference, this committee will be asked to respond to some of the same challenging questions that faced political officials in Venezuela during the Venezuelan Crisis. In doing so, this committee will be interacting with the delegates in Roosevelt’s Cabinet, chaired by Sean Rumage as President Theodore Roosevelt, and the German Imperial Summoning, chaired by Zach Diamond as Kaiser Wilhelm II. As a result, delegates will not only be reacting to domestic crises and the concerns the crisis brought on, but also to the actions taken by the other committees in real time. The other committees will be doing the same. Cipriano Castro’s Advisory Council can be seen as an enlargement of Cipriano Castro’s original cabinet. Each delegate’s vote will count the same and the committee will be run by standard parliamentary procedure with the appropriate alterations sometimes needed in committees that use military tactics, such as the suspension of debate to vote on immediate reaction to crises. The committee will be composed of cabinet members, military generals, Governors of Venezuela’s states, financial leaders, and other potentially influential governmental officials. During debate, delegates will be asked to consider the responsibilities and the interests they represent, keeping in mind that some level of disagreement is a necessary and real condition for political debate. Faced with different situations over the course of the conference, delegates will need to react cogently and swiftly. As a whole, the committee has the authority to pass legislation that will impact and be executed by the Venezuelan government. However, I encourage delegates to recognize the presence of Cipriano Castro and what he would consider the best course of action for Venezuela. Each delegate will also be afforded the portfolio powers appropriate for their role. I ask delegates to deftly use their roles in seeking particular actions and to remember that the committee may not be able to take certain actions without the approval of other individuals in the committee. For example, agreement between the Minister of War and Navy and different military officials is suggested, but is by no means required. By the end of the conference, the goal of this committee is to seek an ultimate end to the Venezuelan Crisis on Venezuelan terms. The parameters of this end though are for the committee to decide. There was more than one definition for what success meant to Venezuela. While there are no specific topics for this committee to discuss, in identifying a particular course for Venezuelan action during the crisis, delegates will be forced to consider a number of other relevant issues. Among these are the aforementioned conditions for success, Venezuela’s relationship with her neighboring countries, the desired extent of United States’ influence in South America, domestic conditions in Venezuela, and most importantly, the status of Manuel Antonio Matos’ revolution against the Castro regime. Delegates will not be able to answer all of these questions within the short time at VICS, but all should be considered. Written as if it was 1902, this background guide is meant to give a brief introduction to the themes and problems impacting Venezuela that will need to be remembered when crafting policy in this committee. Lastly, it must be remembered that this committee will begin on December 10, 1902, just as the German gunboat SMS Gazelle has boarded the Venezuelan warship Restaurador. This seizure marked the first official action of the blockade that had begun on December 9. At this time, Matos’ revolution is well underway already and the blockade of Venezuela’s coast is beginning to vex its strength. Faced with conflict both domestically and internationally, it is unclear how Castro’s regime should react. Venezuela in the Nineteenth Century The Venezuelan Crisis of 1895 1902 is not the first time that Venezuela challenged European powers; in 1895, there was a conflict over a territory dispute in Essequibo and Guayana Esequiba. In this case, Great Britain seized Venezuelan ships and even went as far as to capture ports of strategic and economic value.1 Lacking the military power to unilaterally bring the crisis to a close, Venezuela turned to the United States through a former ambassador-turnedlobbyist and appealed for an invocation of the Monroe Doctrine. Lobbying proved effective, and the United States enforced the Monroe Doctrine on Venezuelan interests. The conflict itself was later resolved through arbitration, though it is important to note that the United States negotiated on behalf of Venezuela. Furthermore, the tribunal that drafted the treaty that resolved the conflict contained only two spots reserved for Venezuelans, both of whom would be nominated by the United States Supreme Court. Ultimately, the court of arbitration granted over 90% of the disputed territory to the British in an almost unanimous decision, and ever since the American presence in South America has been more strongly felt.2 The 1895 crisis demonstrated the American readiness to invoke the Monroe Doctrine, albeit at the cost of Venezuelan influence during the arbitration process. The Rise of Cipriano Castro Centralized executive power and economic institutions are a relatively new concept in the Venezuelan government. Prior to Cipriano Castro, President Antonio Guzman Blanco sought to consolidate economic power in the hands of the executive through the !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 1 Humphreys, Anglo-American Rivalries and the Venezuela Crisis of 1895, 131. 2 Schoenrich, The Venezuela-British Guiana Boundary Dispute, 526. creation of institutions. He did this mainly by privatizing customs collection at Venezuelan ports as well as establishing the Compania de Credito to pay off government debt.3 By placing control of the Compania in the hands of trading houses, Blanco created a direct system of credit from the trading houses to the executive. It is important to note that these institutions served as guarantors to Venezuela’s numerous international loans. Consolidating economic power gave the government substantially more revenue and the ability to wield economic power when needed.4 Largely due to Blanco’s failure to centralize military power and his expansion of the executive office, Blanco’s departure from the presidency prompted regional caudillo powers to fight for power. Twelve years of instability and a drop in coffee prices allowed Cipriano Castro to rally the rural Andean regions of Venezuela to revolution. Over the course of 153 days and 42 armed engagements, Castro’s armies cut a path from the Andes to Caracas where he was able to secure the presidency.5 His program of “new men, new ideals, new methods” led him to incorporate members of all political factions into his new government. The diversity he surrounded himself with allowed him to rule for some time without major political opposition. Colombia’s Thousand Days’ War The liberal-conservative civil war in Colombia may be an indicator of things to come in Venezuela should the Castro administration fail to quickly resolve the challenges to its authority. When, in 1899, President Sanclemente was too ill to rule Colombia, a power !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! Rodriguez, Anarchy, State, and Dystopia: Venezuelan Economic Institutions Before Oil, 105. 4 Rodriguez, Anarchy, State, and Dystopia: Venezuelan Economic Institutions Before Oil, 107. 5 Ewell, Venezuela: A Century of Change, 39. 3 vacuum allowed for armed conflict to begin. Soon after the liberal rebels began their insurgency in the region of Santander the conservative government responded with proportional force, propelling the conflict into a bloody and devastating war that ended in November 1902. Venezuela itself was almost dragged into the war as well. Many of the liberals pursued by the Colombian government sought refuge in Venezuela, prompting the Colombian government to begin planning an expedition into Venezuelan territory. The battle of San Cristóbal, in Venezuela, was a moral boost for the liberals and an explicit violation of Venezuelan sovereignty, as President Castro had asked the Colombian government to not send an expeditionary force across Venezuelan borders.6 After Castro’s limited campaign of punishment in Colombia, Venezuela withdrew from armed hostilities. The United States, believing its Colombian interests were at risk, dispatched its navy, forcing the liberals to lay down their arms. In addition to establishing a naval presence in the area, the United States also had a significant role in negotiating the peace. The ultimate peace treaty was signed onboard an American battleship. The conservative government’s victory in the Thousand Days’ War has several implications for the Venezuelan government. Given past hostilities and the United States’ heavy investment in Colombia, there is a possibility that bad blood between Venezuela and Colombia may cause further problems should Venezuela call on the United States to intervene in the present conflict with Germany. Furthermore, the United States’ readiness to intervene in Colombia and her continued presence postconflict could indicate a more active imperialist approach to American foreign policy in South America. 6 !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! Azcarate, Psychological Dynamics of the Armed Conflict in Colombia Matos’ Revolution In 1902, Manuel Antonio Matos, a prominent banker and Venezuelan politician, levied his considerable foreign connections and military experience to openly rebel against the Castro government. His domestic support came from a wide range of regional caudillos, or political-military leaders with authoritarian power, the most important of whom were Domingo Monagas and Luciano Mendoza, who were placed in charge of the military operations of the rebellion. Most important among his domestic supporters was Luciano Mendoza, the current president of the state of Aragua.7 When the revolution was openly declared, Castro seized the family and assets of both Mendoza and Matos, and acted quickly in appointing Juan Vicente Gomez as Chief of Staff of the Army to crush the rebellion. In due time, Gomez had defeated Mendoza and the older caudillos. With the government only in control of the Andean states and Caracas, and with Matos’ continued overseas support from American companies, the victories over the regional caudillos failed to suppress the rebellion in its early stages. After the battle of La Victoria in November, the rebels have been routed despite still holding a temporary numerical advantage near the city. Government forces, though surrounded by rebel armies in most of the Venezuelan states, have an advantage given to them by, quite ironically, superior German technology. Krupp artillery and repeating Mauser rifles as well as superior military strategy have worked significantly in favor of the government forces. Matos’ revolution is still active despite its western army being in shambles. Matos’ armies still maintain a presence and pose a strong threat to the governments of 7 !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! McBeth, Gunboats, Corruption, and Claims, 64. Guárico, Aragua, and Carabobo. However, there are some positive outcomes to this ongoing conflict. With the defeat of the regional caudillos, the Venezuelan government is in a position to consolidate and centralize power in the hands of the executive both economically, as President Guzman Blanco once did, and militarily. Furthermore, it is important to consider the influence the American companies that are supporting Matos may have in deciding whether or not the United States intervenes in the current conflict with the Germans. More importantly, it is imperative that the United States, should it decide to intervene, enter on the side of the Castro government. It may even be that, in light of Matos’ revolution and the extensive American support he has received, the Venezuelan government could consider alternatives to American intervention for resolving the conflict with Germany. The Blockade Note: This section provides a brief overview of why Germany and Great Britain ultimately blockaded Venezuela. Germany and Great Britain had their own motives for the blockade but for all intents and purposes, the Venezuelan Crisis began as a result of Venezuelan action. To better understand the crisis, it is imperative to comprehend why it began. The dispute between the various blockading countries and Venezuela had been simmering for years before 1902. Germany is the most aggrieved party in these quarrels, and it is she who initiated the action to recover her loans. At the root of the worsening relations between Berlin and Caracas lies Venezuela’s inability (or unwillingness) to honor mostly guaranteed interest and loan payments on several major industrial undertakings financed by German entrepreneurs at hefty rates. Venezuela had also dilatorily handled in her local courts claims submitted by German nationals as a result of years of domestic revolts that featured countless cases of ravages and requisitions.8 The major claimant is the Great Venezuelan Railway. In 1888, Friedrich Krupp AG contracted with the Venezuelan government to build a railway in exchange for 12,800 British Pounds per kilometer to be repaid at 7 percent interest. However, when the Venezuelan government failed to meet its payments, the German company pressed its own government to assist it in the recovery of its capital. In pursuing the claim, Germany was at one point willing to send gunboats to settle the dispute. But, the crisis was averted when President Joaquín Crespo secured a loan of 33 million Bolívars with 5 percent interest from the Disconto Gessellschaft of Berlin in 1896, managing to repay part of the debt.9 Yet by 1901, Venezuela was 6 million Bolívars behind in interest debt alone. In December 1902, German government has again demanded that Venezuela repay these outstanding loans. By the turn of the century, Venezuela was in a full-blown financial crisis. The Great Venezuelan Railway is owed over one-half million Bolívars in transport costs for government troops; no payments have been made on the 1896 loan since April 1898; and Caracas has also halted payment on the reclamations stemming from the civil war of 1892. In total, Venezuela owes about 208 million Bolívars on foreign loans, revolutionary damage claims, and internal obligations. In addition, the business climate is so depressed that financiers prefer either to invest their monies abroad or to squander them on luxury goods.10 !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! Herwig, Germany’s Vision of Empire in Venezuela, 1871-1914, 83. 9 McBeth, Gunboats, Corruption, and Claims Foreign Intervention in Venezuela, 1899-1908, 81. 10 Herwig, Germany’s Vision of Empire in Venezuela, 1871-1914, 85. 8 Moreover, the new government of Cipriano Castro does not recognize the monetary claims made by Germany against Venezuelan nationals. Instead, in January 1902, Castro proposed that a Venezuelan Commission be set up to decide on the claims. Castro argued that foreigners should not be treated differently than locals and that the problem in question was a domestic one that did not call for foreign involvement because Article 149 of the Venezuelan constitution stated that any dispute arising from a stated contract between Venezuela and a foreign entity had to be settled in Venezuelan courts.11 Such a clause, however, had been omitted from the Disconto Gessellschaft loan agreement. The Germans rejected the Venezuelan solution because they had little faith in Venezuelan justice. They also did not accept the principle that the claims could not be made into a diplomatic matter. Although the Venezuelan government admitted that the Supreme Court would hear any appeal against the Commission, the Germans had little faith in the incorruptibility of the Venezuelan courts. They argued that the courts depended ultimately on President Castro’s decision. The previous experience of Disconto Gelleschaft was sufficient proof to Germany that the Venezuelan government was incapable of honoring the debts owed to her. At the time of the blockade, Venezuela also owes money to Great Britain. The Venezuelan government is in a deficit on interest payments on British loans as well, such as the 5 million Bolívars loan on the Puerto Cabello & Valencia Railway, the loans on the Bolivar, Central, and Barquisimeto railways, and the debt on the Caracas & La !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! McBeth, Gunboats, Corruption, and Claims Foreign Intervention in Venezuela, 1899-1908, 82. 11 Guaira Railway Company.12 In addition, there is a request by Great Britain to abolish the 30 percent surtax on goods imported from Trinidad. Trinidad is willing to ban completely the imports of arms, “which has proved so fruitful a source of complaint on the part of the Venezuelan Government,” as long as the illegal tax was abolished. But, Venezuela refuses.13 Lastly, Great Britain has some minor but extremely irritating small claims stemming from the trading activity between Trinidad and Venezuela. In 1902, there are approximately eight thousand foreigners living in Ciudad Bolivar, of which five thousand are British citizens. The total turnover of the port is about 16,250,000 Bolívars, of which 60 percent is with Great Britain or her colonies.14 A large number of small traders move between the West Indies and the mainland, and the Venezuelan Navy harasses most of them. Ultimately, adding to her heavy external debt is a growing accumulation of claims against Venezuela stemming from the numerous insurgencies and civil wars. These claims involve an alleged injury suffered by the claimants to their persons or property during the violence, or for alleged illegal seizure of, or damage to, foreign trading or fishing vessels operating in Venezuelan waters.15 Of significance is the DeutschVenezolanische Schwelfelgruben A.G., which operates sulfur pits near Carúpano, with a capitalization of 2 million German Mark. Based at Cologne, the firm started work in 1899, and, with the financial support of the Schaffhausen’scher Bankverein, is building a seventeen-kilometer aerial cable system to transport the sulfur from the pits to the port. But, the Venezuelan civil war interrupted its semi-monthly shipments of materials from !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! Ibid, 82. 13 Ibid, 82. 14 Ibid, 82. 15 Singh, Big Power Pressure on Venezuela During the Presidency of Cipriano Castro, 125. 12 Germany, and the German-Venezuelan Sulfur Company in January and February 1901 appealed to Berlin for naval protection and the need to “show the flag.” In this case, Berlin concurred and the SMS Vineta arrived in the port by mid-March 1901.16 During the early period of the civil war, Venezuelan troops also treated a number of German subjects and their property poorly. For example, the civil war was brought to the doorstep of the Germans of Barquisimeto in the summer of 1902 when Venezuelan troops seized their homes and stores, collected “protection” monies, and requisitioned their food and wine. German Minister von Pilgrim-Baltazzi demanded that Castro immediately pay a restitution of 200,000 Bolívars and Count Oriola of the SMS Gazelle suggested to Kaiser Wilhelm II that the Venezuelan fleet be seized, that a “pacific” blockade of the Venezuelan coast be undertaken, and that the custom houses at La Guaira and Puerto Cabello be occupied.17 Yet, Kaiser Wilhelm II was not immediately convinced of the need for force. In July 1902, Wilhelm II ruled only that a diplomatic protest be lodged with Castro in the case of the Barquisimeto Germans. However, the Emperor did state that he would be willing to contemplate a larger naval action in the fall. The Imposition of the “Peaceful” Blockade The Venezuelan people first learned of the impeding blockade through the Caracas press in early November 1902. Rumors soon spread that Germany and Great Britain would invade with “more than a million of fighting men under arms and more than 700 ships at sea.”18 President Cipriano Castro tried unsuccessfully to win over Germany by !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! Herwig, Germany’s Vision of Empire in Venezuela, 1871-1914, 96. 17 Ibid, 97-98. 18 Herwig, Alemania y el Bloqueo Internacional de Venezuela, 1902-1903, 28 16 offering to settle its claims if it desisted in supporting Britain’s action. To gain time, Castro sought a loan from the Seligman Financial House of New York. Castro also asked the United States to guarantee to protect Venezuela from European powers, but the United States refused. As time started to run out, H.G. & L.F. Blohm, the largest trading house in Venezuela, offered Castro “a private loan of 2 million Bolívars in case he opted to pay off the most pressing German claims.”19 Ultimately, however, Castro was convinced that the blockade would not take place. To Castro, it is unimaginable that nations with friendly relations with Venezuela should try to force their claims on the country when “the alleged difference is comfortably covered within the jurisdiction of our laws which are guaranteed by our justice principles.”20 Moreover, a foreign blockade, although undesirable, could have a potentially positive political impact on behalf of the Castro government against Matos and his revolutionaries. However, on December 7, the “peaceful blockade” was officially imposed when “by order of our Sovereigns, we the Commanding Officers of the German and British naval forces, co-operating in West Indian waters hereby declare a blockade of the Venezuelan ports of Maracaybo (sic) (including San Carlos), Puerto Cabello, La Guaira, (sic) and…any other harbours on the east coast of Venezuela.”21 President Castro took advantage of the opportunity to rally his country behind him- not only against the foreigners but also the Matos rebels. On December 9, Castro ordered the arrest of all British and German “nationals.” Railroad lines, telephone, telegraph, and electric companies owned by Germany and Great Britain were also seized or closed. In addition, !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! McBeth, Gunboats, Corruption, and Claims Foreign Intervention in Venezuela, 1899-1908, 88. 20 Ibid, 88. 21 Ibid, 88. 19 Castro opened Venezuela’s jails, released all political prisoners, and called upon them to rally to the defense of the country, which most of them agreed to do. On the evening of December 9, President Castro addressed the nation, repudiating “the insolent foreign foot” and calling for Venezuelans to unite against the foreign aggressors.22 The threat of foreign intervention is too great for most Venezuelans to ignore. Many Venezuelans have rallied around the government, lending it money for the forthcoming conflict. Even Manuel Antonio Matos lent the government 200,000 Bolívars. An estimated 100,000 volunteers were equally persuaded by Castro’s speech and have rushed to join the federal militia. Women have donated their jewelry for defense, and bands of university students and laborers have hastily formed battalions. Castro has vowed to carry out guerrilla warfare on the plains of Venezuela should the blockading countries decide to invade the nation. As a final act of defiance, Castro has ordered all property belonging to British and German “nationals” to be seized and denied United States Minister Herbert W. Bowen permission to represent German and British interests in the capital.23 If Venezuela thought the ultimatum and flotilla of German and British ships stationed off her coast was a bluff, she was soon proven wrong. The naval demonstration, which had started peacefully, quickly turned nasty. At 4:45 pm on December 9, the German warship SMS Vineta seized the Venezuelan gunboat General Crespo and the SMS Panther captured the Totumo. The Kaiserliche Marine scuttled the two Venezuelan ships. The British likewise caught the destroyer Margarita and the !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! Herwig, Alemania y el Bloqueo Internacional de Venezuela, 1902-1903, 29. 23 Ibid, 29. 22 freighter Ossun.24 To the total surprise of their Venezuelan crews, the blockading countries had taken these Venezuelan warships in La Guaira within a matter of ten minutes. Later that evening, a small landing force of German corps rescued the German consul in La Guaira without firing a shot; the HMS Retribution landed marines that same night and again on December 10 to evacuate British subjects. British warships also captured the gunboat Bolívar at Port of Spain, Trinidad. The end came quickly for the Venezuelan navy. On December 10, the British sloop Alert seized the troopship Zamora and the armed freighter 23 de Mayo in the Gulf of Paria, while the SMS Gazelle seized the gunboat Restaurador in Guanta. The Restaurador was quickly refitted in Trinidad and pressed into service as a communications vessel for German Commodore Georg Scheder’s force.25 In the immediate days of the blockade, only the gunboat Miranda remains free. As of December 10, nearly all of the Venezuelan Navy has been lost. This stands to be a significant blow to Venezuela as it deprives her of the means to intercept rebel arms shipments, transport troops and arms quickly, blockade rebel-held ports, and launch sea and land operations against enemy coastal positions. !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! Ibid, 29-30. 25 Ibid, 30. 24 Questions to Consider 1. What needs to occur for Venezuela to be victorious against the revolution led by Manuel Antonio Matos? 2. What impact will the blockade have on the Venezuelan economy? Will Venezuela need to take a strong stand against the blockade? 3. Is there such a thing as a “pacific blockade”? Does a blockade innately involve a state of war? 4. What are the advantages and disadvantages of engaging Germany militarily? Should Venezuela adopt a different strategy in the years ahead? 5. What involvement should the United States have in settling the disputes between Venezuela and Europe? Guide to Research This background guide should serve as a starting point for your research. It is important to come prepared so that your time in committee will be more productive- and more fun! Although there is a fair amount of literature on the Venezuelan Crisis, few specifically address Venezuela’s participation. Delegates will need to be creative in their research. I encourage delegates to look at the background guides of the other committees and both primary and secondary sources. Here is a list of some resources I recommend: • Gilmore, Robert. Caudillism and Militarism in Venezuela, 1810-1910. 1964. • Graham-Yooll, Andrew. Imperial Skirmishes: War and Gunboat Diplomacy in Latin America. 2002. • Hill, Howard. Roosevelt and the Caribbean. 1927. • Hogan, Albert Edmond. Pacific Blockade. 1908. • Hood, Miriam. Gunboat Diplomacy 1895-1905: Great Power Pressure in Venezuela. London: Allen & Unwin, 1975. • Mitchell, Nancy. The Height of the German Challenge: The Venezuela Blockade, 1902-1903. 1996. • Penfield, W.L. The Angl0-German Blockade of Venezuela. 1903. Dossiers Dear Delegates, As you will notice in the following descriptions, many of the positions in this committee lack extensive backgrounds. It simply the consequence of the nature of our topic; few historians have written in-depth about early twentieth century Venezuelan politics, so it is on us to write the history. Since little is known about most of the positions in Cipriano Castro’s Advisory Council, we request that you produce the background to your position. We ask that you submit to Michael Treves ([email protected]) a 300-word background to your position including information about your position’s upbringing, expertise, connections in committee (if any), etc., at least one week before the first committee session (March 19, 2014 by 5:00 pm). Ramón Guerra – Minister of War and Navy Ramón Guerra rose to prominence fighting alongside Joaquin Crespo in la Revolución Queipa. When Crespo died in the Battle of Mata Carmelera, Guerra replaced him as Commander of the First Military District and eventually defeated the revolutionary leader José Manuel “Mocho” Hernandez. After putting down the rebellion of Hernandez, Guerra ran for president of Miranda, but his desires were thwarted when President Ignacio Andrade decided to reorganize Venezuela’s larger states like Miranda. Defeated, Guerra fled to Colombia and then to Curacao, but returned to Venezuela with the arrival of Cipriano Castro to power. Under Castro, Guerra was appointed national delegate in Aragua, Guarico, and Apure (in December 1899), commander of the First Military District (August 1900) and deputy for the Guárico state (January 1901). Guerra has served as Castro’s Minister of War and Navy since 1902. Rafael López Barait – Minister of Home Affairs Rafael López Barait has served as Cipriano Castro’s Minister of Home Affairs since 1902. As Minister of Home Affairs, Barait is responsible for ensuring the security of the state by protecting the stability and functionality of her institutions. Barait also has promoted legal security of the population through the bodies of the administration of justice and encouraged the efficient functioning of resources by states. Diego Bautista Ferrer – Minister of Outer Relations Diego Bautista Ferrer has served as Cipriano Castro’s Minister of Outer Relations since 1902. As Minister of Outer Relations, Ferrer is responsible for promoting, organizing and planning policies outside of Venezuela. Ramón Tello Mendoza – Minister of Finance Ramón Tello Mendoza has been Cipriano Castro’s Minister of Finance since 1899. As Minister of Finance, Mendoza is responsible for the economic stability of Venezuela. Rafael María Carabaño – Minister of Public Works Rafael María Carabaño has served as Cipriano Castro’s Minister of Public Works since 1902. As Minister of Public Works, Carabaño is responsible for basic infrastructure throughout Venezuela. Arnaldo Morales – Minister of Development Arnaldo Morales has been Cipriano Castro’s Minister of Development since 1902. As Minister of Development, Morales is responsible for scientific and technological research. Víctor Barret de Nazaris – Minister to the United States Víctor Barret de Nazaris will be representing Venezuelan interests in Washington, D.C., at the beginning of the Venezuelan Crisis. In an attempt to avoid the subsequent blockade, Cipriano Castro requested that de Nazaris arrange a loan with the Seligman Financial House of New York; however, Castro did not succeed in getting the loan. José Antonio Velutini Ron – Plenipotentiary Minister for Debt Negotiation Under the regime of Joaquin Crespo, José Antonio Velutini Ron was appointed Commander in Chief of the Armies of the Republic. With the rise of Cipriano Castro, Velutini Ron became the Minister of Home Affairs and Commander of Government Forces in the early stages of la Revolución Libertadora. After the victorious campaign of the Castro government against the rebels, Velutini Ron became Plenipotentiary Minister for Debt Negotiations with various European nations and a Venezuelan Ambassador in France and Britain. Juan Vicente Gómez – Chief of Staff of the Army Juan Vicente Gómez fought alongside Cipriano Castro during his rise to power. In 1901, when National Constituent Assembly named Cipriano Castro the Provisional President of Venezuela, the Assembly also named General Juan Vicente Gómez Second Vice President. Gómez was Commander of the Government Forces during la Revolución Libertadora. In this role, Gómez defeated various regional warlords, including Luciano Mendoza, Antonio Fernández, Luis Loreto Lima, and Nicolas Rolando. Román Delgado Chalbaud – Commander-in-Chief of Venezuelan Navy Román Delgado Chalbaud entered the Venezuelan Naval Academy at Puerto Cabello, and by 1901 had obtained the rank of Captain. Delgado was Commander in Chief of the Venezuelan Navy during la Revolución Libertadora, engaging with the revolutionary ships fitted in Europe. Rafael Ravard – Chairman of Municipal Council of Vargas A state with a history of natural disasters, Vargas has suffered economically for quite some time. Rafael Ravard, the most powerful executive in the state, has spent his career building Vargas up as one of the most successful seaports in South America. Santiago Briscena – Governor of Sucre One of the larger and more powerful coastal states in Venezuela, Sucre has always been an economic powerhouse in Venezuela. Santiago Briscena, the governor during the crisis, has built a reputation by putting himself and his state’s interest first as far as his political objectives were concerned. Briscena has so far able to successfully keep Sucre safe from any foreign incursion during the Crisis. General Manuel Sarmiento – Governor of Guarico An older Caudillo with a strong military background, Gen. Sarmiento is one of the most outspoken hawks in Cipriano Castro’s government. He has struck tremendous defeats to the Matos Revolution in eastern Venezuela, and at the time of the crisis is mostly focused on finishing off the revolution to secure his state’s borders. General Guillermo Aranguren – Governor of Zulia Amongst the closest of Cipriano Castro’s friends and allies, General Aranguren received his post as Governor of Zulia following Castro’s ascension to the presidency. During Matos’ revolution, his forces played a critical role in defeating the western portion of Matos’ armies. Known for his hot-headed militaristic attitude, the General, as he styles himself, is quick to anger and favors bold action to put a decisive end to Matos’ revolution. He is tasked with the military protection and economic expansion of Zulia. Fernando López Vaquero – District Governor of Maracaibo City A seasoned politician and diplomat, Vaquero ascended to power through the favor of his mentor, the General Aranguren. Vaquero is charged with the governance of the city of Maracaibo. A crucial economic port and a point of entrance for foreign investment and culture, the port city finds itself at the center of this unfolding crisis. José Rafael Luque – Governor of Cojedes José Rafael Luque is a career politician who has been in power as Governor of Cojedes for many years. He strategically maintained neutrality throughout the majority of Castro’s revolution and kept the violence in his state at a minimum. Ever resourceful, when Castro’s victory seemed imminent, he was quick to declare his loyalty to the new President. HW Dean – New York and Bermudez The Venezuelan representative of the New York and Bermudez banking company, HW Dean has been with the company his whole life. The company sent him to report on the state of Venezuelan affairs and to lobby on behalf of the American company’s business interests in the region. His main task is to maintain an independent Venezuela that is able to continue foreign investment and financial interaction with the United States. Castro has asked him to serve on the council because the President sees in him potential to become another American voice defending Venezuela. Ellis Grell – Orinoco Steam The largest shipping company in the region, Orinoco’s interests have been jeopardized by the blockade. The company sent Ellis Grell as a representative to protect the Venezuelan interests of the Orinoco Steam company. Due to the country’s economic importance and partnerships with the government’s expanding efforts to consolidate economic and trade power, Castro has asked him to sit on his advisory council. Aquiles Iturbe – General An experienced general, Iturbe loyally served Castro during his revolution. Hailing from the coffee growing rural region from which Castro himself hails, Iturbe specializes in land-based military operations in mountain regions. Rafael González Pacheco – General A young general anxious to prove himself, Pacheco has been given command of a contingent of forces in Guarico. With Matos’ revolution still in full swing in that particular region, Pacheco must work closely with the Governor of Guarico to finish Matos once and for all. Leopoldo Baptista – General A general hailing from Aragua, Baptista is fighting the small reserve of troops left from Matos’ revolution in the west. Concerned with a potential invasion, Baptista is keen to solve the domestic crisis at hand and focus on the German crisis. Pedro Araujo – General Araujo is a seasoned general who participated in Castro’s limited campaign of revenge against Colombia during the 1000 days war. Having been severely injured and losing his arm in the conflict, Araujo is a cynical leader who leads with a powerful cult of personality. Eustoquio Gómez – General Gomez is a young ambitious general recently assigned to a garrison in Carabobo. Tasked with the defense of the region, Gomez must wage war against the vastly more experienced Caudillo generals commanding Matos’ army in the region. Federico Carmona – Owner of El Impulso Venezuela’s oldest and most popular newspaper, El Impulso has in recent years been working very closely with the Castro regime. The President himself invited Carmona to serve on the council in hopes that he can be of help in dealing with domestic issues that require a distinct need for political and journalistic tact. Rafael Monserrate – Minister of Public Instruction In light of Matos’ revolution, Castro created this position to assist in propaganda and controlling political dissent amongst the caudillos and educated masses in the cities. Julio Torres Cárdenas – Secretary of Presidency Castro’s longtime aide and political advisor, Julio Cardenas has loyally served Castro for many years. Though he possesses no real executive power, Cardenas is an expert on Venezuelan legislative matters. Appendices Appendix A: German Warships in Venezuela (1902) Appendix B: Venezuelan Warships (1902) Appendix C: American Cruisers and Gunboats Appendix D: Major German Ships Appendix E: Major American ships Appendix F: World Manufacturing Production, 1880-1900 Great Britain France Germany United States 1880 (%) 22.9 7.8 8.5 14.7 1900 (%) 18.5 6.8 13.2 23.6 Appendix G: Total Industrial Potential in Relative Perspective (Great Britain in 1900 = 100) 1880 73.3 25.1 27.4 46.9 Great Britain France Germany United States ! 1900 100 36.8 71.2 127.8 Appendix H: German Trade with South America (1897) (in millions of Mark) Country Colombia Venezuela Chile Argentina Brazil Uruguay/Paraguay Peru Ecuador Mexico Commerce and Banking Capital Credits 20 50-60 114 200 180 42 25 3 70 60 50-60 80-90 160+? 50-60 50 50 6 20+? Industry 12 67 20-30 6-7 40+ 1-2 Land and Plantations 2-3 10-12 45 200+? 30 13 Total 5.5 ca.25 100-120 28 28 over 200 100 ca.200 270-300 570-600 ca.350 ca.110 Guatemala/Nicaragua/Costa Rica 35 60-70 45-50 100 240 Bibliography Azcarate, Camilo A. "Psychosocial Dynamics of the Armed Conflict in Colombia". Online Journal of Peace and Conflict Resolution 2, no. 1 (March 1999) Ewell, Judith. Venezuela, a Century of Change. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1984. Herwig, Holger and J. León Helguera. Alemania y el Bloqueo Internacional de Venezuela, 1902-1903. Caracas : Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores, 1977. Herwig, Holger H. Germany's Vision of Empire in Venezuela, 1871-1914. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1986. Humphreys, R.A. "Anglo-American Rivalries and the Venezuela Crisis of 1895", Presidential Address to the Royal Historical Society 10 December 1966, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 17 (1967): 131-164. Mapa fisico y politico de los Estados Unidos de Venezuela, 1948, 1:1500000, American Geographical Society Wall Map Collection University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee.http://collections.lib.uwm.edu/cdm/ref/ collection/agsmap/id/136. Retrieved January 6, 2015 McBeth, B. S. Gunboats, Corruption, and Claims Foreign Intervention in Venezuela, 1899-1908. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 2001. Santos Molano, Enrique. “The Thousand Days’ War.” Credential Magazine History. Retrieved January 6, 2015. Singh, Kelvin. "Big Power Pressure on Venezuela During the Presidency of Cipriano Castro." Revista Interamericana 29, no. 1-4 (1999): 125-43. Schoenrich, Otto. "The Venezuela-British Guiana Boundary Dispute." American Journal of International Law 43, no. 3 (July 1949): 523. ! Virginia International Crisis Simulation Hosted at the University of Virginia March 26 to 29, 2015 International Relations Organization P.O. Box 400435 Newcomb Hall Station Charlottesville, VA 22904-4435 If you have any questions, please email VICS XX Secretary General Emma Myers at [email protected].
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