1. travel
2. tourist destinations
3. mexico and central america

INTRODUCTION TO FIELD
ETHNOBIOLOGY
COURSE BOOK
Organization for Tropical Studies
Undergraduate Studies Abroad
Program
2005
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The faculty and students of Ethnobiology 2005 dedicate this coursebook to
the elders of the Costa Rican indigenous elders in recognition to their efforts
in keeping their cultures alive.
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Index
Index ................................................................................................................................... 3
Faculty................................................................................................................................. 5
Program Instructor .............................................................................................................. 6
Participants.......................................................................................................................... 7
Student Impressions… ........................................................................................................ 9
Boruca, People from the Ashes .................................................................................... 9
Asentamiento Campesino La Gamba, un proyecto de los Ticos ........................... 16
Malecu marama, Malecu (Nuestra gente) ............................................................... 24
Limón y Cahuita, in the Enchanted Province .......................................................... 32
Book Reviews ................................................................................................................... 45
The Drug of the Future? KAVA: The Pacific Elixir..................................................... 45
The Legend, Superstition and Science of Murder, Magic and Medicine ..................... 50
An Empire of Plants: People and Plants that Changed the World................................ 56
Abortion and Colonization, When Botany meets Woman............................................ 58
Plants and Empire: Colonial Bioprospecting in the Atlantic World............................. 58
“Encompassing Ethnobotany” ...................................................................................... 62
Ethnobotany: Evolution of a Discipline........................................................................ 62
Is the Future of Spirituality and Religion in Danger? Entheogens and the Future of
Religions ....................................................................................................................... 70
Darkness in El Dorado: How Scientists and Journalists Devastated the Amazon....... 73
Societal Shifts and Gender Rifts within Lower Central America................................. 75
Sex Roles and Social Change in Native Lower Central American Societies ............... 75
Breakfast for Biodiversity: The Role of Governments and Corporations Play in
Deforestation................................................................................................................. 78
An Ethnobotanist’s Journey to Preserve Indigenous Knowledge. Tales of a Shaman’s
Apprentice: An Ethnobotanist Searches for New Medicines in the Amazon Rain
Forest............................................................................................................................. 81
Saving the Environment: A psychological approach to conservation .......................... 83
Green Psychology: Transforming our Relationship to the Earth.................................. 83
Un Personaje de Tragedia Griega: The Spirit Catches You and You Fall Down.......... 85
Individual Projects ............................................................................................................ 89
Are medicinal plants really medicinal among the indigenous and rural communities of
Costa Rica? ................................................................................................................... 90
From Roasted Iguanas to Fried Chicken: An Investigation on the Changes in Dietary
Habits and Incidences of Obesity in the Indigenous and Rural Populations of Costa
Rica ............................................................................................................................. 105
The Future of Boruca:................................................................................................. 140
A Culture Facing Extinction? ..................................................................................... 140
Duerme la boca, duerme el cuerpo: ............................................................................ 153
Sleep aids and anesthetics in Costa Rican traditional medicine ................................. 153
Where in the World Is the Garbage Man? .................................................................. 164
Waste Management in Rural Costa Rica .................................................................... 164
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From Baños Calientes to Ácido Fólico: The transformation of prenatal care in the
indigenous communities of Boruca and Malecu......................................................... 175
Chemicals, Not Fire: ................................................................................................... 185
The Shift in Agricultural Practices of Indigenous Costa Rican Farmers.................... 185
When the Researchers Become the Researched: ........................................................ 197
Turning the Tables on the Ethnobiological Community ............................................ 197
Rituals of Death in Indigenous Communities: How Acculturation has Transformed a
Sacred Cultural Tradition............................................................................................ 209
The Next Generation:: Raising Children in Costa Rican Indigenous Communities . 216
La Próxima Generación: a Crianza de Niños en Comunidades
Indígenas de Costa Rica.............................................................................................. 229
Dar a luz bajo de la Luz Occidental:........................................................................... 242
Una observación del cambio de rol de género de los indígenas de Costa Rica .......... 242
The Tall Tales of Snakes in Costa Rica ...................................................................... 252
Indigenous versus non-Indigenous knowledge and use of medicinal plants .............. 262
Bridging the Knowledge Gap: A Call for Community Development ........................ 276
Beyond the Smiles: A look at the teeth of Indigenous Children in Costa Rica .......... 284
The Bath of Seven: Infant Care Among the Boruca ................................................... 304
Map of Costa Rica with Locations Visited .....................................................................320
Photo Album ....................................................................................................................321
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Faculty
Adolfo Constela
Department of Linguistics, Universidad de Costa Rica
Module of The International Phonetic Alphabet
Bryan Hanson
Department of Chemistry & Biochemistry, DePauw Univesity
Module of Chemistry of Medicinal Plants
Enrique Margery
Department of Linguistics, Universidad de Costa Rica
Module of Mythology in Indigenous Groups
Marva Spence
Department of Linguistics, Universidad de Costa Rica
Module of Afrocaribbean Language in Costa Rica
Irene Suarez
Arruko Organization, EARTH University
Module of Rural Sociology
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Program Instructor
Luis Diego Gómez
Organization for Tropical Studies
Teacher Assistant
Rebeca Brenes
Internship GIS Lab, La Selva Biological Station
Forestry Engineer, Universidad Nacional
Carlos Rojas
Biologist at Universidad de Costa Rica
Folklorist
Staff of the Costa Rica Language Academy
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Participants
Baldner, Benjamín
Fitzpatrick, Megan
University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill
Department of Biochemistry
Department of Psychology
University of New Mexico
Email: [email protected]
Topic: Prenatal care
Email: [email protected]
Berger, Alexander
Department of Biology
Hardy, Christopher
University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill
Department of Biology
Email:[email protected]
Duke University
Bronson, Jennifer
Hardy, Katherine
Department of Urban Studies
Department of Biology
University of Pennsylvania
Duke University
Email: [email protected]
Email: [email protected]
Brubeck, Noriko
King, Daniel
Department of Science, Technology and
Department of Political Science
Society
Duke University
Eugene Lang College New School
Email: [email protected]
University,
Email: [email protected]
Kircher, Aashna
Department of Psychology
Dombrower, Amy
Duke University
Department. of Biology and Dept. Of
Email: [email protected]
Journalism and Mass Communication,
University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill
Email:[email protected]
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Krishnarao, Anita
Wahl, Shaina
Department of Biology and Department of
Department of Biology
Spanish
Duke University
Duke University
Email: [email protected]
Email: [email protected]
Walsh, Collen
Leddy, Elaine
Department of Biology and Anthropology
Duke University
University of Notre Dame
Public Policy, Health Policy
Email: [email protected]
[email protected]
Wan, Nadiah
Peter, Eldon
Department of Molecular and Cellular
Department of Biology
Biology
University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill
Harvard College
Email: [email protected]
Email: [email protected]
Puleo, Allison
Department of Cultural Studies/Medical
Anthropology
New School University
Email: [email protected]
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Student Impressions…
Boruca, People from the Ashes
Baldner, Benjamín
I had a very interesting first visit to an indigenous community. Although I only
interviewed one person, she was immensely helpful and truly enjoyed telling us about
anything that interested us (as evidenced by her 90 minute talk). At first it was difficult to
understand her and I felt a little stupid asking some of my questions, but her sincerity
allowed me to quickly become comfortable. I learned a decent amount about medicinal
plants, a lot of which was surprising information. I was a little frustrated that I wasn’t
able to meet with the curandero because she would have been very helpful, but I found
some young children to play “monito” with. I could tell they really enjoyed playing and
interacting with a gringo like myself.
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Berger, Alexander
The Boruca community and culture supplied a valuable introduction to indigenous life as
seen in Costa Rica. My research goal coming into the visit was loose in order to allow
for the given environment’s influence. I found th children of Boruca to be eager and
willing to participate in my research. Each participant was a catalyst for their amigos to
join in. Whille the children made my research of obesity much easier, the adults
facilitated my partner Nadiah’s nutritional research. The Boruca adults answered our
questions with enthusiasm. Nadiah, myself and the other group members found the
Boruca to be for all intensive purposes an easy people to investigate. We found the
inhabitants friendly and open. I was glad to have had the opportunity to spend time with
th Boruca in their community, and I look forward to my analysis of their people, and the
results thereof.
Bronson, Jennifer
Yesterday was a really good day. The people were incredibly friendly and helpful.
Although the people do not dress in traditional garb nor do they speak the language
people seemed to have a strong cultural identity. They seemed excited to be able to talk
about their culture. The people seem to feel a strong sense of community. The teachers
in the schools told me that after school they all stay and talk about ideas for their lessons
and usually stay to chat after that, sometimes until 8 at night. In the homes if one person
didn’t know the answer to a question he usually knew who we should ask or who would
know the answer. It was a really nice community.
Dombrower, Amy
After visiting the community of Boruca, I thought that everyone I talked with was very
nice and welcoming to outsiders. I visited farmers who lived farther away from the
center of town. Their lifestyles were quite different from those of the urban dwellers.
Lots of land in the hillsides were dedicated to farming. Many farmers owned chickens,
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either kept in cages or let to roam free. In the village, young children were playing with
animals and older kids were walking home from school. Everyone seemed to lead simple
lives, but they have everything they need and all seem quite content.
Fitzpatrick, Megan
I was honestly quite surprised, despite frequent indications and warnings, at the
modernization of the community. Although the people lived on an indigenous reserve,
their livelihood was quite similar to that of most of the people I have encountered in
Costa Rica. Their access to modern/western medical care and knowledge was both
interesting and surprising. I really enjoyed seeing the contrast of knowledge, tradition and
culture between generations. It was certainly beneficial to talk with elderly community
members in addition to the younger community because the beliefs and lifestyles are
quite obviously different. It was difficult to spend so little time in the community because
any wealth of information or true understanding of the culture, people, beliefs and
traditions cannot happen in one day.
Hardy, Christopher
The community of the Boruca Tribe appeared almost like a campesino pueblo with
indigenous art. Three of the farmers I talked to were campesino, and one was Boruca. In
the village the construction was dominantly of concrete and tin roof, however, there were
a few traditional thatch buildings. The clothing was highly acculturated, and the music
was from the United States. In total, the village appeared to blur the line between
indigenous and campesino. The Boruca farmer used agricultural chemicals, while the
campesino farmers did not.
Hardy, Katherine
The Boruca seemed to be an indiginous people who have lost much of thier traditions and
almost all of thier native speakers. They were extremely friendly and put up with our
faltering/broken Spanish. I was surprised by the number of "stray" dogs. The Boruca
were not only graciously willing ot share their culture with us but they also asked many
questions about our program and where we were from. Visiting the Boruca villiage was a
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very positive experience for me and I now look forward to visitin gour next indiginous
villiage.
Kircher, Aashna
I found the Boruca people to be very open and friendly. They were completely willing to
answer questions and talk about their lives, and they were obviously proud of their
heritage. They have managed to retain certain aspects of their culture (like certain
traditions, legends, etc.), but they also seem to have been heavily influenced and
infiltrated by the outside world, more so than I would have expected. So few retained the
original language, and I found Western influences in almost every aspect, especially
music, clothing and religion. However, they were a very interesting group of people and
were much help to me in my research.
Krishnarao, Anita
Almost instantly, the community struck me with a sense of informality. Based on our
relatively brief stay, the people seemed open and willing to share their experiences. The
community seemed relatively relaxed although we saw many working on various tasks
and chores throughout the day. Nobody appeared weary of the Western intruders, and it
was extremely surprising to hear English music blasting from many of the small, wooden
houses. Many warned that the first indigenous immersion with the Boruca would be
shocking, but the overall friendly and inviting atmosphere of the community was far from
my original preconceived notions.
Leddy, Elaine
My experience with the Maleku community was my favorite of the entire trip. By
spending two days with the same people I was really able to get a better understanding of
their culture. I was elated to find through interviews and conversations that the
community had maintained their culture. It was especial interesting that in their schools
they learn not only their native tongue, but three other languages. I found that when the
Maleku come across a snake, it’s considered ‘mala suerte’ or bad luck. In the US we have
the same expression but it’s when a black cat crosses your path. On the second day, we
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spent hours hiking in the rainforest and then had lunch with Manuel’s family. From the
archery to the dance performance, I thoroughly enjoyed every aspect of the trip.
Peter, Eldon
The Highland Boruca was the first Indigenous group we interviewed. Our team began by
asking the attendant at the local general store for a townsperson with any knowledge of
medicinal plants and natural healing. This young girl of sixteen pointed three-hundred
yards down the dirt road to a small home and wished us luck. Our group anxiously
approached the small homestead and found a well-dressed, middle-aged (56) woman
sitting in a hammock speaking with her two teenage daughters. We told her we were
students from OET (Organizacion de Estudios Tropicales) and wanted to talk to her about
medicinal plants. She nodded and pointed to a couple of chairs. The woman informed us
that she is a member of The Association of Community Development and has traveled all
of Central American representing the Boruca.
Our group began with general questions concerning her knowledge of medicinal plants
and natural healing. She responded with an hour of uninterrupted dialogue on topics
ranging from snakebites to scandalous teenagers in town. Through the course of her
oration, she presented information on twelve medicinal plants. She also stated that very
few people still use natural medicine and there has been a gradual shift towards statefunded medicine since the 1970’s. She cited the cause of this shift as resistance by the
youth to learn the traditional ways and jealousy of the elders to deliver their knowledge to
the new-age youth. We thanked the woman, took some pictures, and concluded the
interview.
Puleo, Allison
Our first experience visiting the indigenous community of Boruca was a very positive and
interesting experience. At first, approaching houses was a bit intimidating, but all the
interviews developed to be enlightening and informative. Although the Boruca
community has become very acculturated they still revealed rich indigenous knowledge
that was helpful in contributing to my research of medicinal plants.
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Wahl, Shaina
The Borucas were extremely friendly and very patient with questions and my Spanish. It
was very interesting to see how modernized their lives have become. Although they
retain their culture to some extent, there were also telephone poles, candy and stores with
snack food. I was very surprised to see that they dressed in western clothing as well. I
ran into a woman from the peace corp that had been living there for many years now and
she told me that when she moved there at first there were no cement buildings and no
high school. As far as my project is concerned, I was extremely impressed that almost
everyone interviewed brushed their teeth after every meal. Unfortunately, there is only
one dentist for the whole community that lives in Buenos Aires and visits once a year for
a week. It is for this reason that many are forced to visit private dentists although Costa
Rica provides free dental care. Despite this, there were very few cases of really bad teeth
and no one could recall any serious diseases of the mouth in the community.
Walsh, Collen
Overall the Boruca community seemed like it could have been any rural community and
it did not seem to have distinctly Borucan or indigenous characteristics. The young
women that I talked to seemed to know little or nothing about Boruca traditions regarding
infant care, and put all of their trust in the western doctors. Talking to the older women, I
got the impression that they knew more about the old traditions; but seemed somewhat
reluctant to discuss the specifics of them with me. Luis assures me that the Boruca still
have a rich cultural tradition, but that a lot of it is hidden behind a ‘modern’ front, and in
order to recognize it we would need to spend more time there. I trust that he is right, and
would like to return to the Boruca to spend more time with them, especially the older
women. For now, though, it seems to me that with modernization comes acculturation…
which in this case is a loss of cultural distinctiveness for the Boruca.
Wan, Nadiah
We arrives at the village of the Boruca by jeeps and I found that physically, the village
was very scattered, with schools and health services located at the periphery. The center
of the village was dominated by a soda, where most of the men were drinking and
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chatting. Economically, it appears that the Borucas are poor, although tourism has
enabled some of them to earn a healthy living.
We went to the local primary school and found that on average the children were
cared for very well. They had good dental hygiene and were fed somewhat nutritious
meals for lunch. However, I found that parents did not control their dietary habits, nor
those of their children. Little kids were allowed to purchase snacks nearly everyday. Even
the men, especially those that were working at a construction site, consumed mostly
snacks and fast food throughout the day. Fruits and vegetables were limited to the days
following market day as they had to be bought from outside. I also found that the
Borucans valued money mainly as a source of sustenance which resulted in them
spending money on food whenever possible. However, this was the view of only one
family and requires further interviews to determine its validity.
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Asentamiento Campesino La Gamba, un proyecto
de los Ticos
Baldner, Benjamín
The visit to the La Gamba turned out to be a very enjoyable experience. I spent the first
part of the day with the farmer and his sons, receiving a tour of his organic farm. It was
very fascinating to learn about their organic crops and lack of use of agrochemicals. I
loved trekking through the brush and rainforest and getting to eat the sugarcane and cacao
beans. Crossing the river was also a lot of fun. The farmers were some of the nicest and
most informative people I’ve been around. I was grateful for all they did for us.
After a delicious lunch, I spent the afternoon with some women of La Gamba, “Las
Mujeres Visionarias,” learning about all their medicinal plants and how they make
organic shampoos, soaps and gels. Since my project is on medicinal plants I especially
enjoyed learning about all the uses of them and also how to prepare them. I was surprised
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how much they still use them: almost every plant in her garden was of medicinal value.
Although this was not an indigenous group, just a rural community, there were still signs
of culturization in the way they dressed and acted. Many of the people spoke good
English and the one woman was wearing a shirt with English words on it that she
apparently didn’t know was offensive. This just demonstrates that despite the
aculturaizaton, there is still a cultural barrier that inhibits full understanding and
application of another culture’s beliefs, practices and traditions into one’s own
Berger, Alexander
The La Gamba trip offered our group the opportunity to observe and interact with a rural
village. Like the Boruca, the people of La Gamba were struggling to define themselves
in a world that is quickly homogenizing. Las Mujeres Visionarias shared their medicinal
knowledge and business efforts with us. I was impressed by the women’s intense
knowledge and the way they integrated their ‘tienda’ into their home lives. I was equally
impressed by the effort of the local ‘finca,’ as its owners sought to sell organically. With
both however, I failed to see the role each held in their community. I wanted to see more
clearly how these ‘nuevo’ ideas were shaping the future of the community. I was glad to
have shared the day with the people of La Gamba, and I thoroughly enjoyed it. I hope to
have more time to share with these people as I continue to research my independent
project.
Bronson, Jennifer
Going to the organic farm was a fun and interesting experience. The farmer uses no
chemicals and explained to us that it is much easier to farm with chemicals and showed
us his neighbor’s farm which uses them. It was nice to be able to see the contrast
between the two as we learned how one way of farming differs from the other. I was
shocked when I learned that only the farmer and his family take care of the land because
it seems like so much work. I enjoyed getting to learn about organic farming in Costa
Rica. I learned a lot form the Mujeres Visionarias.. I was really impressed that they
formed the group to unite women and help them earn a living. They were all incredibly
kind and answered all of our questions and gave us coconut, sugar cane and tea. We
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learned a lot about medicinal plants as we walked through the gardens and it was a very
enriching experience. At the end we learned about the hair products they make and how
they make them. It was fun to learn that and buy their products.
Brubeck, Noriko
Our brief tour of La Gamba showed two aspects of growing rural enterprise in Costa
Rica. Mujeres Visionarias, the women’s group that grows medicinal plants and makes
shampoos and soaps, is able to continue local traditions and to support themselves. The
integrated organic farm similarly seeks self-sustainability through an economically
beneficial and ecologically sound system. My impression of La Gamba as a whole is that
it is a well-organized town with a wealth of intellectual and environmental resources, and
thus a good candidate for growing local businesses, sustainable farming, and community
tourism.
Dombrower, Amy
First I went on the tour of the farm. I was impressed by the way they grow all different
kinds of plants in one place, as it is much different than farms in the U.S. It was
interesting to learn how the organic materials are both used to sell to tourists as well as
composed to feed to the animals. I was also surprised to learn that the farm we visited
had not utilized pesticides.
I also really enjoyed learning about medicinal plants in the gardens. There are so
many simple remedies that are a great part of life in this rural society. The women were
very helpful in teaching us about them. It was really interesting to hear about the plants
they extracted to make hair products. It was an experience that cannot be had in the U.S.,
where things are naturally made and people are able to use their raw environment for
purposeful things.
Fitzpatrick, Megan
The community itself did certainly have the components that seem to make up a rural
Costa Rican town. I found it write interesting to tour the farm and I especially enjoyed the
medicinal plant tour. The day was “structured” to an extent, however, the town still had a
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very “real: and lively spirit to it. Tourism has not taken over the community, it has
instead been integrated into the culture, skills and town that already exists. I felt that the
tour was interesting and wonderful based on the kind of people in the community we
supported. The Mujeres Visionaries and Organic farmers are unquestionably exerting a
positive example for the community’s development. Entrepreneurship at its best.
Hardy, Christopher
La Gamba was situated in a beautiful floodplain. When we first came down out of the
mountains I wondered if it ever flooded the town, and I quickly decided that it must not,
for then the houses would be in the surrounding hills. One of the older ladies told me that
only two days before all the streets and many of the homes were flooded. Apparently, the
children love it, and played in the water.
The impression from visiting the farm was an awe to the commitment of making a
living by working with nature. Listening to him speak of organic methods, herbal
remedies for cows, of finding a niche market in a local hotel revealed a strong sense of
good land ethics. This connection to the land was shared by the old ladies who showed
us their gardens. In general, La Gamba seems to be a community where rural
development with the ideal of sustainability is very strong.
Hardy, Katherine
La Gamba was a very interesting place to me because we really had a structured learning
experinece with the Mujeres Visionarias and teh organic farmers. I really enjoyed
listening to the Mujeres Visitonarias talk about all the medicinal plants in the garden. I
was surprised at how many of the plants were good for stomach aches. It seemed like all
teh plants had a long list of things they were good for, and stomach aches was almost
always one of them. I really liked that we were offered so many different plants to try
(Savila Virgen tea, Sugar Cane, Coconut Water, Coconut Meat, etc.). I also really
enjoyed seeing the plants they used for their shampoo and gel and thne gettin gto see/buy
the finished products. I only wish they could have told us more abou ttheir profits and
their markets.
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The farm experience was wonderful as well. Wading across the river was so much fun
(although the rocks hurt my feet). It was quite interesting to see the differences between
the organic farm and the pesticide using farm next door. I really liked the idea of a
completely self-sufficient organic farm and really hope it is completely realized. Again I
enjoyed tasting fruit I'd never tasted before (cacao) and hiking through the mud. It was
really quite an experience.
Kircher, Aashna
I found the community of La Gamba to be fascinating. The women’s group was
incredibly knowledgeable and had many uses for everyday plants. Their shampoo/hair gel
business seems to be very successful. My favorite part of the trip was eating lots of sugar
cane and drinking coconut water. The farm was also amazing, and you could clearly see
the difference between the organic farm and its pesticide-using neighbor.
Krishnarao, Anita
The medicinal plant garden of La Gamba appeared so similar to everyday green plants
passed by without notice. After hearing a few of the women speak about heir gardens,
however, I began to realize the variety of medicinal uses contained within the relatively
small plots of land. Each of the women seemed proud of their medicinal crops and each
had their respective success stories about the plants we passed along the way.
Additionally, the men of the organic farmed also exuded a sense of pride as they
explained their process of cultivation. Including everything from organic cacao to organic
livestock, the men of La Gamba had significant success in their own right. In both La
Gamba communities, it amazed me to see how the people required so few (if any)
synthetic products to maintain daily health and nutrition, especially in comparison to the
Western dependency on processed chemicals exhibited by many societies of today.
Leddy, Elaine
My experience in La Gamba was an amazing adventure from start to finish. Our
adventure began with two experience guides Manuel and Hilberto. These men were
representative of a coalition of farmers in the area dedicated to sustainable agriculture.
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They were very open and friendly and more importantly, patient with my Spanish. We
took a nice walk through the different fincas. When we reached the area surrounding the
river, we found ourselves knee-deep in mud and soon realized that we would have to
traverse the swollen river that lay before us. After crossing the river, I suddenly felt a
rush of excitement. As soon as we arrived at Manuel’s farm I immediately became
excited by all the different plants and eco-friendly farming practices. Manuel’s son Victor
was incredible interesting and helpful to my study. It was an enlightening experience to
visit a farm and see a man so intertwined the earth and his livelihood, and yet all in
balance.
The Women’s Visionary Organization was completely different experience. I was
overwhelmed by their knowledge of plants and persistent good nature as we asked
questions. Donna Sarah’s consistency with eco-friendly practices ranged from her
botanical garden, compost, and finally her hair practices. Overall, I found their
consistency with eco-friendly practices and ambition for their community a liberating and
exciting experience
Peter, Eldon
La Gamba was my favorite group we visited. They seemed to be the knowledgeable of
medicinal plants and environmentally friendly agricultural practices. The Visionary
Women’s group was well organized and effective spokespeople for the community. The
tour of the farm was also very interesting. The farmer cared for the health of his
livestock and the land. His boys also respected their father
Puleo, Allison
Our trip to La Gamba was extremely interesting and well organized. I was amazed at the
community based organizations that they have developed, and how knowledgeable they
were about medicinal plants. The Las Mujeres Visionaries group was extremely
informative about medicinal plants, their uses, and preparations. I enjoyed exploring
their gardens, tasting, smelling, and learning about their uses of medicinal plants.
Similarly, exploring the organic farm developed by local farmers was a great experience.
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The farmers walked us throughout their property and explained how the farm functioned
and benefited from an organic system.
Wahl, Shaina
Yesterday we visited La Gamba, a farming community. During the morning we visited a
farm and got to see many of the crops they were growing and learned about their future
plans to improve the farm. They mentioned that one problem with tours of the farm was
that there was a river that people would have to cross. The river was very clean since in
most parts because the farmer talked to next to the river did not use agrochemicals. On
our farm tour, we got to eat the fruit of the cocoa plant and chew on sugar cane.
Everyone we met was extremely friendly. The afternoon was spent looking at medicinal
plants with an older woman who knew all of them. We got to visit homes and learn about
the gardens people grew. We also got to visit a shampoo shop started by women in the
community to utilize their knowledge of plants. With respect to my project on dental
health, I only got to ask a few questions. The woman I interviewed told me everyone
typically brushed after each meal and that the community used Cogate toothpaste. They
had a local dentist, but few regularly visited. It was mainly the children that got regular
visits at their school. She also pointed out that cavities were more prevalent among
children prior to losing their baby teeth. She did not approve of the candy they sell the
children at school and blamed that on the youth’s cavities
Walsh, Collen
I found La Gamba really interesting. The farmer using all natural methods, and the
variety of plants he had and the drainage system all were very interesting. I hope that
more farms in the community are moving away from chemical use and mono-culture
crops to healthier and safer long tem farming. One note: next year be sure to tell the
students to wear mud/hiking boots and lightweight pants!
The women working with medicinal plants were also very interesting. They surely do
know a lot, and I was impressed to see a younger woman in the group… it gives me hope
that the knowledge won’t die away. I hope they have success with their shampoo and
other health products. They are very progressive women.
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My only question for both of these projects and for the concept of rural tourism is that,
while they seem great and progressive on the outside and seem to be working, do they
really work or are we just being show what is working? Do these groups actually make a
profit, can they be sustained economically? What is the other side of the argument
against them?
Wan, Nadiah
The village appeared to be the quintessential rural town. It does not appear to have many
inhabitants. The first part of the trip was spent visiting the gardens of several women who
were part of a group that produced natural shampoos as a source of living. I was
fascinated by the knowledge of Dona Sarah, who proved to be an invaluable source of
information on plants. Most of the cures were for general ailments such as headaches and
stomachaches and the cure was always to make a tea and drink it. Still, it was interesting
to discover how normal plants that can be grown in your own backyard could be used
effectively. Dona Sarah herself said that she rarely visits a doctor for her ailments and
feels perfectly healthy.
The second part of the trip at the organic farm was interesting but lacked a coherent
commentary. We were trudging through the farm and I understood that the goal was to
make the farm self-sufficient and entirely organic. However, the explanation on how the
farm was run was not organized in a systematic manner, and it was hard to see the global
impact and importance of the operation in relation to the village. Even now, I cannot tell
you what the main crop or product is, who he is selling it to and how his farm is different
from others, besides not using pesticides.
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Malecu marama, Malecu (Nuestra gente)
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Baldner, Benjamín
I greatly enjoyed our visit to the Malecu people. It was interesting to learn that the people
of Guatuso look down upon those people in Malecu that still use medicinal plants. Also,
there are very few people that even know how to prepare medicinal plants anymore,
indicating that it is a dying practice. I felt that I learned a lot more about the Malecu
cultures than other indigenous groups we have visited because we were able to watch
some of their traditional dances and eat their food, as well as partake in things such as
archery and craft weaving. The people there seemed to open up a lot more toward the end
our visit.
Berger, Alexander
The trips to visit the Malecu people gave me a chance to observe how one indigenous
community interacts with their environment in a sustainable way. By observing their
management of land, particularly the rainforest, I saw how the Malecu respected nature
and strove to work in harmony with it, I was thrilled to learn how the group used
different plants, both for medicinal and craft purposes. The Malecu were eager to
participate in my research. The children were fun to interact with and enjoyed being
measured and playing with me. The adults were honest and open while sharing
nutritional information with me. The Malecu people were a pleasure to spend time with
and were culturally vibrant
Bronson, Jennifer
The Malecu were very friendly interesting people. They have a strong cultural identity
and enjoy explaining their culture to other people. Most of the children speak Malecu
and embrace Malecu traditions. The parents worry a lot about the children losing their
culture and seem to be taking responsibility for maintaining their traditions. Although
they are definitely experiencing acculturation it has not afflicted them nearly as strongly
as the Boruca.
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Brubeck, Noriko
Residents of Palenque el Sol, Palenque Tonjibre, and Palenque Margarita were prepared
to meet our group and talk with us. Most of the people were artisans. In Margarita, I
enjoyed the performance and songs in the Maleku language, and learning about weaving,
archery, cooking, and carving hickory gourds. I also liked the walk on which Icidro took
us through the secondary forest.
Dombrower, Amy
The indigenous communities of the Malecu people were by far my favorite of those
we’ve visited. In the Palenque Tonjibe, I interviewed a few people for my project. One
man, Miguel Angél, was very helpful, and after talking to him, he gave me one of his
crafts for free. I noticed many of the Malecu were very welcoming and generous. This
was also evident when we visited Palenque Margarita and saw the indigenous “show”.
They all were very kind with the food they prepared, even letting us keep the hand-woven
plates and carved bowls. Perhaps my favorite part was talking to one of the dancers, 15year-old Brian, who taught me Malecu phrases. It was very nice to have a casual
conversation and learn more about their unique culture.
Fitzpatrick, Megan
The three days with various exposure to the Maleku were wonderful. The first day,
trudging through that e swamp to find Isidro’s house , learning the use of iguanas as
drum-skin on the way and meeting the family that was not only open, but excited to share
their culture with us is really what made this day special. The third day, beginning with
primary rainforest tour was interesting and pristine. I have never seen a swampy
rainforest! I have never seen a swampy rainforest and learning about the uses of some of
the trees and plants from Isidro was phenomenal. The performance, lunch, archery and
time with Isidro’s family was one of the best experiences I have ever had. Not only did I
feel welcome, but I was able to learn about their culture more than a book or interview
could have ever expressed. The interviews on the second day did not go that well- it
seemed that many of the women were unwilling to share or simply did not want to be
spoken to. The information I did get was interesting, however.
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Hardy, Christopher
The Maleku were situated in a river basin near low rolling hills. The land was very
fragmented, mostly divided up into various pastures and farm lands, but there were a
number of primary or secondary rainforest patches. The first place we visited was
Palenque el Sol, were a Maleku family shared their time with us. The house and farm
belonged to Lionel, who told me about his crops, and took John and I around back to look
at his hogs. He also had us sample a medicinal plant, biting a small potion of the bud.
The plant was an extremely potent local anesthetic, and very quickly numbed our mouths.
His house was situated right in the floodplain, and as we walked around the water table
was almost level with the soil, so in parts we hopped from board to board to try to keep
dry. We also visited a patch of rainforest maintained by Icidro, who was kind enough to
show us many plants that were traditionally used. A very cool example was the roots of a
philodendron that were exceedingly strong.
We also visited Palenque Tonhibe, were we listened to a very strange herbal healer that
was not of Maleku origin. He discussed how all cancer originates from the colon, which
was an interesting perspective. An unsettling aspect of the discussion was that while he
talked of the benefits of his medicine, I played with his daughter a little and she had a
horrible skin rash. The rash covered her neck, was chaffed and oozed puss, and I
couldn’t help but wonder why there was no trace of treatment on her.
In the town, I talked to a number of residents, all of who said they survived on artisan
work rather than farming. One very cool fellow that Eldon and I talked to had converted
his parents farm into secondary forest. He had taken his own time and expense to collect
and grow a few thousand seeds of endangered hardwoods from lone trees in pastures.
The saplings he planted on the farm, and his plans was an investment in ecotourism.
In Palenque Margarita, Icidro and his family showed us archery, traditional dancing, and
cooked us a wonderful meal with traditional food. We spent a few hours talking, his
relatives David and Brian joked around with us and everyone was warm and welcoming.
I had not expected this reception at all, with a bus load of gringos. The day was the best
of my summer, and their friendship and generosity was an amazingly kind gift.
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Hardy, Katherine
The Maleku "palenques" were my favorite of the indigenous societies. The visit to
David's house in Palenque el Sol was very nice, I found David and his family to be
extremely accomodating and very helpful to all of us. Eventhough there were a lot of us,
he took time to answer each of our questions thoughtfully. Palenque Tonhibe was nice as
well. I really enjoyed playing with some younger children I met there. We were having
so much fun playing with them and their dog, that the younger girl went back behind the
house and brought out thier puppy for us to play with too. Even with the slight language
barrier we were able to make friends with these children. Palenque Margarita was my
favorite of the three palenques. It was great to see Icidro's primary forest which he
seemed to be so proud of. The visit to his house was great. He and his wife were so
hospitible to us. The food they made was wonderful and I loved learning a few of their
crafts and seeing the presentation on their culture. I would love to go and spend more
time in Maleku with the families.
Kircher, Aashna
The Malecu were by far the most interesting of all the indigenous groups/rural
communities we have visited. The fact that they all still spoke the indigenous language,
children and adults alike, was absolutely incredible to me. I highly enjoyed learning about
their craftsmanship, playing archery, eating traditional foods, and watching some of their
indigenous customs. They also seemed to be very proud of their heritage and more
importantly, very keen on preserving and passing down their cultural traditions
Krishnarao, Anita
I didn’t feel that far removed from Guatuso or the nearby palenques of the Malecu. Even
though their daily routines differ substantially from that which I’m accustomed, I felt like
the ultimate cultural interests of the community remained fairly similar. The familiarity
between the people of the palenques and the openness shown to those not Malecu created
the friendly atmosphere that encouraged interaction with the community. Having
conversations with many of the Malecu people became relatively effortless—as with the
Boruca—even with the time constraints. In addition, their incorporation of indigenous
28
knowledge into everyday life provoked an admiration of the close relations the Malecu
have with their environment and with one another. The Malecu had a great deal to show
us, and we had a great deal to learn, and in the end, I felt drawn to a culture and lifestyle
that initially appeared so different from my own.
Leddy, Elaine
My experience with the Maleku community was my favorite of the entire trip. By
spending two days with the same people I was really able to get a better understanding of
their culture. I was elated to find through interviews and conversations that the
community had maintained their culture. It was especial interesting that in their schools
they learn not only their native tongue, but three other languages. I found that when the
Maleku come across a snake, it’s considered ‘mala suerte’ or bad luck. In the US we have
the same expression but it’s when a black cat crosses your path. On the second day, we
spent hours hiking in the rainforest and then had lunch with Manuel’s family. From the
archery to the dance performance, I thoroughly enjoyed every aspect of the trip.
Peter, Eldon
Isidro was awesome. His family was knowledgeable about Malecu customs and practices.
His son David was an excellent speaker and actor. The performance at lunch was well
organized and orchestrated. The food at lunch was great as well. Archery was the proper
activity for our gringo group and I am happy that I won a bow. Unfortunately I broke the
bow before I could get it home. Icidro also helped a great deal with the interviews. The
Malecu people were the friendliest Indigenous group we visited. Everyone we spoke to
was very knowledgeable about their respective fields.
Puleo, Allison
The Maleku community was an impressive trip, and interesting cultural experience. They
were extremely friendly and open in sharing their cultural knowledge. I enjoyed
exploring the forest and having a Maleku member teach us about medicinal plants within
it. The Maleku cultural dance was amazing, and the people were extremely friendly, and
29
hospitable about making us feel comfortable in their home, and teaching us about their
culture.
Wahl, Shaina
The Maleku’s were a very interesting group to visit because they have retained a lot of
their cultural identity. It was great to see how the older generations have passed tradition
and language to the new generation. The family that we met the first day was very
welcoming and gave us a great tour, performed a dance and cooked us a meal. They were
great about teaching us all about their culture. We also got a tour of the rainforest with a
knowledgeable guide who told us all about the medicinal use of several trees and plants.
We then traveled to the local town. With respect to my project, it was alarming that even
though the majority liked the dentist and brushed 3 times per day, they had several
cavities.
Walsh, Collen
El Sol Palenque: The first people that we visited in El Sol were very friendly and
informative. I felt very comfortable talking to them and I enjoyed the sense that they
actually wanted to share their culture and their stories and their lives with us.
Tonjibe Palenque: The people that I met an Tonjibe were more reluctant to talk to me
about infant care. I felt awkward and like I was taking up their precious time. One older
woman refused to answer any questions of mine and only had her daughter answer. In
Tonjibe we talked to a traditional healer, who talked a lot about the colon being the cause
of all disease – an interesting theory. He was very unspecific about the plants that he
sued and how he prepared them. I also spoke to his wife who told me many stories about
people that he had helped (mothers and babies specifically including herself and her
child), but she knew nothing about the actual remedies used.
Margarita Palenque: My favorite Malekú visit was to Margarita Paleque. Here again the
people who we met were excited to see us and to talk to us and especially to show us their
traditions. The archery was fun and the basket weaving and jícara carving were very
interesting. Sharing a meal with them was the best part for me. I think meals and food
30
are a very important part of cultural and tradition and is one of the best was to get to
know and understand people. I also enjoyed the dancing and performance.
Note on the rainforest visit before Margarita Palenque: very interesting to find about the
plants used by Isidro and his family and to hear that he is preserving his piece of land…
however, (like in La Gamba), we needed to be better warned about proper boots and
pants.
Wan, Nadiah
I thought the Malecu had the most interesting culture and traditions of all the groups we
visited, probably because they have managed to preserve it to a greater extent. The trip
was well planned because it was spread out over several days and we were able to
interview and learn from the people as well as explore the environment in which they
lived in. I also felt that we were more of participants rather than observers because we
tried their utensil and ate their food. I was especially impressed at their effort to preserve
their culture in the younger generation by conserving part of their forests, speaking
Malecu at home and including the children in cultural presentations.
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Limón y Cahuita, in the Enchanted Province
Baldner, Benjamín
Although I did not have any extensive interactions with the people of Limon, I was able
to observe their culture. It didn’t really feel like I was in Costa Rica when I was in
Limon. This is probably because the people there are Afro-Caribbean and not Ticos. They
did speak Spanish however, and were friendly. It had the feel of a coastal community and
many parts weren’t very clean. I also got the impression that it wasn’t the safest city.
There appear to be a lot of crime and drugs. However it was interesting to see this town
because it was so different from anywhere else we have visited so far
Berger, Alexander
The trip to Limon and Cahuita gave me a chance to observe afro-Caribbean life in Costa
Rica. The visits to the market helped me get a sense of the diversity of the food and the
people. Limon was a combination of what appeared to be black and Hispanic people; but
32
in reality the two ethnicities were intertwined. Two traditions were mixed flawlessly in a
culture that was both African and Costa Rican
Bronson, Jennifer
Limon was a lively and interesting city. It was the most visibly diverse community we
have visited as there is a very large Afro-Caribbean community there. Although Creole is
their traditional language, walking through the market and the city I did not hear much
Creole spoken. I think it would be beneficial to spend more time in Limon in the future
because it is a little daunting to approach people in such an busy urban environment.
Cahuita was a very beautiful town. The people were friendly and almost everyone spoke
English. I had the opportunity to hear more people speak Creole here, which was fun and
interesting. There were many Afro-Caribbean people on the beach and there seemed to
be a fair number of tourists as well.
Brubeck, Noriko
Buying sugarcane, rambutan, coconut, bread and herbs at the farmers’ market in Limón
was a great experience. The center of Limón was busy with pedestrians, and cars and
shops playing reggaetón and pop music. Most of the people seemed to speak English and
Spanish, and I heard only a few speaking Creole. Cahuita was beautiful, and it was nice
to have some time to relax at the beach.
Dombrower, Amy
I really enjoyed visiting the city of Limón. It was very different from other Costa Rican
cities, mostly for the existence of the English-based creole spoken there. I only wished
we had had more time to visit with the natives and hear more of their language. I liked
walking around to different shops. The jewelry sold in Limón was much more alike to
Jamaican jewelry than the rest of Costa Rica. The beaches in Cahuita were beautiful.
They were pristine and picturesque, just as if we were visiting a Caribbean island. The
people, language, and culture definitely distinguish Limón as a unique part of Costa Rica.
33
Fitzpatrick, Megan
Wow! The Caribbean coast is quite different from the other sections of Costa Rica that
we have seen. I absolutely loved going to the farmer’s market - the people and language
and foods were immediately different from San Jose - coconuts & Creole! The town itself
felt less safe than San Jose, a different culture - obvious African influence in jewelery and
people. The “port” that we explored was pretty filthy and the city seemed a bit more poor
than previous places we have seen. The beach - Cahuita - was beautiful. The surrounding
town was an expensive, touristy area with what seemed to be very few indigenous on the
beach were certainly talented and their crafts were what seemed to be “unique”. The
forest itself was wonderful, although we did not see any large animals, quite a few leafcutters. The lunch with pescado and arroz y frijoles were different from the arroz y
frijoles here, possibly coconuts. During the drive I saw enough coconuts to feed an army!
Hardy, Christopher
We stopped for a blitz of cultural observation. From the short amount of time, I was
amazed at how different Limon was from the rest of Costa Rica. The markets were
different, with different foods and crafts, and the African population was many times
higher. From the way people talked and moved, from the slightly more seedy aspects of
the town, and the wide encompassing gestures of the citizens I could have mistaken the
town for a suburb of Cape Town, only with different languages and fewer black people.
Hardy, Katherine
The market at Puerto Limon was so much fun. All the fresh fruit we bought there was so
tasty. I especially loved the large bag of Momon' chino we bought and promptly
devoured on the bus. The city of Limon was also very interesting. Nadiah, Jon, and I
spent our 45 minutes there in search of Pan Bon. We finally found the only 3 men in the
city who sell it at the bus station. It was well worth the walk. The little town of Cahuita
near the beach was so beautiful. I enjoyed walking around the shops and talking to
people. I was very surprised with the number of German's running stores. My one
disappointment was that I did not get to hear as much Creole spoken as I would have
34
liked. Marva Spence's lecture on creoles was so interesting that I was looking forward to
hearing it spoken.
Kircher, Aashna
Limón caught me completely off guard! I felt like I was no longer in Costa Rica but
rather in mini-Jamaica. Everywhere I went, the people spoke some form of English and
the African influence was clearly evident. The area appeared to be very tourism-based
and (perhaps as a result) the people were incredibly friendly. The beach was unbelievably
beautiful and the weather was perfect
Krishnarao, Anita
The shift in demographic was the first aspect I noticed in Limón. Along the coastal
streets, the number of darker complexions increased dramatically. Again, the atmosphere
was laidback and friendly, and almost all returned smiles as they passed. Splashes of
color decorated the houses, stores, restaurants and scenery of Limón which seemed to
complement of the overall mood. The people also exuded this laidback yet lively nature
while speaking the English-based Creole which contrasted the distinctly Latin American
setting. Although most of the time was spent at the beach, the contrast of Costa Rican
culture revealed itself in this highly Afro Caribbean influenced locale.
Leddy, Elaine
I was probably the most confused during my experience in Limón. At any time you could
hear three different languages being used. I was never really sure what language I should
use. The area was a beautiful mix of Jamaican color in a Costa Rican setting. From the
reggae music in the streets to the bright colors and varying accents, Limon is definitely a
diverse town. I was probably the most confused during my experience in Limon at the
market place. At any time you could hear three different languages being used. I was
never really sure what language I should use. The area was a beautiful mix of Jamaican
color in a Costa Rican setting. From the reggae music in the streets to the bright colors
and varying accents, Limon is definitely a diverse town.
35
Cahuita, the beach town was definitely a tourist destination. I could tell it lured people
from all over the world. There were many shops and people that spoke English to cater to
their clientele. The food was as diverse as the culture, a little bit of every spice, and a lot
of coconut to remind of you their Jamaican roots. The ocean front was beautiful and very
well kept.
Peter, Eldon
The market at Limon was great. The best part was the first gentleman with all the herbs. I
bought some Elderberry for my sore throat that he recommended. It worked like a charm.
I passed the tea around to the entire sick group. The beach at Limon was pretty as well. I
enjoyed sitting at the Bar with the Don talking about ole times. Lunch was a bit iffy with
my fish, but I enjoyed it nonetheless. Limon seemed to have made lemonade out of
lemons!!
Puleo, Allison
Exploring the market at Limon was very fun experience. We enjoyed buying, eating and
sharing different fruits, vegetables, and herbs. After previously visiting other markets on
our trip, at Limon we were able to explore on our own and shop around for different
produce. Our lunch in Cahuita was great, we enjoyed eating Afro-Carribean food and
exploring the town. The town of Cahuita was a little beach town with various shops,
restaurants and bars. We had a great time at the beach playing in the ocean and enjoying
the sun. I would have like to spent more time in Cahuita, because the town had a lot to
offer that we didn’t have the time to experience.
Wahl, Shaina
In Limon we visited a market. This community was unique in that there were man Black
people and many spoke English. As we learned, this is because many Jamaicans came to
Limon to work and they spoke English originally. This was evident by the many things
around the town painted in the Jamaican colors. I was not positive whether or not I heard
Creole, but the fruit vendors spoke to our group in English and by overhearing
conversation mostly everyone spoke Spanish as well. I am curious if there is
36
discrimination within the community due to the different heritage and race. This was hard
to observe in the brief visit.
This beach town was small and well adapted to tourism. There were 3 small shops with
jewelry that was surprisingly very unique to this area. Many of the store vendors were
black as was observed at the market in Limon. Once again, the Jamaican colors were
prevalent. The beach was gorgeous and had several tourists. There were vendors next to
the beach selling fresh fruit and jewelry as well.
Walsh, Collen
Fruit Market at Limon: I thoroughly enjoyed the fruit market in Limon. There were
many fruits and vegetables that I had never seen before and I got to try a delicious fruit
related to guanábana called anona or biribá. I also enjoyed talking to the herb vendors
who told a lot about the uses of the things they were selling. I could have spent more
time in the market.
City Center: I didn’t have much time in Limon. The city seemed much rougher and
much more un-safe than anywhere we’ve been so far. We alked to the beach and enjoyed
the view. We also saw a pair of older black men speaking Creole. I wish I’d had more
time to talk to more people. We also tried to find pan bon, but were unsuccessful because
we had to get back to the bus. I would have been fun to have had a bit more time there.
Cahuita: The lunch we had was great! I enjoyed the spice of the fish and the ‘rice and
beans’. I felt very bad for the people serving us that we as a group were so demanding
and that some people ran off before the meal was finished. The waves on the beach were
rough, but fun. The sand was very spiny and uncomfortable. I enjoyed a brief run on the
beach. Again I wish we’d had more time there. I would have liked to explore the town
and shops and to have talked to the people, but I didn’t get a chance to.
Wan, Nadiah
My main complaint was that we did not have enough time in Limon. I enjoyed the trip to
the market and the town. However, I felt rushed all the time and could not talk to the
people and observe the town as much as I wanted. I’m glad Don Luis told us about the
pan bon and by looking for that, we managed to walk over a good part of town. I felt that
37
Limon had a different feel to it compared to the rest of the towns we have visited.
Agriculture did not seem to be as ventral and the presence of the seaside seemed to create
a more laidback but lively environment compared to the sleepy, little town feel of the
other places such as Guatuso. I found the mesh of Afro-Caribbean culture fascinating and
it was interesting to see signs in English and people would shout in English to us.
Overall, I felt that Limon was very different culturally from the rest of Costa Rica and I
regret that were not give a chance to explore that further.
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Uvita Beach, Ballena Marine National Park
39
Baldner, Benjamín
It was more difficult than I had imagined finding people to talk to at Uvita. The town was
pretty deserted and rundown. We eventually found two fishermen constructing an
enormous fishing net to talk to. They were extremely nice and enjoyed talking to us. They
showed us how they make the net and explained all about the fishing and tourism in the
area. They also talked about how the effects of the nearby national park. The two men
had slightly differing views on the subject as they both brought up negative and positive
aspects of the national park. They were very easy to understand and informative about the
effects of tourism and the national park on the area.
Berger, Alexander
The Punta Uvita community was interesting because it provided a comparison data set
and observational set for my independent research project. I visited the local school
collected statistics and took down observations. Additionally, the community featured
tourism and fishing as primary activities. This visit although short provided a valuable
rural non-indigenous comparison community for my observations
Bronson, Jennifer
Going to Cahuita was a fun and educational experience. I learned a lot about how
national parks can affect communities. The people there were friendly and wanted to
share their knowledge. They seemed to see the national park situation as a complex issue
with advantages and disadvantages. Overall it was an interesting and beneficial
experience.
Brubeck, Noriko
The surrounding area of Ballena National Park appeared somewhat abandoned, maybe
for the off-season. People in the first area through which we walked were scarce or
unwilling to talk much about the park. When we went to the town farther away from the
beach, there were more people who had strong opinions and an organization to petition
against the new laws, such as entrance fees and fishing permit costs, related to the
preserved land.
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Dombrower, Amy
Upon arriving, Playa Uvita definitely was not one of my favorite places. We were sent
down the dirt road to find people to interview, but there was no one to be found. There
were few houses, almost all of which were deserted, and some had gates shut with a
padlock. Then we walked to a larger village, where a few other students and I
interviewed two fishermen. We talked to them about how the creation of the national
park is affecting their community. They talked with us along time and explained how,
overall, it is a good thing because the land needs to be preserved. They also explained the
effects that the park has on the fishermen. After that, we went to the beach, which was
small, but nice.
Fitzpatrick, Megan
The first community that we toured was very quiet, it seemed deserted. The one person
we did find to talk to said that she did agree with the idea behind the conservation efforts
for the park, but it had certainly ruined her business. She went from having a full bar on
the beach to having only an ice stand. The second town we stopped at was a little more
lively, there was a school, etc. We spoke with two fishermen who were quite informative
about the restrictions on fishing, the benefits of these restrictions, the drawbacks and how
they work. The beach itself was quite beautiful, very different from any I had ever seen.
Hardy, Christopher
Punta Vita was situated on the coast and had a nation park built in the early 90’s. A
group of us interviewed a member of the artisan fishing association, and got quite a
history lesson on the current situation. He told us how the fishing association formed to
try to ban industrial shrimp fisher men from the region because the level of by-catch was
decreasing their yield. The government responded by making a national park and
banning all fishing in those waters. The people had to pay an entrance fee, and the
fishing was still only allowed in areas where the shrimp boats still are. He reckoned that
the park benefited a minority, and the tourism did little to support the community. Many
children were leaving for cities to work and send money back. He thought that the
41
businesses had not been particularly hurt or benefited, but the fishing was hurt. He also
said that only one percent of the money entering the park went to community
development. He liked the concept of conservation, but not preservation: he wanted to be
able to sustainably harvest the resources and promote tourism and community
development all at once.
Hardy, Katherine
The first town we stopped in near Ballena national park was mostly deserted, so I didn't
really get a feal for the town. The second one however was great. First thing I noticed
when I got out of the taxi was the sound of a drumline practicing, something I haven't
heard at all since I've been here. We talked with some local fishermen for a while and
then afterward Eldon, Allison, and I went to the store to get some ice cream. While we
were there, we were approached by two 6 year old Costa Rican girls who promptly asked
us if we were "gringos". We made some small talk with them after which they managed
to get Eldon to give them 500 colones for something that only cost 50 colones. They
were smart little girls. The beach at Uvita was gorgeos and I wish we had been able to
spend more time there.
Kircher, Aashna
The beach at Uvita was mesmerizing, and surprisingly, completely deserted. However,
when we walked around and spoke to residents, it became increasingly clear as to why
this was the case. One fisherman we spoke to stated that only one percent of revenues
generated by the National Park of Uvita actually went towards surrounding residents. I
think the beach should be much better advertised, and much more of the profits generated
should be directed to improve the community.
Krishnarao, Anita
Unfortunately, the power of revenue usually defeats local culture and Uvita National Park
exemplifies one of these situations. The sleepy coastal village represented natural beauty
worth protecting, but prohibiting entrance to those previously living off the land has
created ethical dilemmas. After speaking with a local fisherman of the area, a group of us
42
learned how rarely small native groups have sufficient authority to defend their positions
against large shrimp boats and park employees who rarely seem to have the locals in
mind. The beach was beautiful, especially with the lush greenery surrounding the park,
but it was difficult to fully enjoy the breathtaking scenery with the knowledge that the
park has sacrificed the livelihoods of many.
Peter, Eldon
Oh our final impression of the trip. Well I must say that I enjoyed the sun and surf. The
interviews were the most difficult at this place I think because everyone was very anxious
to get to the beach. We interviewed an Ice saleswoman about her feelings toward the
national park springing up around her home. She said that it really hurt her business. I
also got conned by this cute little girls for 500 C. We were eating ice cream on a park
bench and they approached me asking for some ice cream money. Being the thoughtful
person I am I extend 200 C to her, but she informed me that it wasn’t enough and that
only my 500C piece would suffice. I gave it to her to only later learn that the ice cream
she wanted only cost 100C. What a trickster. It was all in good fun though.
Puleo, Allison
Playa Uvita was my favorite beach throughout our whole trip. Although, I was extremely
difficult to talk with people in the town, it was interesting to learn the National Park
drastically altered the lives of the local people. The beach at Uvita was beautiful, and we
enjoyed playing in the water, exploring the beach, and rolling in the mud.
Wahl, Shaina
This town was small and relatively quiet aside from a band of school children practicing
their drums. I got the opportunity to talk to a fisherman who told me about the impact of
the nearby national park on his business and the area. He basically said that there was
little impact aside from regulations on where he could fish. In fact he complained more
about shrimp boats. Most of the people were fishermen in the area and had seen little
negative impact on their business from the park. The beach we visited very beautiful and
43
mostly deserted. There was not much tourism after the building of the national park
because there are so many free for all beaches that do not have a daily admission fee.
Walsh, Collen
It was difficult to find people to talk to where we first stopped. I was able to find one
woman willing to talk, who explained that a lot of the houses near her were owned by
people in Cortes and Quepos who only came down to vacation for the weekends. When
we drove a bit father down the beach to where there were more people, I went with Alex
to a school. The teachers were very helpful and we were able to weigh and measure the
students in their classes is a very fast and efficient manner.
On the beach the waves were milder than in Cahuita, and the sand was fine and smooth. I
enjoyed swimming in the water, and covering each other with sand. Also I saw about
half a dozen leaf nose bats in the outhouse. It was really fun, and I was sad to leave.
Wan, Nadiah
The first part of the town we visited was rather deserted and we were unable to interview
anyone. Judging from the amount of cabinas, it appeared that tourism was the main
source of income in this area. Don Luis explained that since the formation of the national
park, tourism has declined and most of the cabinas and houses in the area were sold to
urban dwellers as summer homes. At the town proper, we managed to interview two
fishermen. Their opinion on the national park was divided. On one hand, they were glad
that the government was doing its best to conserve the natural beauty of Costa Rica and
that the park prevented the bug trawlers from fishing in the area. However, on the other
hand, the park made their livelihood harder and they were now unable to enjoy the ocean
and beautiful vistas in their own backyards without paying. I feel that the government
should issue the original residents of the area a special pass that will permit them to enter
the park for free. According to the fishermen, most of the town was centered on tourism
and they sold their catch mainly to hotels in the area. They also attempted to teach us how
to repair fishing nets, but I’m afraid I never got it right ☺
44
Book Reviews
The Drug of the Future? KAVA: The Pacific Elixir
Vincent Lebot, Mark Merlin, Lamont Lindstrom.1992. Yale. 255 pages.
ISBN: 0-89281-726-7, $19.95.
The drug derived from the kava plant has been used for centuries in Pacific Ocean
societies to induce sociability and feelings of peace and harmony. Today much more has
been discovered about the chemical properties and effects of kava as well as its use
throughout the Pacific. In their book Kava: The Pacific Elixir, the authors Lebot, Merlin
and Lindstrom explore the kava drug from the perspectives of botany, chemistry,
ethnobotany, anthropology and economics in an attempt to better understand the drug in
all its religious, political, cultural and economical contexts.
45
Although complex to categorize, kava is classified as a “mild narcotic, a soporific,
a diuretic, and a major muscle relaxant” (1). Kava, Piper methysticum, belongs to the
family Piperaceae and grows as a shrub. It is cultivated for its rootstock, where the active
ingredients are located. The word kava refers to both the plant and the beverage that is
derived from kava. The authors argue that despite some controversy, they feel confident
kava originated somewhere in Melanesia: Papua New Guinea, the Solomon Islands, or
Vanuatu and they provide strong arguments from a variety of perspectives that suggest
the last locale as its likely cradle. Numerous photographs and maps in this chapter enable
the reader to visualize the developmental life cycle of kava, enabling the reader to
maintain interest in the subject.
After discussion of kava’s dispersion and botanical properties, the focus of the
book shifts to the chemistry of the active ingredients responsible for the psychoactive
effects of Piper methysticum. The active ingredients in kava are the kavalactones and are
contained in the resin from the roots. The authors delineate each of the kavalactones and
how their concentrations in a specific root determine the degree of certain psychoactive
effects. Many tables and figures are again utilized in this chapter to demonstrate the
chemicals and their effects. These diagrams, coupled with the relatively basic
phraseology, make the chemistry of kava easy to understand for anyone without an
extensive knowledge of chemistry.
From the perspective of the ethnobotanist, the cultivation, classification,
preparation and medicinal use of kava are of particular interest. Kava plants must grow in
the shade, protected from direct sunlight, especially during the first month of growth.
Depending of the Pacific community, kava is classified as different cultivars, often based
on its specific use, appearance, or a mythical legend. At this point the authors use too
much detail to describe nearly every cultivar in every area kava is grown. They describe
in detail close to 75 different cultivars, spanning nearly five pages. Some of the influence
of the Western world is discussed here, in particular how the hygiene of the West caused
kava preparation by mastication to become a less common and appropriate practice. It
then seemed apt to discuss the problems and consequences associated with such
preparation techniques; however the authors chose to gloss over this interesting area for
no apparent reason.
46
One of the more fascinating areas documented is the use of kava as a medicinal
plant. Although varying from region to region, it is used for urogenital infections, aches
and pains, gonorrhea, toothaches, sore throats, cuts, and upset stomachs. Additionally,
some evidence suggests that a combination of leaves and roots ameliorates the symptoms
of asthma and tuberculosis. The medicinal uses of kava, in combination with its frequent
use an intoxicant, make it a unique drug that one would think would be alluring to all
people across the globe. Surprisingly, however, kava’s dissemination to date has not been
widespread. Part of the lack of kava spreading is due to recent studies that have shown
that kava causes mild hepatotoxicity.
Within communities kava carries special significances among the people and
therefore is of strong interest to anthropologists. Kava is rarely consumed alone; instead it
is a form of camaraderie and its consumption suggests good fellowship. It helps define
social status as well as maintain, strengthen, and renew relationships. Furthermore, it is a
source of inspiration: many communities use it as a gateway to connect with a higher
being. Origin myths are one way the cultural meanings of kava are demonstrated. The
authors’ uses of actual myths from various communities in the Pacific about kava’s
origins function as a glimpse of this drug’s significance to so many societies and cultures.
Despite the focus on death in many of these myths, it is interesting to note that there has
only been one recorded death from kava consumption, and there appear to have been
other factors influencing his death. The fact that a man died from kava is not a surprise
considering the prohibitions often placed on women from consuming kava. The authors
describe well, and in an interesting manner, why and how the prohibitions on women
drinking arose and have evolved.
In addition to use of kava as a means of inspiration and sociability, kava has
become an important cash crop for the Pacific world. Kava provides higher returns than
many other crops for a variety of reasons. Among them are its resistance to hurricane
damage, its earlier maturation than most crop trees, and its simple commercial
processing. However, fresh kava does not remain fresh for long and must be transported
immediately. There are usually several middlemen in the process before the kava actually
reaches the market. Kava growers usually make a decently sized profit, in comparison to
other nations and crop industries. It is interesting to consider why these kava growers can
47
make so much whereas workers in the more developed nation of Costa Rica for example,
struggle to make ends meet because so much money is lost through all the middlemen.
Growers of kava in Fiji netted approximately U.S. $37 million in 1984, a significant
amount for a small and impoverished country. However, the inability to rapidly produce,
cultivate and export kava plants has hindered these Pacific nations from reaping
excessive benefits from this drug. The authors should have discussed what can be done to
help the more rapid exportation of kava and thus higher profits, as well as what changes
could be make to help rectify the situation with the amount of money the kava growers
are still losing.
The authors conclude with a brief discussion of the future of kava as a world drug.
The authors provide opinions on many aspects of the drug, helping to stir the reader’s
curiosity. All drugs can be detrimental in excessive amounts; however illegal, nonaddictive kava seems to have fewer serious effects than many legal drugs, such as
tobacco and alcohol. Even in small amounts, kava is a tranquilizer and promotes healthy
sociability. Kava has been introduced in some regions to try to curb alcohol abuse and
addiction. Furthermore, kava has been demonstrated to have medicinal value and more
investigation could yield even greater discoveries.
It seems strange that with kava’s great benefits and dearth of negative effects, this
drug is illegal in so many areas. It is also surprising that Americans and Europeans,
always eager to experiment with new drugs, have not yet sought out kava for its
beneficial psychoactive effects. Perhaps they are not well-informed about kava or
obtaining the drug is difficult. After all, who wouldn’t want to use a drug that is superior
to alcohol or nicotine and without the negative effects? This book does not provide any
profound answers to that question but the authors believe the drug needs to become more
widespread for both its medicinal and psychoactive values.
The central role of kava in so many Pacific societies has illuminated the unique
and diverse roles that a bioactive compound can play in a community, such as kava’s role
as a source of sociability, camaraderie, myths, death, forgiveness, economics and
medicine. What one item can highly-developed nations, like the United States, claim does
all that for them, all while being a positive influence? Nothing comes close. So it seems
that in these rapidly expanding countries culture has been lost. In the United States people
48
don’t have any substance like kava which can provide so many benefits. Instead they
have turned to addictive drugs like alcohol, nicotine and even the often overlooked
“drug” of television. People seem to be deceived that these drugs can provide similar
things that kava does for its Pacific natives, but they cannot and never will.
People’ addiction to so many drugs raises the question of the suitability of
expanding the use of kava across the world. With its so many great benefits, wouldn’t
nations like the United States and many European nations profit significantly from kava?
They probably would at first, but unfortunately it seems that quickly kava would become
abused and when combined with alcohol and other substances, the demolition of kava
would be underway. Kava’s cultural meaning would be ruined for its original societies,
indicating that kava’s worldwide dispersion may be an unhealthy idea. The rest of the
world is not ready to embrace such a drug due to an existing mindset of drugs as
recreational entities. Kava should remain in the Pacific islands, where it will not be
abused or lose cultural significance. This book stresses the importance of kava to the
Pacific island peoples and highlights the need for societies and indigenous groups all over
the world to protect their heritages and ethnosymbols in order to maintain a sense of
group cohesion and structure that things such as kava provide for a society.
Benjamin Baldner
Department of Psychology
University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill
Chapel Hill, NC 27514
49
The Legend, Superstition and Science of Murder, Magic and Medicine
Mann, J. 1992 Oxford, 232 pages, ISBN 0-19-855854-6, $15.99
Double, double toil and trouble
Fire burn and cauldron bubble
Fillet of a fenny snake,
In the cauldron boil and bake;
Eye of newt, and toe of frog,
Wool of bat, and tongue of dog,
Adder’s fork and blind-worm’s sting,
Lizard’s leg, and howlet’s wing
Macbeth, IV, I
Like the witches of Shakespeare’s time, modern humans are using natural
resources for their medical brews. Today’s concoctions may not include baboon’s blood
or newt’s eye, but poisons, hallucinogens and medicines are often not far off in their
ingredients. Batrachotoxin, which enhances sodium ion transport (leading to cardiac
failure), is derived from the frog Phyllobates aurotaenia. Ayahuasca, a South American
brew that induces wild visions and hallucinations, is brewed from Banisteriopsis vines.
Penicillin, well known for its use as an antibacterial, is created from Penicillium
chrysogenum and other molds. Whether we wish to believe it or not, humankind is
dependent on the natural world. In Murder, Magic and Medicine, John Mann takes the
reader on a journey through this natural world. Mann seamlessly combines
pharmaceutical history and development with chemistry design and function. Following
a comprehensive introduction to the scientific principles necessary to follow along, the
author examines poisonous, hallucinogenic and medicinal brews. Mann writes with
authority and depth on these substances. Unlike the frog toe in Shakespeare’s potion, the
frogs in the potions Mann describes are very real and very deadly.
The introductory chapter of Murder, Magic, and Medicine offers a thorough
review of the pharmacology and chemistry that contribute to the body’s functions and
responses to drugs. Pharmacology is the science that seeks to identify the interactions
50
between drugs and various cell types. This field strives to comprehend the physiological
and biochemical changes within the cell types. These changes occur because of
modifications in intercellular communication. Three types of communication exist:
neurotransmission in which nerve cells pass a chemical signal to another nerve, hormonal
in which circulating hormones are released from glands and transported by the blood
stream to an organ, and autociod in which local hormones are released and act on
adjacent cells. In addition to communication, Mann explains how xenobiotics (foreign
substances) are absorbed, processed and excreted by the body. After describing the
various neurotransmitters and their functions in the body, Mann concludes the
introduction by explaining signal transduction. Like many of the descriptions that occur
later in the book, Mann uses an illustrated diagram along with an accompanying narrative
to clarify the functionality of signal transduction. The introduction clearly defines the
pharmacological and chemical knowledge behind the body’s reaction to drugs.
Like a flashy movie banner, Mann attracts the reader’s attention in his first
chapter with violence (murder more precisely). Mann explains the medicinal history,
natural source, body function and synthetic agents for numerous deadly drugs. He begins
by discussing the South American ‘curare,’ a dried extract of Chondrodendon
tomentosum and Stychnos plants. This mixture used by the indigenous groups as arrow
poison, causes respiratory failure; often paralyzing the victim’s chest and abdominal
muscles. Subsequent attempts to create synthetic agents of curare have made the
medicinal efficacy far more regulated and controlled. Following his description of
curare, Mann classifies several other poisons including Madrake and arsenic, and
describes marine and microbial toxins. The historical background of these drugs is as
intriguing as the insights these compounds have allowed modern day researchers to learn
about the human body. For example, eserine (physostigmine) which comes from the
Physostigma venenosa of West Africa was ritually swallowed by an accused individual to
determine guilt. If guilty, the accused would die within the week. Through years of
study, researchers have determined that consumption of large quantities of eserine results
in paralysis of the heart muscle and death. Today, we know that in smaller quantities the
substance helps block the destruction of acetylcholine receptors in people with
myasthenia gravis. Furthermore, physostigmine is being used to help slow memory loss
51
in patients with Alzheimer’s disease. From heart failure to memory saver, Mann takes
the reader on a medicinal journey.
In the second chapter Mann sifts through magic to explain how plants and fungi
interact with the brain to create hallucination, stimulation and inebriation. The author
begins with descriptions of stimulants such as tea, coffee and coca. He continues by
detailing hallucinogenic drugs such as the intriguing psychotomimetic Soma. Aldous
Huxley’s Brave New World and Lewis Carroll’s Through the Looking Glass famously
feature this drug. Despite Soma’s prevalence in literature and historical documents,
researchers have been unable to identify this mysterious drug. Like many of the drugs
Mann describes, Soma is first referenced thousands of years ago. Sanskrit writings
explain how Aryans used the ‘plant’ as an intoxicant and an aphrodisiac. No particular
plant has been connected with these early accounts, but the author identifies various
milkweeds and the Amanita muscaria mushroom as possible sources of Soma. What is
not in doubt are the strong hallucinogenic effects and pseudo religious visions produced
by the drug. The section on psychotomimetics is the most compelling of the chapter, due
to the author’s extensive knowledge of the myths surrounding the drugs and his ability to
integrate chemical narrative for each drug. Mann concludes the chapter with a discussion
of inebriants and many folk medicinal methods but reserves purely medicinal plants for
the next chapter.
In the final chapter, Mann describes medicinal drugs and their use for specific
systems. Mann provides pharmacological history, beginning with Emperor She Nung’s
writings in 2700 BC China. Mann brings us through the Greek history and leaves us
with the formation of current pharmaceutical giants; Bayer, Merck, Squibb and Pfizer.
He integrates several story lines including that of Penicillin, aspirin and morphine. For
each history, Mann includes the major investigators and the major supporters of that
medicine. For example, Mann includes a Thomas de Quincey poem about opium which
declares o just, subtle and all-conquering opium, in order to illustrate the culture of
support for the drug. In this chapter Mann details medicinal drugs by explaining their
history, function and implementation into the pharmaceutical industry.
Touching on the favorites (quinine, morphine, Kava), the unknowns (Palthoa
seaweed) and the comforting (cimetidine for hyperacidity) Mann gives a terrific history
52
of medicinal plants. By combining images, structures and flowery accounts with
descriptive chemistry, Mann keeps the reader interested in the topic and leaves the reader
eager to learn more.
Alexander A. Berger
Department of Biology
University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill
53
To die repeated deaths:Tobacco and Shamanism in South America
Johannes Wilbert, Yale University Press 1987, 294 pages, $35.00 at Amazon.com, ISBN
0-300-05790-3.
Anthropologist Johannes Wilbert’s addition to Schultes and Raffauf’s
Psychoactive Plants of the World series, Tobacco and Shamanism in South America, is a
comprehensive survey of tobacco use and references there to in its social-historical
context throughout South America. It is a multidisciplinary work, drawing upon literally
thousands of primary and secondary pharmacological, religious, ethnographical,
sociological, economic, and archaeological sources from the sixteenth century on.
Tobacco is a product of many species all within the genus Nicotiania, of the
Solanaceae family (the nightshades). Most of these 64 species are native to South
America. The small percentage that have been cultivated are the most widely distributed
throughout the continent. Since contact of Europeans with the New World, reports of
tobacco use through chewing, drinking, licking, enemas, snuffing and smoking have been
written. The alkaloid of interest is nicotine, a compound similar in structure to the
neurotransmitter acetylcholine. Since nicotine stays in the receptor site longer than
acetylcholine, its effect on the body is biphasic. This means that in small doses, it acts as
a stimulant, but in larger doses as a depressant with lethal potential.
Wilbert’s chapter on tobacco shamanism emphasizes the degree of familiarity
South American shamans have with the physiological reactions to the plant. The tobacco
shaman’s spiritual survival, he writes, is dependent on tobacco’s deadly effects.
Deathlike experiences from near overdoses bring the shaman to the world of the dead so
that he may communicate with otherworldly beings and become more capable of healing.
Tobacco is used for physical transformation of the shaman: a changed voice to talk with
spirits, dimmed vision for seeing a dark underworld. Addiction is likened to hunger, and
the shaman’s cravings for tobacco serve as evidence of hungry spirits; unearthly addicts
may be coerced into protecting the shaman and offering their powers in exchange for
tobacco.
The content of the book’s first 132 pages is largely listlike, enough so to bring the
reader into a trancelike state. After reading about the methods of tobacco use of nearly
54
300 societies, many to which the author returns repeatedly because of a multiplicity of
information from various sources and the diversity of manners of administration within a
given society, I feel prepared to empathize with a novice tobacco shaman who is cited in
a subsequent chapter: “’I was like dead,’ reports the novice later. ‘But I did not die.’”
The first two chapters of Wilbert’s work bear little resemblance to any sort of continuous
narrative; rather, the data found in these sections on “Wild and Cultivated Nicotanias”
and “Methods of Tobacco Use in South America” are better represented by the tables and
photographs scattered graciously amidst sentence after sentence of taxonomic and
sociological detail (the reading of which is far from antithetical to an intitiatory
shamanistic ordeal).
What grants Wilbert pardon from the harsh criticisms of an ethnobiology student
looking for an interesting read on the history of tobacco in South American religious
traditions, rather than a tedious reference work of reference works, is not just the pictures
(which are gorgeous). The most engaging chapter is the last, on “Tobacco Shamanism.”
Here, the author switches from simply sampling data from other sources and incorporates
his knowledge of tobacco pharmacology with ethnographic knowledge to form an
interesting theoretical background of South American shamanism. The tobacco shaman
is described not only as a bearer of religious and traditional healing skills, but as an
expert with firsthand experience of the biological action of an addictive and deadly plant.
Noriko Brubeck
Department of Department of Science, Technology and Society
Eugene Lang College New School University,
55
An Empire of Plants: People and Plants that Changed the World
Musgrave, T & Musgrave, W. 2000. Cassell & Co. 192 pp. ISBN 030435443-0.
In their work An Empire of Plants, Toby and Will Musgrave tackle a vast area of
investigation—the history of the world. They cover the aspects of trade, slavery, and the
desire for wealth and power that has dominated European motives for the last three
centuries. Unique to a typical collection of historical facts and timelines, this book
emphasizes the importance of plants and how their discovery contributed to society
around the globe.
Accompanied by an array of photographs and drawings to help depict in-depth
ancient stories, the book is organized into seven parts, each focusing on a different plant
that has held significance throughout time—tobacco, sugar cane, cotton, tea, opium,
quinine, and rubber. The authors describe in detail each plant’s earliest discovery and
usage, how it was transferred from its original home to other countries in order to
produce as much of it as possible, and its role in cultural changes.
The book addresses many issues, but does so in a way that it includes both the
purely factual details of a historical textbook and the side anecdotes of a novel. Among
discussing the arrival of slaves in the New World for the purpose of tobacco cultivation,
the first chapter includes a page-long account of John Rolfe, the first settler to establish
the cultivation of tobacco in Virginia (26), and his relations with Pocahontas. Such
specifics provide the reader with a more than just a bird’s eye view of colonial history.
The book draws in a variety of interests. Each chapter sets aside a profile of the
plant at hand, describing early on its botanical details, origins, habitat, and processing.
This attracts readers more interested in the botanical aspect of the cultivation of plants,
but does not detract from the historical focus. I found each section to be incredibly
informative. I learned about everything from the sugar plantation life in Jamaica to the
variety of important innovations that helped make cotton production what it is today to
the consumption of opium in China. I was greatly impressed by the seemingly endless
information on each historical account.
56
One of the most curious aspects of the book was the perspective. Upon first
glance, I did not even notice a bias. However, as I got further into it, it became quite
apparent that the book was written by British authors. I found things were emphasized
differently than the way perhaps an American would have written it. For example, while
tobacco production was greatly important in the American colonies, it did not prove truly
significant until the product reached England. I think the significance of American
inventions and the relations with Native Americans, for instance, is conveyed differently
from the British perspective. Throughout the book, I felt there was an overwhelming
focus on the power of Britain. The title may imply that it is the British Empire that holds
importance in endorsing the plants. While this is understandable because of the status of
global power that Britain maintained throughout the colonial period, it clearly is not the
same history presented to Americans, or that of any other nationality.
After reading An Empire of Plants, aside from the vast amount of information
provided about seven significant plants and their role in history, I absorbed a new view of
subjective colonial history. I do not view it as a detrimental quality, but it provides a
different perspective that the reader should be aware of. Overall, I found the book to be
an enjoyable series of informative accounts that would be very beneficial for anyone
interested in colonial history and the cultivation of plants as used throughout time.
57
Abortion and Colonization, When Botany meets Woman
Plants and Empire: Colonial Bioprospecting in the Atlantic World
Schiebinger, Londa. 2004. Harvard. 306 pages.
$39.95 ISBN: 0-674-01487-1
Controlling pregnancy, whether through means of contraceptives, infanticide, or
abortion, is a controversial topic in today’s world. The twenty-first century has witnessed
an ongoing dismay and contempt for women who use abortion as a form of birth control
and USA President George Bush lobbying against women’s ‘right to choose’.
Evangelical extremist Christians demoralize women or doctors who use or support
abortion. Furthermore, our world is perilously overcrowded: millions die of disease and
malnutrition each year, whose deaths can be attributed to overbearing demands on
increasingly limited resources caused by extensive overpopulation. However, the
methods used to help control population growth are often declared illegal and immoral.
Has abortion and population control always been perceived as such an awful,
demoralizing and un-Godly action? Were pre-Christian peoples forced to control
population through abortion? According to Londa Schiebinger in Plants and Empire:
Colonial Bioprospecting in the Atlantic World, abortifacients (plants and drugs used to
induce abortion) have been used in various cultures all over the world, but much of the
information has been censored and lost
Schiebinger has written her book to fill in the gaps in the incomplete history of
bioprospecting (explorers who specialized in plant identification, transport and
acclimatization, typically from Europe, searching for “green gold” in the New World) of
abortants. She has written a masterful survey of the origin, use and agnotology (the study
of culturally-induced ignorances) of abortafacients by using the contentious lineage of the
peacock flower (Caeslapinia pulcherrima, Leguminosae) in the Atlantic world. Her
methodology successfully conveys the importance of the plant, how it has helped alter to
history and how these plants have been pertinent to many areas of politics, religion and
morality since these abortafacients were discovered. Schiebinger is an exquisite female
58
storyteller, willing to explore a spotty and complicated topic from an objective historian’s
perspective.
Schiebinger’s prelude expressively demonstrates her motivation to write such an
extensive survey on a controversial subject: she dedicates the book “to the memory of
men and women whose knowledge of fertility control has been lost in the mists of time
and to the ravages of history.” The history of abortion and abortafacients has yet to be
pieced together and analyzed by a woman, and the topic has certainly taken Schiebinger
on a quest comparable to that of the bioprospectors she writes about to understand where
the lost information concerning abortafacients has gone, and why the knowledge of
abortafacients failed to travel to Europe with explorers and bioprospectors in the 1700s.
She claims that the loss of information can be attributed to the phenomenon of
agnotology. In order to demonstrate her assertion, Schiebinger creates a well-organized
argument that compiles information from several indigenous cultures with the knowledge
of the peacock flower. Included also are stories of explorers who recorded its use, and the
intentional suppression of the knowledge of the peacock flower and other abortafacients.
“This book presents the story not of a great man or a great woman, but of a great
plant…[Other historians] rarely recognize the importance of plants to the processes that
form and reform human societies and politics on a global scale (3).” Merian’s peacock
flower certainly supports the above claim, comparable to cinchona bark, used to treat
malaria, or the coca plant, the basis for cocaine. The peacock flower has been involved in
various political and religious conflicts and has certainly influenced the ignorance
surrounding abortives. Abortion and various forms of birth control have, in turn,
influenced culture, population, women’s rights and patriarchal control of society.
Schiebinger’s strongest political arguments are the stories and analysis of slaves in North
America. She describes the power that women slaves were able to attain through the use
of abortion to limit their offspring (essentially, future slave hands and often illegitimate
offspring of their masters), arguing that this freedom allowed women to decide the fate of
their own lives, and the lives of their children. Through abortion, female slaves ensured
that their children would never be subjected to the same horrible situations as their
mothers.
59
Schiebinger has clear talent as a historical storyteller. She organizes the history
pertinent to her subject in such a way as to keep the reader interested and supports her
argument with well-researched evidence. She is careful to begin her arguments with a
fully documented historical background, explanations of the bioprospectors involved, and
some of the plants which played an important role in history and botany before she
presents and contrasts the history of the peacock flower and abortafacients. This method
effectively secures her authority as an author while allowing her to present what would
otherwise seem to be unfounded and controversial information. Thus, Plants and Empire
appeals to a wide variety of readers ranging from historians, anthropologists, science
enthusiasts, doctors, and students to women with an interest in the history of birth control.
The quality of Schiebinger’s information is quite impressive. She relies on many
diaries and publications of original explorers and bioprospectors. These sources help
make her arguments convincing and accurate. For example, in her critique of Linnaeus’
taxonomy system, she uses his original text from Critica botanica as well as his
correspondence. Historians previously have presented these same bioprospectors as
heroic, righteous dare-devils, whereas Schiebinger depicts their expeditions as they were,
in a realistic way, without unnecessary glorification. These men were simply interested in
bringing back luxuries, medicines and monetarily important goods to their homelands,
and did not hesitate to censor the information.
The one true weakness of Plants and Empire was the conclusion. Throughout the
book, information is presented in a strong, notable fashion. The facts were often
shocking, and always impressive. However, Schiebinger’s conclusion failed to compile
her ideas and synthesize a strong concluding message for present use and significance.
Indeed, even the last sentence used non-definitive speech to complete an influential
historical novel; perhaps the conclusion could be improved in order to make this book a
bible on the history of abortafacients.
Our culture is so caught up in debates of Roe v. Wade, partial-birth bill, the
morning-after pill, STD and HIV/AIDS, that it is sometimes very easy to lose perspective
of the historical context of birth control. Perhaps that is why Schiebinger decided to write
this book now, at a time when the reproductive rights of women throughout the world
continue to be neglected and controlled by powerful white men. As an objective writer,
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historian and woman, Schiebinger certainly presents a history describing the inherent and
historical uses of birth control throughout the world for centuries. These traits are
essential to modern understanding of reproductive rights of women, and this is precisely
what Londa Schiebinger has accomplished in Plants and Empire.
Megan Fitzpatrick
Department of Biochemistry
University of New Mexico
Albuquerque, NM 87125
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“Encompassing Ethnobotany”
Ethnobotany: Evolution of a Discipline
Richard Evans Schultes and Siri von Reis Eds. 1995 Dioscorides Press. 414 pages. ISBN
931146-28-3$ 49.95 USD. Phone orders at 1-800-327-5680.
“If only for the welfare of the human race, it is urgent that this knowledge be preserved
before it is entirely lost (p.145).”
The discipline of ethnobotany has developed rapidly over the last few centuries,
drawing upon knowledge that is thousands of years old. The term ‘ethnobotany’ was
coined in 1895 by John Harshberger as the study of plants in a cultural context. Since
this time a plethora of different skills and disciplines have been incorporated into or
evolved within ethnobotany. These aspects including botany, mycology, chemistry,
linguistics, anthropology, agronomic sciences, public policy, conservation biology,
ethnography, toxicology, economics, and even religion. Taking on this multidisciplinary
study, Richard Schultes and Siri Reis have compiled a truly encompassing text on the
discipline of ethnobotany. The essays range from discussions on ancient use of medical
plants to modern ethnopharmacology. Richard Schultes and Siri Reis identify ten
different aspects of Ethnobotany, introduce the aspects, and include relevant essays and
articles from a broad array of biological and social scientists. Many of these works are
published for the first time in this book, although some are reprinted articles. The authors
of these pieces are from multiple continents and cultures. This diversity develops a broad
perspective of Ethnobotany: where it originated, how it has changed, and where it’s
headed. These sections also provide background and specific examples of the different
areas of study within ethnobotany. Due to this format, the book manages to capture
ethnobotany in approximately 400 pages, and makes the text a necessary read for any
student considering a PhD or MSc in the field.
Part 1: General Ethnobotany. Richard Schultes and Siri Reis define ethnobotany
as, “the discovery, enumeration, and evaluations of uses of plants in primitive societies
(p. 21).” This definition serves as the central principle in this section, as each article
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discusses the different facets of this definition. Most articles discuss the obvious
elements of ethnobotany (people interacting with plants), but some discuss unusual
portions of the science. J. B. Alcorn, of the World Wildlife Fund, believes that
ethnobotany can include the study of public policy. He argues that public policy falls
within the scope of ethnobotany when resource management and development programs
are concerned with rural or indigenous peoples. E. W. Davis considers the modern field
of ethnobotany as a matrix of integrated disciplines. This is in opposition to the linear
models of the past, where useful plants were extracted from indigenous groups and used
for profit.
Part 2: Socioethnobotany. The single contribution in this section is from Victor
Manuel Toledo of the Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, and concerns the
nature of compensation for knowledge sharing by indigenous peoples. A key part of
Toledo’s discussion is the description of the ‘new ethnobotany,’ a more humanitarian
discipline than the old. This essay provides a social perspective to the scientific matrix
presented by Davis.
Part 3: Historical Ethnobotany. Richard Schultes and Siri Reis separate this
section from archaeoethnobotany by using the criterion of writing. Historical
ethnobotany is studying written texts, archaeoethnobotany is studying artifacts. In this
section, three articles analyze written and pictorial records of medicinal plants, through
the art of Mesopotamia, an account of Aztec herbal uses written in the 16th century, and
the works of classical Europe. This section provides a perspective on the use and
language concerning medicinal plants in the past. This language is devoid of science and
logic, and full of religious connotations. This language is perhaps not unlike the
terminologies and etiologies of indigenous peoples.
Part 4: Ethnobotanical Conservation. “Ethnobotanical conservation has gained
wide recognition as a major element of environmental conservation (p. 146).” Included
are three works, one from C. E. Smith just before his death, that combine to make a
convincing argument that there is an extreme need for conservation of botanical
resources, and ethnobotany can help. Ethnobotany is considered a method to sustainably
utilize resources without further environmental degradation. C. E. Smith has an
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interesting new definition for ethnobotany, further showing the evolution of the scope of
the field: “Ethnobotany is the sum total of human subsistence knowledge (p. 175).”
Part 5: Ethnobotany in Education. This section has two contributions concerning
the material and presentation methods for ethnobotany in the classroom.
Part 6: Ethnobotanical Contributions to General Botany, Crop Improvement, and
Ecology. Ethnobotany is argued to be a necessary part of germ plasma banks or other in
situ conservation efforts because the traditional use of the different variants and crops
types will be needed to utilize the genetic resources. In addition, one article discusses
that the domestication of modern agricultural crops can be attributed to years of applied
ethnobotany.
Part 7: Ethnobotany and Geography. Richard Schultes and Siri Reis focus on how
ethnobotanical projects are often limited or defined by geographic boundaries. The
contributions go beyond the stated intentions of Richard Schultes and Siri Reis by
proposing further research topics in each of the locations discussed. These sections
encourage further research, especially in Africa, Colombia, India and Malaysia, and
discuss many possible future dissertations or papers. In addition to showing the
geographic characteristic of ethnobotany, this portion of the text hits at what
ethnobotanical research should be expected in years to come.
Part 8: Ethnopharmacology. Here, Richard Schultes and Siri Reis explore the
more commercial side of ethnobotany as a tool to direct biological prospecting.
Ethnobotany is used as a catalyst to expedite the process of finding useful compounds
from nature. There are more than 500,000 species of higher plants in the world that could
be investigated for useful compounds. Ethnobotany helps the investigator to select the
plants that have already undergone trials for thousands of years in indigenous
communities. This section also provides examples of useful compounds that came from
ethnobotanical studies, such as a muscle relaxer used in surgery from Java poison darts.
The relationships between medicine and ethnobotany are explored in an extended series
of articles, making this section the largest and most thorough of the collection.
Part 9: Ethnomycology. This study is introduced as the youngest branch of
ethnobotany, and contains a single essay by R. G. Wasson of the Harvard Botanical
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Museum. The article is compelling, discussing hallucinogenic mushrooms as well as
cultural dispositions toward them.
Part 10: Archaeoethnobotany. This science concerns the remains of wild and
cultivated plants, without written records. Thus, archaeoethnobotany is distinct from
historical ethnobotany. The science is clearly justified by G.R. Willey who points out,
“as long as we are interested in tracing out the past and in understanding the way human
culture has grown and diversified, archaeoethnobotany will have a very significant place
in our studies (p. 404).”
This book accomplishes most of the goals set out by the editors in the
introduction: it follows the trends of the discipline over time and provides an in-depth
coverage of the field. Ethnobotany: Evolution of a Discipline is suitable for a graduate
student beginning a project in ethnobotany, or as a reference book for a practicing
ethnobotanist. Richard Schultes and Siri Reis mention that one of their aims is to
encourage new ethnobotanists to enter the field based on the text. This goal is sadly not
met; this specific collection of essays and articles range from technical to lofty semantic
debates. Scattered throughout the test are captivating articles, such as Nisset, Wasson
and Toledo’s contributions, but the sum of the text is very dry. Ethnobotany: Evolution
of a Discipline is recommended as a tool and not as a treat.
Christopher Hardy
Department of Biology
Duke University
Durham, North Carolina 27708
65
Food of the Gods: The Search for the Original Tree of Knowledge.
by Terence McKenna. Bantam Books. 311 pages. $15.95 ISBN: 0-553-37130-4
Food of the Gods by Terence McKenna is a wonderful and colorful overview of
the history of several drugs and their uses. McKenna’s writing style is accessible and his
prose flows easily from topic to topic. The book is divided into four larger sections:
“Paradise,” “Paradise Lost,” “Hell,” and “Paradise Regained?”. Within each of these
sections are two or more chapters describing specific drugs and their medicinal uses.
Each chapter is further divided into a series of subtitled sections named for what they
describe. This book is a well narrated journey from the beginnings of consciousness in
Paradise, down the dark spiral through Hell, ending with an optimistic look back towards
the light.
In Section I: “Paradise,” each chapter begins with a short anecdotal story
describing the effects of the effects of the featured drug. This method of beginning the
chapter immediately draws the reader in with an enticing tale of the other-worldly
sensations arising from the use of the drug to be described. This first section of the book
is an introduction to the shamanistic traditions and the uses of hallucinogenic and other
drugs by ancient practitioners and societies. The descriptions of the traditional uses of
the hallucinogens allow the reader to compare their preconceived perceptions of the drugs
with the original uses.
The most interesting chapter in this section was Chapter 3: “The Search for the
Original Tree of Knowledge.” This chapter discussed the four indole families of
hallucinogens and which of these hallucinogens could have been active in the biblical
“Tree of Knowledge”. McKenna systematically goes through each of these compounds,
where they are found, and whether or not they enhance consciousness (the necessary
component for the appearance of “self” versus “other” knowledge). The concept of
“self” versus “other” is the basic definition of consciousness. The “tree of knowledge”, as
McKenna describes it, must contain a compound which helped early man to develop this
sense of what was “self” and what was “other”. McKenna’s verbal detective work
introduces the reader to the tryptamine-containing plants the best known of which are the
psilocybin-containing mushrooms or DMT (dymethyltryptamine)-containing grasses.
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The only plant containing enough of either of these two compounds to produce a
hallucinogenic reaction is the Psilocybe cubensis mushroom which contains psilocybin.
The manner in which McKenna conducts this search through time and the concept of a
consciousness-producing compound is what makes the chapter interesting. His writing
style and detective-like thought process keeps readers constantly wanting to know where
the next clue will take them.
The second section, “Paradise Lost,” continues the discussion of psilocybincontaining mushrooms but also discusses the origins and introduction of Soma (mythical
entheogen of Hindu tradition, thought to be Amanita muscaria by some mycologists),
alcohol, and cannabis into the human culture. These chapters do not start with short
stories; they immediately address the history and chemical nature of these, so called,
“mild” drugs instead. The change in chapter organization helps to signal that the outlook
of the book has changed. Rather than colorful tales of drug induced visions, McKenna
now dives into the societal implications of drug addiction and dependency.
In the case of the juxtaposition of alcohol and cannabis, McKenna makes some
interesting points about why alcohol is legal yet cannabis is not. To do this, McKenna
emphasizes the highly addictive and detrimental health effects of alcohol in comparison
to cannabis’ mild to nonexistent health effects and addictive qualities. Throughout his
argument, McKenna calls upon the “dominator society” to explain these seemingly
backwards laws. “Dominator society” is a society run by one dominant group who uses
their power, usually in a violent form, to control the subordinate group. Traditionally, the
dominant group is an upper class male group and the subordinate group is a female
group. Alcohol fits into the “dominator society” that exists in most countries today
because alcohol has a tendency to bring out extreme emotions such as anger, and lower
inhibitions to exhibit these emotions that can lead to violence. After understanding the
definition of “dominator society” it is easy to see how alcohol fits into this mold, while
the relaxing and mellowing effects of the female cannabis plant do not. McKenna’s
discussion of this dichotomy brings to light the importance of gender and the societal
mindset of those in power with respect to established laws and what is considered
acceptable and unacceptable in a society.
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The third section, “Hell”, is the section containing the most surprising
information. This chapter discusses the horrible, detrimental and addictive effects of
household foods, tobacco, opium, and synthetic drugs. The first chapter of this section
discusses the drug-like properties of sugar, coffee, tea, and chocolate. The presence of
sugar and/or caffeine (or substances very similar to it) creates a strongly addictive and
powerful drug. Most people would not consider sugar a drug because is has been a well
incorporated part of our diet for hundreds of years. Sugar is such an accepted drug in
modern society that it is even considered a food group and a huge percentage of the world
population is hopelessly addicted to it. McKenna’s discussion on sugar brings to light
one of the problems with today’s society in which drugs are only classified as “drugs” or
“narcotics” if those in charge believe them to be so (and if those in charge are not being
bribed by the producers of the drug).
Another great example of this legal dichotomy is the comparison of tobacco to
opium. Tobacco is a highly addictive, carcinogenic substance, yet it is legal all over the
world; whereas opium does not have the same carcinogenic properties, yet it is illegal
everywhere. McKenna discusses why one (tobacco) and not the other (opium) found a
comfortable niche in modern society. A major contributor to the legality of tobacco is its
value as a “cash crop”, especially in colonial and pre-Civil War America. The large
influx of profit from tobacco made it an enticing money-making plant. Therefore the
addictive and carcinogenic qualities, now well documented, are overlooked because the
tobacco “cartel” is so wealthy and powerful.
The last chapter in this section discusses the synthetic drugs: heroin, cocaine, and
television. Heroin and cocaine are drugs that immediately bring to mind pictures of
junkies “shooting up” in the streets. However, television does not seem to fit in with
these “hard” drugs. McKenna’s inclusion of television with these two drugs raises an
interesting issue. Although television does not physically alter any chemical structures in
the body, it is a powerful creator of social constructs and ideas. The seemingly random
and unconnected substances contained in this chapter suddenly become connected as the
substances which are slowly, or not so slowly, destroying and simultaneously shaping
modern society.
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McKenna ends his book on a slightly optimistic note in the section entitled
“Paradise Regained?”. This section contains a discussion of psychedelics such as LSD as
well as sets forth a proposal for a “respectful” drug policy. This proposal, which wraps
up the book, is at the same time one of the most radical and rational of McKenna’s
statements. While the policies McKenna suggests sound radical, after some careful
thought they appear to be a truly rational and democratic solution to today’s ever growing
drug trade and drug use problems.
All in all, this book was a highly enjoyable and educational read. Throughout the
course of its 275 pages the reader experiences many different “highs” and hallucinogenic
effects through McKenna’s written descriptions and learns the “truth” about many drugs
that our ‘dominator society’ has accepted and ingests daily. While many people may find
this book a bit radical (as McKenna, himself a radical, subtitles it: “A Radical History of
Plants, Drugs, and Human Evolution”), in reality many of his proposals and ideas for the
future of drugs and their regulation and place in society are quite rational and well
thought-out. This book provides a wonderful historical and experiential overview of
drugs and their effects and provides a good base or jumping off point for further reading
in the field of hallucinogens.
Katherine Hardy
Department of Biology
Duke University
Durham, NC 27708
69
Is the Future of Spirituality and Religion in Danger? Entheogens and the
Future of Religions
R. Forte (ed.) 1997. Council on Spiritual Practices, 183 pp.ISBN: 1-889725-01-3, $15.00
An entheogen is defined as a plant or chemical substance taken to occasion a
spiritual or mystical experience. The word entheogen has only existed in the English
language since 1979, but its relevance goes back hundreds and even thousands of years
into the history of civilizations and religion. In Entheogens and the Future of Religion, a
variety of scholars provide insight into the role of entheogens in religion, and offer a
fascinating and at times controversial outlook of the future of religion and entheogens in
our modern society.
The main argument off the book is that if entheogens have played such a crucial
role in the foundation and sustainability of certain religions, religious rituals and
spirituality, it would be detrimental to the future of religion if entheogens continue to be
looked down upon and prohibited by the authorities that create and monitor laws. This
collection of articles may appear to be a liberal view of the use of hallucinogenic plants
and their entheogenic properties, but it is solidified by numerous references to the use of
entheogens in history. An example of such a historical reference is the extensive research
that has shown that the rituals revolving around the Greek Eleusinian Mysteries were
influenced by sacred potion called kykeon, which likely contained hallucinogenic
properties. R. Gordon Wasson, who helped begin the field of ethnomycology, argues that
the use of hallucinogenic mushrooms is prevalent in biblical writings, such as the story of
Adam and Eve. While such mentions are not usually explicitly mentioned in the bible and
some other religious writings, Wasson believes that there are “hidden” references to
entheogens in several religious scriptures. It is possible that entheogens were a taboo
subject even in ancient days, just as they continue to be today in many societies. For
readers who may not be familiar with the origins of religions and their rituals, these
theories on the use of entheogens are fascinating to consider, although not always entirely
convincing. There is always an essence of mystery involving the origins of religions, and
the authors in this book do a good job of showing the possible ways in which entheogens
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played an intricate role in early religion, and how they were used to sustain rituals and
beliefs.
A major part of the book discusses how hallucinogenic mushrooms were first
introduced into American Popular culture. A group of Americans, lead by R. Gordon
Wasson, traveled to a small Mexican Indian village where the Psilocybe caerulescens, or
the “landslide mushroom” which it is locally called, was ingested in a “holy communion”
ritual. Wasson reported his findings in Mexico in a Life Magazine article, and thus the
hallucinogenic mushrooms became known in American society and beyond. The
ramifications of this discovery were widespread. This fascinating ritual provided insight
into the use of entheogens in Indigenous cultures, and also opened the door to a liberal
generation of Americans that wanted to indulge themselves in hallucinogenic
experimentation. One of the main dilemmas mentioned, but possibly not addressed
enough in Entheogens and the future of Religion, is at what point does an entheogen
become just a drug that can be recklessly abused by the general population? In the past
few decades, the use of hallucinogenic plants and their entheogenic properties have come
under fire, sparking much debate about when and how entheogens should be used, and
threatening the legality of entheogens in the future.
It appears that all of the authors collectively agree that more religious freedom
should be granted to the people, especially in reference to the use of entheogens for
religious and spiritual exploration. There are several arguments that work in the favor of
the authors. If entheogens have played such a crucial role in the history of religions and
religious belief, then their use should be allowed so that people can continue to pursue
their religion and spirituality. Also, if the first amendment grants freedom of religion to
all citizens, shouldn’t that encase the freedom to use entheogens in religious practice?
This argument would seem logical, but the one missing element is that it is impossible to
prevent the misuse and abuse of hallucinogenic plants and drugs. This is one of the few
glaring holes in the arguments of the book. The authors discuss entheogens almost
exclusively in reference to religious and spiritual exploration, but decline to mention the
dangerous effects that can take place if such entheogens are used more recklessly in a
recreational setting. Experimentation can turn to abuse and addiction if it is not done
cautiously and in moderation. It is easy to approve of the use of entheogens if one
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assumes that it is being used only in a religious or spiritual way. But at the same time, is
it fair to take away such a powerful spiritual connection to god for some, in order to
control the larger population from abusing such a drug? There have been famous court
cases in the United States that have to do with the rights of Native Americans to use
peyote in religious rituals, in which initially the courts ruled that Native Americans could
not use such entheogens, but later gave more freedom to the Native Americans in their
religious practices. However, this case refers only to a small minority of people who can
at times have special exemptions, and not to the general population of the United States.
The authors stir the reader’s thoughts by raising awareness to the threats that
modern religions face without the spiritual use of entheogens. What will happen if people
are denied their rights of spiritual exploration? This is a critical question that strikes at the
core of the human spirit. In a Chapter titled, “Academic and Religious Freedom In the
Study of the Mind,” Thomas B Roberts proposes a plan to minimize harm and maximize
benefits regarding laws with entheogens. However, it seems that executing this plan will
be a difficult task. It is easy to see how a topic such as entheogens could cause
controversy and conflicting views in the political arena. This book gives a balanced
historical summary of entheogens, and raises important questions about the spiritual and
religious rights that we all should be entitled to as members of the human race.
Daniel King
Department of Political Science
Duke University
Durham, North Carolina 27708
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Darkness in El Dorado: How Scientists and Journalists Devastated the
Amazon
Tierney, P. 2000. W.W. Norton. 417 pages. ISBN 0-393-04922-1. $27.95
Darkness in El Dorado is the story of the study of the indigenous Venezuelan
Yanomami people by western anthropologists – including world-renowned figures such
as Napoleon Chagnon, James Neel, and Jacques Lizot – from about the mid-1960’s
onwards. These anthropologists made careers off their ground-breaking studies of one of
the last pristine indigenous Amazonian tribes, and their work spawned waves of
expeditions to the Amazon, and books and films about the “fierce people” (a term
Chagnon coined to refer to the Yanomami). But Tierney, a reporter, casts a radically
different light on these western anthropologists. First, he disputes their revolutionary
academic claims, exposing many of them as based on false premises, altered to fit
preconceived ideas, and/or a result of sweeping changes brought about by contact
between the Yanomami and the outside world. Second, Tierney describes in vivid detail
the maltreatment the anthropologists and others – journalists, politicians, other scientists
– visited upon the Yanomami: sexual abuse, exploitation, introduction of disease
(including a measles epidemic that affected nearly the entire Yanomami population), and
then doing almost nothing to aid the sick or to halt the spread of the disease.
Darkness in El Dorado is a riveting story which is backed by very extensive
research. It is very effective in exposing the behavior of “scientists” who treated the
Yanomani people as nothing more than lab rats that could be used and abused at will. I
found myself personally appalled. Moreover, Tierney’s book effectively goes beyond the
story of the mistreatment and exploitation of the Yanomami to raise very important
overarching questions about how anthropologists conduct fieldwork, how they influence
the areas and peoples they study, how anthropological theories are formulated, and even
whether indigenous peoples can and should be protected from interference by the outside
world.
Notwithstanding its many positive attributes, however, Darkness in El Dorado
suffers from two significant defects that detract from its overall effectiveness. First, the
book is pretty poorly written and, more particularly, poorly organized. While Tierney has
73
attempted to tell his story chronologically, he jumps around so much that the story line
can be difficult to follow. The confusion is compounded by a plethora of names, places
and events. In a 400-page book, it is incredibly difficult to keep specific names, places
and events straight when they are repeatedly referenced in different contexts in different
parts of the book. In short, Darkness in El Dorado would have benefited from a more
accomplished editor.
Second, Tierney devotes way too much time to personal attacks on the
anthropologists whose story and behaviors he is relating. The story Tierney is telling is
clearly important, and the points he is trying to make clearly are valid. However, that
story is pretty much capable of telling itself, and the points Tierney wants to make
emerge from that story largely on their own. Personal attacks are unnecessary. And by
repeatedly attacking and berating the anthropologists on a personal level, Tierney actually
undercuts the force of his arguments by throwing his own credibility into question.
Tierney’s personal attacks simply force the reader to ask questions about his motivations
– e.g., is he motivated by professional jealousy? – and that, in turn, forces the reader to
question the accuracy and validity of Tierney’s narrative. And that is unfortunate.1
Darkness in El Dorado is an important book. It is important at the basic narrative
level of what happened to the Yanomami people. It is perhaps even more important at
the level of raising questions about how we conduct science and social science in the
modern world. Tierney’s ultimate message, I think, is that human error, bias and
ambition are as much a part of science and social science as they are part of any other
human endeavor, and we would do well to remember that. We must always remain open
to new scientific ideas and theories, of course, but at the same time, we would do well to
ask lots of questions and remain skeptical when confronted with new scientific ideas and
theories.
Aashna Kircher
Department of Psychology,
Duke University
1
In fact, Tierney’s allegations were so controversial, that the American Anthropological Association, in
reviewing the claims and charges leveled by Tierney in Darkness in El Dorado, comments, “the [El
Dorado] investigation . . . was so flawed in its procedures, in the quality of evidence it gathered, and in the
absence of legal and ethical framework, that it compromised the core values of the Association and should
be rescinded.” (American Anthropological Association website, www.aaanet.org)
74
Societal Shifts and Gender Rifts within Lower Central America
Sex Roles and Social Change in Native Lower Central American Societies
C. Loveland, F. Loveland (Eds.). 1982. Illinois. 185 pp. ISBN: 0-252-00858-8.
Regardless of whether egalitarian mentalities pervade the society, men and
women are intrinsically different and thus are rarely deemed culturally equivalent. While
the existence of the doctrine ‘separate but equal’ initially justified racial segregation and
prejudice, the separation of genders also leads to an ultimate predomination of one and
subordination of the other. Although gender roles shift due to social changes caused by
internal or external forces, gender continually possesses the power to determine societal
position and prestige. Through discussions of the Rama Cay, Garífuna, Cuna, Guaymí
and Bribri, this compilation focuses on the contribution and status of each gender within
social and economic realms. The transformation of cultural constructs reflects a
permeability and pliability of gender relations, and Sex Roles and Social Change
delineates those original and transforming statuses of the communities of Lower Central
America.
In the case of the Rama Indians of eastern Nicaragua, the gender roles and sexual
interaction changed dramatically after the arrival of Moravian missionaries in 1858. By
altering the construction of the previously open houses without walls to more closed and
concealed structures, the missionaries began emphasizing the concept of private versus
public spheres in sexual relations. The new house style and other imposed institutions
accompanied the introduction of the new moral code of Christianity into Rama society
where missionaries required marriage, fidelity and abstaining from alcohol in order to
participate in church activities. Although the Rama society never exhibited truly
matriarchal characteristics, years of missionary presence inflicted changes towards
supposedly more proper gender interaction and further promoted male-dependent
lifestyles among Rama females that linger today as a result.
As the church altered Rama life, colonialism altered life for the Garífuna or the
Black Carib of Belize and Honduras. The Garífuna originally lived on the island of St.
75
Vincent in the western Caribbean until British colonialism forced their transport to
Central America where they filled wage labor positions on European plantations.
Garífuna males thus began to dominate the economic labor force while females remained
in domestic spheres at home or in low-paying jobs. The lack of demand for female labor
and the discriminatory employee recruitment encourages the expanding sexual divide, but
the overall societal sentiment continues the vicious cycle of female economic
dependency. The remnants of skewed labor practices and the presence of negative
societal attitudes towards female wage work and constant expectations of female
domesticity create lower standards of female education and impede female employment
and financial empowerment of Garífuna women. The Black Caribbean community
exemplifies the necessary but separate roles of each gender, yet the emphasis on
economic revenue earned primarily by Garífuna men prevents a sense of equality.
In drawing the logical connection between education and financial independence,
the Cuna of the San Blas community in Panamá epitomize the female entrance into the
labor market based on a higher educational level among Cuna women. Although still
professionally limited by their sex, many educated Cuna women can now hold labor
positions that exceed those of Garífuna women. Since the shift in the labor market
includes the participation of both men and women, Cuna children have become
responsible for domestic tasks at home. The migration of the labor force into urban
centers has allowed Cuna men and women to become economically active which then has
the potential to initiate greater sexual equality.
Again in the Guaymí society of Panamá, financial factors represent the leading
cause in the shift of gender roles. Guaymí men often serve as the economic providers and
Guaymí women as domestic caretakers, but the shift in gender roles has mainly occurred
in the male arena due to the encroachment of the national economy. As the smaller
Guaymí society of males integrates the broader social trends, many form smaller groups
and reduce interaction with kinsmen. Many Guaymí men leave cultivating land for wage
labor and other non-traditional sources of income. The economic development
accelerated the breakdown of the previous edabali system of leadership and unfortunately
also accelerated the fading of Guaymí rituals. So while the Guaymí men might seek to
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gain from modern economic systems, we stand to lose knowledge about the historical
culture of the Guaymí.
Whether initiated internally or externally by religion, economy, or urbanization,
gender roles shift and communities conform. No society is immune. Achieving separate
but equal gender roles occurs infrequently if at all. However, no lone factor can be
singled out as detrimental to gender status. Some outside religious and economic
influences shift many societies towards greater male-dominance like the Rama, Garífuna
and Guaymí, yet other influences such as urbanization stimulate higher education and
thus greater sexual equality for Cuna women. In all discussed communities, however, we
wonder about the disintegration of culture. Does incorporating Western practice always
mean abandoning native customs? All the groups included are not indigenous, but each
has a distinct cultural value that seems to fade against the uniformity Western institutions.
Information about societies such as the concluding discussion of the Bribri and its
traditions concerning birth and death may be lost due to effects of Westernization. Bribri
women traditionally give birth alone and away from their community and cut their own
umbilical cords with pieces of wild cane. Is that not a form of strength that merits societal
respect? Yet somehow the majority of Western influence indicates that the male role
should be that of strength and financially providing for his family, and the female should
remain in the domestic sphere. Economic power almost automatically affirms societal
power and prestige, but unfortunately Western society prescribes a different role for
women—a separate and unequal role that has infiltrated lower Central American societies
as well.
Anita Krishnarao
Duke University
1400 Hidden Lakes Drive
Warren, Ohio 44484
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Breakfast for Biodiversity: The Role of Governments and Corporations Play
in Deforestation
John Vandermeer and Ivette Perfecto. 1995. A First Food Book:The Institute for
Food and Development Policy Oakland, California. 183 pgs (paper back) ISBN 0935028-66-8 167 $16.95.
John Vandermeer and Ivette Perfect in their book “Breakfast for Biodiversity”
take great lengths in explaining the deforestation of the rainforest as an interconnected
web of actions taken by mankind. However, a majority of their argument is concentrated
on condemning capitalist ventures that continue to exploit rain forests and Third World
workers. The concentration of their paper is aimed at revealing how innately devastating
First World ambitions can be in Third World countries. Finally, they give their own
recommendation for rainforest conservation involving a new model for agriculture and
outlook by governments.
The Cycle of Deforestation
The authors make the assertion that while peasant farming is seemingly the
leading cause of deforestation, it is really only the consequence of a web of causations.
Often overlooked are the economic ambitions of venture capitalists in Third World
countries. First, an opportunity is realized by capitalists in a predominantly tropical
country. These countries, such as Costa Rica, are debt-laden and readily grant the use of
their lands, which often contain rainforest. A work force is assembled and drawn from
within and outside the country. For example, in Costa Rica the promise of work draws in
peasants and Nicaraguans. Often, the company knowingly lures too many workers than
actually needed. After a short period of flourishing economic outcomes; the product falls
short of long run revenue. The superfluous workers are released and remain in the area
without jobs and little other economic alternatives. These jobless people turn to
agriculture as a source of revenue and mostly a form of sustenance. Therefore, local
farming is not the cause of deforestation but the result of poor government controls and
overzealous behavior on the part of the entrepreneurs, yielding a system of food
insecurity.
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Bridges for Peace… or Bananas
There other main argument is that First World countries capitalistic ambitions are
neo-colonialist. Their empathetic feelings for the welfare of the foreign country men can
manifest itself in very destructive outcomes. The problems revolve around the innate
structure of outsourced labor. An outsourced worker is not necessarily the targeted
consumers of their product. Therefore a living wage, enabling the workers to buy the
products and others is not an interest to the company. Subsequently, there is little infusion
of money to invigorate a consumer economy in Third World countries. However, the a
United States company will worry about the wages in their native country, while
employing as many as Third World workers they can for the least cost efficiency.
First World governments took great lengths to secure a least cost scenario. For
example, in Costa Rica the US Government laid the infrastructure for banana
transportation with the 1992 Army Corp project was “Bridges for Peace.” The engineers
scoffed at this title and renamed it “Bridges for Bananas.” Subsequently, the United
States backed Solidarista organizations (anti-union movement) could claim a large part of
the banana expansion across Costa Rica, and keeping union participation at zero. Other
US export companies have avoided union movements in Costa Rica by relocating to
Honduras. Therefore, US companies disconnect of interests allowing them to be apathetic
for their actions in Third World countries (that leave their forests and economy
completely devastated) while completely preoccupied with the an upcoming US
recession.
Hope for the Future
Vandermeer and Perfecto conclude with the hope that Third World governments
are more critical of their relationships with First World governments and companies.
They posit a new model that envisions human beings in an equal relationship with each
other and harmoniously with mother earth. In order to obtain this harmony, I agree with
their advocacy of political action plans and social justice. This will lead to introspection
on both sides, before entering into an economic partnership. Hopefully, this critical stance
will decrease the likelihood of a disequilibria of outcomes.
On a separate note, I enjoyed their lengthy scientific discussion on the
components and functions of the rain forest. The main point of this discussion was aimed
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at demystifying this enigma of biodiversity. As they linked the fundamental science of
the rain forest, the devastating effects of deforestation become even clear. For example,
you could never understand the full extent to how devastating slash and burn farming can
be without knowing that it speeds up the leaching process of already nutrient lacking
acidic tropical rainforest soils. Therefore by knowing how deleterious the effects can be,
alternative farming methods can be advised. For example, the Chinampa system of
platforms was an excellent suggestion for trying to maintain nutrients in the soil.
Overall, I enjoyed their discussions on alternative frames of mind, government
systems, and farming methods in order to reduce deforestation. However, their argument
that deforestation is a web is contradictory when they focus mainly on governments and
corporations. While I am not disputing the reality of their actions and outcomes, I find
that their metaphor of a web can be misconstrued to mean there are many causes and
subsequent outcomes. Yet, the causes are clearly discussed as First World companies and
their governments’ actions in Third World countries. In retrospect, their diagrams within
the book should also represent this same line of thought.
The chapters devoted to the structures of the rainforest were clear, even for
someone without a background in science. Overall, by pairing science with subsequent
examples of social infrastructure and ambitious political agendas, the gravity of resultant
deforestation is clarified to have a multiple impacts. Now, I can readily see the impact
deforestation has, not only on the environment, but on entire social systems. Peasant
farmers have been pinpointed as the major contributors to deforestation, however, after
reading this book its clear their actions are out of desperation to secure a stable food
source for survival. Therefore, I would definitely recommend this book to a person
interested in the history, politics, and government involvement in the manifestation of
environmental problems.
Elaine Leddy
Dept. of Public Policy,
Duke University
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An Ethnobotanist’s Journey to Preserve Indigenous Knowledge. Tales of a
Shaman’s Apprentice: An Ethnobotanist Searches for New Medicines in the
Amazon Rain Forest
Plotkin, M. 1993.Penguin, 328 pages ISBN 0-670-83137-9 $13.95
In Tales of a Shaman’s Apprentice, Mark J. Plotkin documents his cultural and
ethnobotanical experiences while traveling throughout the Amazon Rain Forest in search
of new medicinal plant properties. Plotkin, an ethnobotanist from Harvard University,
conducts intensive fieldwork throughout various indigenous tribes of the Amazon while
living and actively studying the Indian culture within their communities. As Plotkin
travels throughout Suriname, he studies extensively under powerful shamans and
medicine men, in an attempt to transcribe their healing practices and medicinal plant
values. What makes Plotkin’s work distinctive is his unique interest in preserving the
indigenous knowledge of specific plants and healing practices. Plotkin’s motivation
throughout his research was to create a written documentation of each tribes’ specific
medicinal and cultural rituals that would permanently preserve their knowledge, and
avoid the destructions by acculturation. Plotkin’s book is a colorful portrayal of his
experiences in the Amazon, constructing an enticing tale as well as an informative piece
of ethnobotanical literature.
It is interesting to see Plotkin’s progression throughout the book as he slowly
becomes accepted by each community, and transgresses the line between outsider and
acknowledged community member. An intriguing example of this is Plotkin’s search for
the components of curare as prepared by the Tirios. At first, the Tirio shaman was
hesitant to reveal that he had any knowledge of curare, and Plotkin’s questioning of the
substances’ properties went completely ignored. As Plotkin slowly and strategically
legitimized his presence in the village and his interest in Tirio culture, the shaman openly
communicated his knowledge of curare. Plotkin’s acceptance in the community was
critical to his field work experiences and scientific discoveries amongst indigenous
groups. He describes his spiritual experiences with the Yanamamo shaman snuffing
yopo, a traditional hallucinogenic substance used by the Indians to open their minds to
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complete consciousness and awareness of both the primitive and material world. Being
able to partake in such a ritual enabled Plotkin to fully immerse himself in the Tirio
culture and obtain a first hand perspective of their society; an aspect that is lacking in
much of the research on indigenous communities.
What was most intriguing and perturbing about Plotkin’s research on indigenous
tribes of the Amazon was the rate that acculturation by missionaries was destroying the
uniqueness of indian culture. Throughout Plotkin’s years of research he was saddened to
see the Indians change in traditional dress as well as their attitude shifts towards
development. Plotkin successfully published many of his finding about medicinal plants
used by different tribes of the Amazon, and returned a copy to the tribes’ leaders. He
has also organized shaman apprentice programs throughout the Amazon and Costa Rica
to help translate and preserve indigenous knowledge. Plotkin’s book was a fascinating
transcription of his experiences within Amazonian tribes, as well as a pivotal piece of
literature in an attempt to conserve Indian knowledge and culture.
Allison Puleo
Department of Cultural Studies,
New School University,
New York City, NY
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Saving the Environment: A psychological approach to conservation
Green Psychology: Transforming our Relationship to the Earth
Ralph Metzner, Ph.D. 1999. Park Street Press. Rochester, Vermont.
ISBN: 0-89281-798-4. pp. 229. $14.95
The lack of concern about the destruction of the environment is a huge problem
and it is only getting worse. In Ralph Metzner’s book, Green Psychology, he analyzes
the relationship between humans and nature from past to present and makes suggestions
about what must happen in the future in order to improve the situation. After examining
the attitude of people towards the environment prior to the exploitation of natural
resources, Metzner points out that people previously respected their natural surroundings.
Over time, people began to distance themselves from the earth and were able to
rationalize its destruction. He urges people to reconnect with the world around them
because that will result in a further protection of their surroundings.
Metzner begins by criticizing how people refer to the indigenous societies as
fourth world societies although they are native to their land. The mentality that
industrialized societies are first world societies leads to a superiority complex that being
first world is inherently better. Indigenous communities have maintained the best
relationship with their surroundings and the rest of the world should learn from their
example. The biggest difference is that these communities do not differentiate between
religion, medicine and psychology. The West differentiates between these fields which
causes people to not realize that they are directly connected.
Metzner also studied changes in religion, mythology and religious icons that led
to this division of people with nature. He then described different popular analogies
between people and the environment. This comparison points out that people and the
earth are similar in that they are systems that need every aspect to function. The most
interesting image that has changed is that of “mother earth” which used to describe a
feeling of oneness with the earth, but now causes people to think that the earth will take
care of them.
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The last section of the book speculates about the ideal way to form a relationship
with the environment that is similar to the indigenous communities. Metzner discusses
the use of hallucinogenic plants, prayer and meditation as ways to reconnect with the
environment. Metzner believes that once people can stop feeling superior and realize their
role in the world, that they will respect it.
Metzer does an excellent job of arguing that the root of environment destruction
stems from a disassociation between people and nature. By comparing people’s views of
the environment to common psychological diseases such as amnesia, Metzner challenges
his reader to be introspective and reevaluate the importance of conservation. Although he
succeeds in underlining the problem within society, his suggestions for the future are far
from realistic. He would like religion and science to merge together, but the reality is
that this would cause conflict since it would be difficult to agree how to do this. Also, I
think meditation and prayer are sufficient to create a feeling of oneness with the
environment and hallucinogenic plants are unnecessary. It is too idealistic to think that
people are capable of using them sparingly. If people changed their thinking and realized
that the earth was not going to take care of them, conservation efforts would dramatically
improve. In order to bring about this awareness, I would suggest reading this book since
it makes people realize that they rationalize the exploitation of the environment.
Wahl, Shaina
Department of Biology
Duke University
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Un Personaje de Tragedia Griega
The Spirit Catches You and You Fall Down
Fadiman, Anne. 1997. Farrar, Straus and Giroux, New York. 341pp (paperback)
ISBN 0-374-52465-1 $14.00
En su libro, El Espíritu te Atrapa y te Caes, Anne Fadiman presenta el conflicto
entre la comunidad Hmong y los estadounidenses por medio de la historia de una niña
especial llamada Lia. El libro está bien organizado: los capítulos impares describen la
vida de Lia, mientras que los capítulos pares describen la historia, la cultura, y las
tradiciones de la comunidad Hmong en general y lo difícil del estilo de vida Hmong en
los Estados Unidos.
Lia, la tercera hija de Foua y Nao Kao Lee, fue el primer parto de Foua en los
Estados Unidos y también el primer parto que la señora Foua no realizó en su casa, sino
en el hospital MCMC (Merced Community Medical Center). Aunque su primera
experiencia de parto en un hospital pareció muy extraña para Foua, todo se desarrolló
bien. Desafortunadamente, no podemos decir lo mismo de las experiencias de Lia en
sistema médico en el MCMC. Desde que tenía tres meses hasta que tenía cuatro años,
Lia tenía un condición llamada por los Hmong "el espíritu te atrapa y te caes"; más
conocido por la medicina occidental con el nombre de epilepsia. En estos cuatro años,
Foua y Nao Kao y los médicos del MCMC tuvieron innumerable problemas de
comunicación. Además de la dificultad de comunicarse, uno de los problemas más
graves fue la manera para determinar el tratamiento apropiado para "la condición" de Lia.
Para los Lee, el espíritu de Lia fue atrapado por un dab, cuando su hermana mayor tiró de
la puerta. Aunque los temblores de Lia dieron miedo a los Lee, también estuvieron
orgullosos que su hija fuera ‘especial’ y tuvieron la esperanza de que un día Lia iba a ser
una figura importante en la comunidad Hmong; como un neeb, un curandero Hmong.
Los Lee no tuvieron confianza en las medicinas del hospital y pensaron que la mejor
manera de tratar a su hija era usando “un poco de medicina y un poco de neeb”. Al
mismo tiempo los médicos occidentales, tratando por separado la condición del cuerpo y
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del espíritu, quisieron dar a Lia el mejor programa de medicinas para su “enfermedad”
muy grave.
La historia de Lia está llena de frustraciones. Primero la epilepsia de Lia no fue
diagnosticada correctamente ni a tiempo. Cuando por fin los médicos lo descubrieron,
ellos prescribieron medicina compleja y la cambiaran muchas veces, además no había
nadie para traducir en el hospital y los Lee no entendieron las instrucciones de los
médicos. El clímax de los “mal entendidos” entre los Lee y los médicos ocurrió cuando,
por no dar la medicina prescrita a Lia, los Lee fueron declarados como incapaces e
irresponsables y Lia fue declarada como dependiente del estado. Afortunadamente, Lia
se reunió con su familia antes de su gran y último desmayo epiléptico, en el cuál ella
perdió su conciencia para siempre. Si hubiera ocurrido cuando ella estaba en el custodia
del estado habría dañado irrevocable los relaciones entre los Hmong y las organizaciones
del gobierno de los Estados Unidos. Los apuntes en el record medicinal de Lia fueron
escritos de una manera muy impersonal… lo opuesto al tratamiento medicinal que los
Lee estaban acostumbrados por parte de un neeb. En esta historia Fadiman describe muy
bien la frustración sentida tanto por los Lee como por los médicos. Ellos simplemente no
pudieron entenderse mutuamente, no había nadie que ayudará a la comunicación entre
ellos, y ni los Lee ni los médicos trataron de aprender ni conocerse. Es irónico que ahora
que Lia es un "vegetal" sus padres son elogiados por su forma de cuidarla.
Adicionalmente de describir la historia de una niña en específico y las dificultades
de su familia con el sistema médico en los Estados Unidos, Fadiman describe mucho de
los aspectos de la vida Hmong, desde China, hasta Laos y Tailandia, hasta que llegaron a
los Estados Unidos y Merced, California. En estos capítulos, aprendimos mucho de la
resistencia hacia la pérdida de su cultura y la importancia de los etnosímbolos por parte
de los Hmong. Por toda su historia la comunidad Hmong ha preferido trasladarse de
lugar para mantener arraigada su cultura en vez de adoptar la cultura de la mayoría.
Fadiman describe la lucha de los Hmong en Laos, cuando estos tuvieron que luchar
contra los comunistas en Laos y fueron forzados a luchar para el gobierno de los Estados
Unidos, su subsecuente traición cuando los comunistas ganaron la lucha y Estados
Unidos se retiró, y la peligrosa huída hacia Tailandia para escapar de la muerte en Laos.
La ignorancia y la pérdida de sensitividad de la mayoría de los estadounidenses son
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representadas con un ejemplo en los comentarios realizados por una profesora al ensayo
escrito por la hermana de Lia sobre su huída a Tailandia, describiendo el miedo, la
muerte, y los disparos: "¡Tienes una vida excitante! Por favor, ten cuidado con los verbos
en pasado" (155). No es una gran sorpresa que los Hmong presenten muchos problemas
psicológicos cuando llegan a los Estados Unidos. Además de todo el trauma que los
Hmong han tenido que sufrir para llegar a los Estados Unidos, cuando se establecen
tienen que ajustarse a una manera completamente diferente de vivir. Perdieron su
independencia y tienen que vivir en una sociedad con valores, cultura, y tradiciones
completamente diferentes. También en los Estados Unidos sufren de crímenes violentos
a causa de su origen. Aunque los oficiales de inmigración esperaban que los Hmong irían
a mezclarse en “el gran crisol” de los Estados Unidos, no fue así.
Fadiman obtuvo su información sobre los Hmong desde varios puntos de vista,
lugares, y personas, incluyendo la familia Lee, otras familias Hmong, los médicos en
MCMC, los refugiados en Tailandia, los ayudantes de los refugiados en Tailandia, y,
posiblemente lo más interesante, los líderes de la comunidad Hmong en los Estados
Unidos. Los líderes tienen una gran dificultad para negociar todos los conflictos entre la
cultura Hmong y la cultura y leyes de los Estados Unidos. La mayoría llegan a un punto
de extenuación cuando no pueden trabajar más. La imposibilidad de vivir en dos mundos
tan diferentes es mostrado por un comentario de Jonas Vangay, uno de los líderes muy
conocido en Merced; "Yo soy un camaleón. Puede ponerme en cualquier lugar, y voy a
sobrevivir, pero no voy a pertenecer. Tengo que decir que no perteneceré a ningún lugar"
(249).
Con toda esta mala comunicación, y subsecuentes malentendidos, se da una pobre
relación entre los Hmong y los estadounidenses acrecentado por la imposibilidad de los
Hmong de regresar a Laos, puede que parezca que no hay ninguna esperanza para un
intercambio de cultura en el futuro entre estas dos comunidades; pero, en uno de los
últimos capítulos de su libro, Fadiman describe soluciones simples que son lo mínimo
que los médicos pueden realizar para mejorar el tratamiento de los pacientes de otras
culturas. Por ejemplo, un médico debe preguntar las ocho preguntas de Kleinman para
entender mejor a sus pacientes, para establecer la confianza, para reconocer rápidamente
problemas de comunicación potenciales, y para determinar la mejor manera de curar a los
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pacientes. También hay algunos ejemplos de casos tratados por medio de curanderos y
médicos trabajando en conjunto para curar a los pacientes Hmong. Aunque Lia es "un
personaje de tragedia griega; de Eurípides, tal vez"(224), también hay una esperanza de
que la sociedad médica pueda aprender de su tragedia y ser más consciente de la cultura y
a tradiciones de sus pacientes para asegurarse que no se vuelva a repetir la historia en un
futuro.
Colleen Walsh
Dept. of Biology and Dept. of Anthropology
University of Notre Dame
Notre Dame, IN 46551
88
Individual Projects
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Are medicinal plants really medicinal among the indigenous and rural
communities of Costa Rica?
Benjamin Baldner
Dept. of Psychology, Univ. of North Carolina at Chapel Hill
email: [email protected]
Abstract: My investigations spanned two indigenous groups and one rural
community of Costa Rica in an attempt to understand their use of medicinal
plants. Sixteen plant samples with “apparent” medicinal properties were collected
from the communities to be subjected to two scientific experiments: McLaughlin’s
brine shrimp lethality assay and think-layer chromatography. The objective of
these tests was to test the biological response, the number of compounds, and the
presence of the medically significant alkaloids in each plant extract. Although the
specifics of each plant extract component were impossible to completely identify,
I was able to determine which of the plants frequently used by indigenous and
rural groups of Costa Rica most likely did not have medicinal activity and thus
their effectiveness could probably be attributed to the placebo effect.
Keyword Index: Costa Rica, medicinal plants, Boruca, La Gamba, Malecu
Introduction
For centuries nearly every culture across the world has used its local plants
as medicines. Plants were often crushed, dried, extracted or masticated to give products
that helped treat a plethora of diseases and conditions. Today these products would be
called “botanical medicines, herbal medicines, or phytotherapeuticals” (Houghton, 2001).
Even in the current age, many cultures still rely heavily on medicinal plants, especially
among indigenous and more rural communities who don’t have as much access to
hospitals, doctors and health facilities as modernized areas.
The use of medicinal plants has been documented since the 16th century when an
extract of the bark of various Cinchona species was discovered to treat malaria
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(Houghton, 2001). In 1820 the alkaloid quinine was isolated from the bark and it has been
an imperative antimalarial medicine ever since. Throughout the last two centuries
scientists have worked arduously to isolate compounds like quinine from plants in an
attempt to pinpoint the active ingredients in the plants responsible for treating so many
medical conditions. As the structures of these compounds were determined, classification
became possible because of emerging patterns in structure. As a result terms such as
alkaloid and glycoside were coined. Alkaloids are a very large and diverse group of
secondary metabolites, highly useful in medicinal plants. They are usually basic
molecules containing a nitrogen atom in a ring and are used as a guideline for further
investigation into the medicinal value of a plant.
Medicinal plant analysis has made immense strides since the latter part of the
twentieth century due to the invention of separation techniques, especially
chromatography. In particular, thin-layer chromatography (TLC) has been invaluable for
determining plant constituents of medicinal value. TLC allows one to estimate sample
purity and how many different compounds are in a sample based on the different number
of spots, but it won’t reveal the identity or quantity of each compound. However, it is still
useful as a more general separatory technique.
Since TLC does not tell one about the biological activity of a sample, other
techniques are used to measure this, such as a bioassay. A bioassay is simply a way of
measuring biological response and is of particular interest in the study of medicinal
activity. Therefore, bioassays can be run on plant extracts in order to determine if there
are any components of biological active importance. In the study of medicinal plant
value, if a plant extract is not found to be biologically active then one can discontinue the
research of that plant because it will not be of medicinal importance without biological
activity. One basic bioassay is McLaughlin’s brine shrimp lethality assay in which brine
shrimp larvae are immersed into varying concentrations of plant extracts. The number of
shrimp still alive after 24 hours helps show how biologically active a particular plant
extract is, although it does nothing to determine what killed them. If many shrimp are
killed further tests are usually conducted to determine the specific component causing
their death.
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There are many skeptics, including a lot in Costa Rica, who question the use of
plants to treat such a profusion of medical conditions. There is no denying the importance
of some plants and the development of their uses, nevertheless, many query the actual
effectiveness of some of the plants that indigenous and rural communities still use today,
especially considering the abundance of refined medicines and treatment methods that
have developed over the years. The placebo effect has been given as one explanation for
the perceived effects of some of these plants. Tests such as TLC and bioassays allow one
to test plant extracts to possibly determine if any of these apparent effects of plants is
actually more of a placebo effect than chemicals interacting with the body to treat
illnesses.
Materials and Methods
During the month of July in Costa Rica the students of the 2005 Ethnobiology
Program, through the Organization for Tropical Studies, visited two indigenous groups
and one rural community: Boruca (July 18), Malecu (July 25, 26), and La Gamba (July
20). Informal interviews were conducted with the people at all three sites. Individuals
with extensive knowledge of medicinal plants were sought out for interviews, although a
variety of community members were questioned. At La Gamba nine samples of medicinal
plants were collected. One additional sample was collected at Malecu and fellow student
Noriko Brubeck gathered five plants from Boruca on August 8th. All plant names were
verified by Luis Diego Gomez. Tools used in the field included a notebook, pen, and tape
recorder. We told all interviewees who we were and about our investigations, always
asking for permission to speak with and record them.
On July 22, I prepared the nine samples from La Gamba in the lab using as a
solvent a 50:50 mixture of methanol and distilled water, in order to preserve them while
we traveled for 10 days. The amount of plant was not measured at the time due to time
constraints, but all samples were properly labeled. On August 5, approximately 0.5 grams
of the five plants from Boruca and the one from Malecu were measured and placed in
corresponding, labeled vials. Then two milliliters of distilled water were added to each of
the five samples.
In preparation for the Brine Shrimp Lethality Assay (BSLA) 500 mL of water was
boiled and then allowed to cool. Fifteen grams of salt and 200 mL of the water were
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added to an Erlenmeyer flask in order to create artificial sea water for the shrimp. Then a
pinch of Carolina Biological Supplies brine shrimp eggs (Artemia salina) was added to
the salt solution. Oxygen from an aquarium aereator was subsequently placed into the
glass container with the water and shrimp eggs and left in there overnight in order to
promote growth of the shrimp.
The next day the growth of the shrimp was checked and since they did not look
like they were close to hatching, another flask was set up with artificial sea water and
shrimp eggs and then both flasks were placed under a lamp for warmth. Meanwhile, the
first nine plant samples with a solution of methanol and water were carefully placed into
a boiling pot of water in order to evaporate the methanol solution, since methanol would
surely kill the shrimp. Evaporating all the methanol solution proved to be difficult, so the
solution was filtered with a funnel and glass wool. The plant part was then placed back in
the hot water in order to quickly evaporate any remaining methanol.
The following day a new sample of mint was obtained from the Las Cruces
garden because the original sample was too small and lacked leaves. At this point the
shrimp were hatching in massive quantities and we able to do the plant extractions for
plants #2 and 10-16. A small amount of glass wool was placed in a funnel and each plant
sample, which had been soaking in 2 mL of water for at least 24 hours, was filtered
through into another vial. The funnel and glass wool were changed between each sample.
Then approximately 20 shrimp were added to the wells using an eye dropper. Each
sample had three wells and after the shrimp was added, each well was filled to the half
way mark with artificial sea water. Then 5, 10 and 25 drops of the plant extract that was
just filtered was added to the corresponding well, with 5 drops in the first well, 10 in the
second and 25 in the last well. For most of the samples there was not enough extract for
40 total drops so 5 was always added to the first well, and however much was left to the
remaining wells. Any changes in the number of drops added were recorded for each
sample. Two control wells were set up, one with sea water and the other with ten drops of
methanol. The well plates were carefully stored away for 36 hours and then each well
was counted for the percentage of dead shrimp using a microscope. All data was recorded
in Table 3. After the percentage of dead shrimp was counted, the extractions for plant
samples #1 and 3-8 were set up the same way as the first samples. The second set of
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samples was only stored for 24 hours due to time restraints. After the plant extractions, 2
mL of methanol and 2 mL of deionized water were added to each plant sample and
allowed to soak overnight in preparation for TLC.
For the TLC experiment, a large TLC plate was obtained and straight line was
drawn in pencil across the plate, about ½ inch from the bottom of the plate. The line was
labeled 1-16, with one inch spacing in between each number. A seventeenth mark was
made for the control, methanol. Using a glass spotter, a few drops of each plant extract
were placed on the pencil line above the corresponding number. Enough of each sample
was placed on the line so that the plate looked wet, but not so much that it spread into the
adjacent cells. After all sixteen samples were added to the plate, the entire plate was
placed in a large bath of methanol (the methanol must begin below the pencil line). The
TLC plate was allowed to sit in the methanol until the methanol rose to a pencil line
drawn across the plate, near the top. The plate was then placed under an ultraviolet light
and observations recorded in Table 4. Finally, the TLC plate was sprayed with
Dragendorff and let sit for three hours in order to identify alkaloids spots.
Results
Boruca: At the Boruca community I only ended up speaking to one woman about
medicinal plants. She spoke for nearly 90 minutes about everything from medicinal plants
and snakes, to the culture of the Borucas. In reference to medicinal plants, she said that
over the years the Borucas have gradually lost confidence and faith in “los curanderos,”
who at one point played a critical role in treating diseases within the community. Over
the last few decades, the young Boruca generation began to learn Spanish on top of or in
place of the Borucan language. The curanderos became upset and jealous that so many
youth were learning a new language, and in some cases abandoning their native tongue.
As a result, the curanderos stopped teaching the youth about medicinal plants and how to
prepare them. Sadly, today there are very few people left at Boruca who know how to
treat ailments with medicinal plants because the knowledge ceased to be passed down
through the generations. Instead, Margarita said that most people go to the nearby
hospital or doctor for health services.
La Gamba: During our visit to La Gamba, a rural community, three women from
the group “Las Mujeres Visionarias” showed me the garden around their house that
94
contained an extensive array of medicinal plants. One of the women gave me a list of 75
medicinal plants with their respective functions that she uses or has used at some point.
She showed me many of the plants on the list in her garden, and this is where I collected
my first nine samples.
Malecu: In Malecu we stopped at a family’s home in the back of a large field.
According to one of the sons in the family the majority of the people go to the clinic or
hospital when they have any health concerns and have been doing so since the 1980’s. He
said it is much easier to go to the clinic than to prepare medicinal plants and that there are
very few uses of medicinal plants for them anymore. Also since there is no curandero
around, the Malecu have fewer options anyway. One of the daughters said she doesn’t
know how to prepare any medicinal plants and as a result always goes to the hospital. She
said that the people of nearby Guatuso say “bad things” about those people in Malecu
who still use medicinal plants. Unfortunately I could not get her, or anyone else, to
elaborate on that interesting comment.
After leaving their home, we traveled onto the heart of the Malecu community.
There I was able to talk to a medicinal middleman. He told us that all illnesses and
diseases originate from the colon and not to eat chicken or tomato because it is unhealthy
for the colon. He did say it is good for your colon to eat a little bit of pork. He was an
eccentric man and it was difficult to know exactly what to believe.
The day before our first visit to the Malecu, I went to three bars in the town of
Guatuso in an attempt to casually learn about medicinally plants. I didn’t start off asking
about plants but instead worked my way up to those questions. The most helpful man was
actually a toaster salesman who surprisingly knew an extensive amount about medicinal
plants.
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Table 1: Summary of selected medicinal plants from Costa Rican communities
Common plant Name
Scientific plant name
Medicinal Value
Plant
Location
Tuete
Ulcers, anti-inflammatory
Vernonia pateus
Boruca, La
Gamba
Sarangundí
Arthritis, headache
Senna reticulata
Boruca, La
Gamba
N/A
Feet funguses
Boruca
Sacatine
Justicia tinctoria
Fingernail funguses
Boruca
Albahaca
Ocimum sp.
Upset stomach
Boruca
Albahaca + rosa
N/A
Infant fever
Boruca
Guineo
Musa hybrid
Headache
Boruca
Bee honey
N/A
Strong cough
Boruca
Gavilana
Neurolaena lobata
Fever, infections, snake bites
La Gamba
Mint
Mentha pulegia
Stomach, digestion, cramps,
La Gamba,
Lamiaceae
stomach
Guatuso
Morinda lucentifolia
Cancer, ulcers, upset stomach
La Gamba
Bruises, asthma
La Gamba,
Sarangundí + madero
negro
muerta
Noni
Rubiaceae
Árnica
Chaptalia nutans
Malecu
Hoja de aire
Kalanchoe bipinnatum
Earaches
La Gamba
Guayaba
Psidium guajava
Stomach ailments
La Gamba
Myrtaceae
Veranera
Bougainvillea sp.
Cough
Malecu
Guaninama
Lippia alba
Stomach problems
Malecu
Dormilona
Mimosa pudica
Mouth anesthetic
Malecu
Bálsamo
Myroxylon sp.
Parkinson’s disease
Malecu
Coralilo
Hamelia patens
Fever, anti-inflammatory
Malecu
Morisequillor
N/A
acne
Malecu
Tilo
Justicia pectoralis
Induce sleep
Malecu
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Hombre grande
Stomach ailments
Quassia amara
Guatuso, La
Gamba
Ruda
Rutchalepensis
Stomach ailments
Guatuso
Papaya leaf
N/A
Blood purifier, diabetes
Guatuso
Cola de caballo
Equisetum bogotense
Blood purifier, kidney stones
Guatuso, La
Gamaba
Raíz marihuana
Cannabis sativa
Blood purifier, asthma
Guatuso
Rangallo de uña de
N/A
Blood purifier, prevents
Guatuso
gato
Culcumeca
prostate cancer
Blood purifier
Smilax spp.
Table 2: Identification of Medicinal Plants used in Lab Experiments
Plant #
Scientific Plant Name
Common plant name
1
Russelia equisetifolia, Acanthaceae
Cola de caballo
2
Mentha pulegia, Lamiaceae
Mint
3
B. mexicana, Lamiaceae
N/A
4
Neurolaena lobata, Asteraceae
Gavilana
5
Turnera ulmifolia, Turmeraceae
Turnera
6
Vernonia patens, Asteraceae
Tuete
7
Psidium guajava, Myrtaceae
Guayaba
8
Lippia alba, Lamiaceae
Juanilama
9
Morinda lucentifolia, Rubiaceae
Noni
10
Phytolacca dodecandra
Jaboncillo
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Guatuso
11
Zingiber sp., Zingiberaceae
Zingiber sp.
12
Mimosa pudica, Legume (leaf)
Dormilona
13
Mimosa pudica, Legume (root)
Dormilona
14
Mangifera indica, Anacardiaceae
Mango
15
Inga sp., Legume
Guaba
16
Piper darienensis, Piperaceae
Cafanca
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Table 3: Shrimp Bioassay Results
Plant #
% of shrimp dead after x drops of plant extract
5
10*
25*
1
0
0
0 (0)
2
0
100
0 (1)
3
0
0
25
4
0
55
65 (11)
5
63
100
100 (14)
6
0
0 (5)
0 (0)
7
0
0
50
8
82
95
98
9
0
0
0 (0)
10
0
0
0 (6)
11
0
90
0 (0)
12
0
0
0 (1)
13
0
0
0 (0)
14
0
0
0 (4)
15
100
100
100 (20)
16
0
100
0 (1)
methanol
(control)
100
N/A
sea water
(control)
0
N/A
*due to limited amount of plant extract, actual number of drops of extract added is in
parenthesis
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Table 4: Thin-Layer Chromatography Results
Plant #
# of visible compounds
Present of alkaloids
1
0
No
2
2
No
3
0
No
4
streaky
No
5
2, long high streak
No
6
0
No
7
1, streaky
No
8
0
No
9
0
No
10
long streak
No
11
0
No
12
faint streak
No
13
0
No
14
long streak
No
15
3, long streak
Yes, 2
16
0, streak
No
control
tall streak
No
Discussion
Through my interactions with the people of Boruca, La Gamba, Malecu and
Guatuso it is evident that at the very least medicinal plants used to play a significant role
in their respective communities. However, as communities have gained more access to
hospitals and doctors, and the knowledge of how to prepare medicinal plants ceased to be
passed down to the next generation, medicinal plants have lost much of their value.
Medicinal plants seem to still be widely used at La Gamba in contrast to their seldom
usage at Boruca and much of Malecu. Because so many older people in the communities
know the uses of medicinal plants, it is obvious that years ago the knowledge of
medicinal plants was widespread. The information I received from the community
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members during my investigation appears to be mostly accurate. For example, Tuete is
indeed used an anti-inflammatory like the people of Boruca and La Gamba told me
(Meléndez, 1986). However, after analyzing the results of the bioassay and TLC, I am
left skeptical about the actual medicinal value of some of the plants I learned about from
these communities.
All of the plants in Table 2 were supposed to have some medicinal value, many of
which have been talked about in detail in this paper. Although the brine shrimp bioassay
is a general bioassay that cannot specifically identify any components of a plant extract, it
does measure biological activity in a plant. Accordingly, if a plant has any medicinal
value it should demonstrate a biological response, even from a brine shrimp bioassay
(Hanson, 2005). It is therefore disconcerting that many of the plant extracts did not kill
any of the shrimp because this implies that they don’t have any biological activity and
subsequently should not be of any medicinal value. Obviously there are sources of error,
which will be discussed later, but the experiment was performed correctly and it is
therefore surprising that all the shrimp survived in varying concentrations of certain plant
extracts.
Specifically in the bioassay, cola de caballo, tuete, noni, #10, both the root and
leaves of dormilona, and mango did not kill any shrimp, even in high concentrations. In
contrast, mint, turnera, guaba and cafanca extracts killed all the shrimp, indicating that
they have some type of biological response. Gavilana, guayaba, juanilama, and zingiber
sp. all killed over fifty percent of the shrimp at the highest or middle concentration.
Finally there was B. mexicana that killed one quarter of the shrimp at the highest
concentration. Basically all these results tell us is that nine of the sixteen plant extracts
showed biological activity and therefore are candidates for medicinal use and must
undergo further separations, bioassays and experiments to determine their chemical
components and exact effects on the body. The other seven plant extracts that showed no
biological response should be tested again to make sure that an error was not made the
first time. If they still don’t kill any of the shrimp then their medicinal value can be
questioned. Studies have shown that thirty percent of the effects of all medicines,
including medicinal plants, are due to the placebo effect (Stepp, 2001). Based on this it
should not be surprising that seven of the plant extracts in the bioassay showed no
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biological response. This does not mean that all their effects are necessarily due to the
placebo effect, but it means that more than likely some of those plants don’t have true
medicinal value, but instead act as a placebo.
In the TLC experiment, most of the plant extracts that showed spots on the TLC
plate are those that showed biological activity in the bioassay (plant #’s 2,4,5,7, 15, 16).
Although there is no direct relation between the two, it makes sense that the more
biologically active the plant the more spots, or components, show up. TLC obviously
does not show all the components of an extract but it can still give a rough idea of how
many one has in comparison to others. If an extract shows more components, than that
increases the chances that it will have some medicinal value. However it is difficult to
make even a loose association between the two experiments. For plant extracts that
showed several components, it would be useful to subject them to more precise
chromatography experiments, such as high-performance liquid chromatography, and
other separation techniques in order to better determine the constituents of the particular
plant extract.
When the Dragendorff was sprayed on the TLC plate and allowed to sit for three
hours, there were only two visible alkaloids under the UV light and both were from plant
#15, guaba. There were some other plants with questionable presence of alkaloids, but the
evidence was inconclusive. It is unexpected that so few plants would have alkaloids
present because alkaloids are a common component of medicinally active plants.
In both the brine shrimp bioassay and TLC there are several sources of error. The
first nine plant samples were collected several days before they were ever stored in the
methanol-water solution. During this time the plants could have lost some of their
chemical properties as they sat out, unattended. Furthermore, the methanol acted to
preserve the plant until the experiment was ready to be completed; however it was very
difficult to remove all of the methanol from the plant before making the extract.
Therefore there were most likely traces of methanol in the plant extracts that were then
added to the shrimp. As demonstrated from the control well of methanol, all the shrimp
die from methanol poisoning. Thus some of the shrimp deaths could be attributed to
remains of methanol in the extracts, especially since it was more challenging to remove
the methanol from some plants than others. Also, just because the shrimp didn’t die
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doesn’t necessarily mean the plant does not have any medicinal value. There are much
more accurate bioassays that could run on the plants to better determines their biological
response. However, limited resources and knowledge prevented me from carrying out any
of those. Also, not all medicinal parts of a plant have to kill shrimp. Most of them
probably will, but shrimp can no doubt survive some of the chemicals that are responsible
for the medicinal activity in various plants. Finally for the TLC experiment, the
methanol-water extract was made after the extract for the bioassay. This means there was
probably not as much of the components from the plants left after they were soaked in
water for the bioassay and therefore the methanol-water solution for TLC lacked as high
of a concentration of the chemical components as for the bioassay, and would thus yield
less accurate results.
Conclusion
Throughout history medicinal plants have been an integral part of indigenous and
rural communities around the world. Recently however, the use of these plants has
dwindled for a variety of reasons, particularly with the Borucas. More and more people at
Boruca, La Gamba and Malecu are relying on modern medicine and shying away from
traditional methods. In some ways this smaller reliance on medicinal plants could be
beneficial because of the always present placebo effect of all types of medicine. As
demonstrated from the brine shrimp bioassay, seven of the sixteen plant samples
collected from the various indigenous and rural communities of Costa Rica showed no
biological activity. Furthermore, the inconclusiveness of a large part of the TLC does not
help support the idea of medicinal value in some of these plants, nor does the presence of
alkaloids in only one plant sample. Although a variety of factors may have influenced the
lack of biological response, the placebo effect seems to be a logical explanation for some
of the results observed. Again, it is impossible to know from the three simple experiments
performed if certain plants really have no medicinal value, as my results showed for some
of the plants, but all the plants studied here merit further investigation in terms of their
lack or wealth of medicinal value. In general, it would be interesting and advantageous to
study in more detail, and in the proper manner, the medicinal value of the medicinal
plants of communities like Boruca, La Gamba, and Malecu to more accurately determine
which of their supposed medicinal plants are actually due to the placebo effect.
103
References
Hanson, Bryan. 2005. Understanding Medicinal Plants: Their Chemistry and Therapeutic
Action. The Haworth Press, New York.
Houghton, Peter. 2001. “Old Yet New-Pharmaceuticals from Plants.” Journal of
Chemical Education. Vol. 78 No. 2.
Leon, Jorge and Luis J. Poveda. 2000. Nombres Comunes de las plantas en Costa Rica.
Editorial Guayacán, 663.
Meléndez, E. Nuñez. 1986. Plantas Medicinales de Costa Rica y su Folclore. Universidad
de Costa Rica, 134.
Stepp, John. 2004. “Weeds in disturbed area may be source of more medically important
compounds than plants in tropical rainforests.” University of Georgia. March
2001. Science Blog.
Acknowledgements
I would like to extend my gratitude to the people of Boruca, La Gamba, Guatuso,
and Malecu for taking time to talk to me about medicinal plants and Costa Rican life in
general. I would also like to thank the Organization for Tropical Studies and Las Cruces
Biological Field station for allowing me to use their lab equipment for experiments.
Finally, thank you to Noriko Brubeck for assisting me with the lab work and keeping me
sane during our sometimes tumultuous trials in the lab.
104
From Roasted Iguanas to Fried Chicken: An Investigation on the Changes in
Dietary Habits and Incidences of Obesity in the Indigenous and Rural
Populations of Costa Rica
Alexander Arkin Berger
Department of Biology, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill NC
Wan Nadiah Yaakob
Department of Molecular and Cellular Biology, Harvard College, Cambridge MA
(Send email correspondence to [email protected])
Abstract
Previous research has shown that emerging industrialized nations such as Costa Rica are
facing a major health crisis posed by an increase in overweight and obese members of
their populations as living standards increase. Here, we have chosen to investigate the
dietary components and nutritional habits of the Costa Rican indigenous tribes of Boruca
and Malecu in addition to the rural community of Punta Uvita. Additionally, trends in
obesity among the children of this segment of the population were evaluated. Traditional
diets of the indigenous people have been replaced by mainstream non-indigenous foods,
especially rice and black beans. This is due to acculturation and the fact that they no
longer have access to lands that provided them with the wild game and vegetation. An
increase in the standard of living as well as exposure to mainstream culture has
introduced processed food into the daily diets of the indigenous people, especially the
children. In order to gauge the standard of health in the community, we focused on
studying the patterns of obesity among the children using the Body Mass Index (BMI) as
a standard. We found that all three communities had lower obesity rates compared to the
national urban surveys. Despite lower obesity rates, we conclude that changes are
occurring that would lead to increase incidences of obesity in the future.
105
Key Words: Costa Rica, Indigenous, Nutrition, Obesity
Introduction
Obesity has grown into an international epidemic particularly in the United States
(Skidmore, 2004) and Latin America (Ogden, 1997), (Christoffel, 1998). Currently, the
prevalence of childhood obesity is high and has increased dramatically since the 1970s
(Troiano, 1998).
Obesity is the most frequent of health problems facing emerging industrialized
nations (Chandra, 1977), such as Costa Rica. An obese population is more likely to
exhibit numerous ailments including heart disease, diabetes, and arthrosclerosis, which
contribute to an increased risk of death (Beeson, 1967). Overweight children are at
increased risk for chronic disease, social stigmatization, and adult obesity. Although
childhood obesity has been connected to genetic factors (Rosenbaum, 1998), and 30 to 50
percent of the variance in obesity within a population is attributable to genetic differences
(Bouchard, 1996), increased population obesity can be connected to a shift in diet and
other environmental factors.
As with adult-onset obesity, childhood obesity has multiple causes centered on an
imbalance between energy intake (calories obtained from food) and energy expended
(calories used in the basic function (basal metabolic rate) and physical activity).
Childhood obesity most likely results from an interaction of nutritional, psychological,
genetic, and physiological factors.
While the genetics cannot be altered, there are many changeable components that
directly contribute to childhood obesity. The first, physical activity, is vitally important
as it directly contributes to the caloric output of the child. Sedentary behavior, which
includes high frequency of computer and television usage, decreases the caloric output.
Socioeconomic status affects the opportunities for physical activity, the opportunities for
sedentary behavior (American Obesity Association), and decisions the parents make as
primary food providers.
106
Researchers hypothesize that there is an inverse relationship between
socioeconomic status and obesity among adults and adolescents in industrialized
countries (Núñez-Rivas, 2003). More-educated parents are better informed about
nutrition and practice good nutrition in their homes. However, in Costa Rica studies have
found a direct relationship between socioeconomic level and the prevalence of obesity
(Núñez-Rivas). This association appears to be a typical behavior for a country in an
economic transition (Pena, 2000).
Among adults and children, diets high in fat and low in complex carbohydrates are
associated with greater incidence of obesity (Birch, 1998). A diet rich in vegetables,
fruits and complex carbohydrates, moderate in protein and low in saturated fat, with
foods from all main food groups is recommended for children. In contrast, processed
foods, rich in simple carbohydrates, sugars, and fats are an increasingly problematic
contributor to childhood obesity.
This research study seeks to investigate two main facets of indigenous
communities in Costa Rica; obesity and nutrition. It will investigate the occurrence of
obesity in the communities’ youth populations (4-15 years old). Second, it will identify
the nutritional changes in the communities. The two investigations will feed off of each
other, as the obesity rates are directly dependent on nutrition. In order to define
overweight and obesity, the sex-and age specific body mass index (BMI) cutoffs assigned
by World Heath Organization (WHO) were selected. Three communities were visited
and data and observations were recorded for each. Two of the communities, the Boruca
and Malecu were indigenous villages. The third, Punta Uvita is a rural Costa Rican
village that was included as a comparison.
Materials and Methods
Our investigation was carried out in the Central American country of Costa Rica
over a five-week period beginning on 7/19/2005 and ending on 8/1/2005. During this
time we visited two indigenous communities, namely the Boruca and the Malecu as well
as one rural community in the rural town of Punta Uvita. The Boruca (also called
Brunca) we visited were located in a village of the same name in the region of Buenos
107
Aires, in the province of Puntarenas, southwest Costa Rica. The Boruca indigenous
reserve covers 12, 470 hectares and is situated in a mountainous region with two main
rivers, Rio Boruca and Rio Chin Chin. The climate is warm and rainy. The population
stands at 2,954 people, of which only 1,386 are considered indigenous (Censo INEC,
2000). The main language spoken is Spanish and linguists consider the language of the
Boruca to be nearly extinct, as almost all of the native speakers have passed away. In
addition, 98percent of the population consider themselves Catholics while the rest are
Protestant (Censo INEC, 2000). The main economic activity is agriculture, producing
maize, beans, rice and tubers while livestock such as cattle and pigs are raised on a small
scale. Anthropologists consider the Boruca to be very acculturated and some contribute
this effect to the existence of the South InterAmerican highway nearby. We visited the
village of Boruca on 7/19/2005 and interviewed students at the local primary school as
well as various adult members of the community.
In contrast, the Malecu that we studied were spread out in three communities or
“palenques”, where related families reside. These were Palenque El Sol, Tonjibe and
Margarita respectively. The palenques were located in the region of Guatuso in the
province of Alajuela, northeast Costa Rica. The Malecu indigenous reserve covers 2,743
hectares and is populated by 460 indigenous people and 655 non-indigenous people
(Censo INEC, 2000). The climate is warm and rainy and there are four main rivers,
mainly Rio Frio, Rio La Muerte, Rio Cucaracha and Rio El Sol. While the entire
population is fluent in Spanish, as much as 70percent are able to speak the Malecu
language. This reflects the successful efforts of the Malecu to preserve their native
culture. The main economic activity is agriculture, producing maize, rice, beans and
tubers. Livestock such as cattle and pigs are also raised on a small scale. We visited the
Malecu over a two day time period, from 7/25/2005 to 7/26/2005 and not only conducted
interviews with members of the community but also participated in activities such as
walking through a preserved forest with a native Malecu guide as well as various cultural
demonstrations.
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On 8/3/05 we visited Punta Uvita a small town located on the pacific coast of
Costa Rica, located next to the Ballena National Marine Park. The town serves as a
tourist destination and is comprised of a majority non-indigenous population and tourists.
The town was sparsely populated. During our visit we focused our attention on the
primary school, Escuela La Flor de Bahia. The main economic activities are fishing and
tourism and the main language spoken is Spanish. Primary foods include fish, beans and
tubers. Livestock such as cattle and pigs are raised nearby. Numerous grocery and
convenience stores are scattered throughout the town.
Our main method of obtaining information was through interviews with members
of the community. Notes were written down by hand, and occasionally supported by tape
recordings of the conversations. Interviews concerning nutrition were usually conducted
with women, as the main food provider of the family. Questions asked concerned the
type of food consumed daily as well as the prevailing attitudes towards nutrition and
nutritional education. We were also interested in their awareness of obesity and other
health issues related to nutrition. We decided to use the Body Mass Index (BMI) as a
standard for determining obesity, in line with the international standards determined by
the World Health Organization (WHO). We concentrated on calculating the BMI of
primary-school age children in order to gauge the level of health and nutrition among the
rising generation. Data required for the BMI calculations, such as height and weight,
were collected from the children using a simple weighing scale and measuring tape.
To calculate the BMI, the weight of the child in kilograms was divided by the
square of his or her height in centimeters and then multiplied by 10,000, as shown below.
BMI = weight (kg)/ height (cm2) * 10, 000
We then obtained a standard, gender-specific BMI versus age growth chart for
persons aged 2-20 years from the CDC. On this graph, we plotted the BMI values
collected from our sample populations versus age on the appropriate gender chart and
determined the percentile in which they fell into (see appendix 3). We used the
109
international standard definition of overweight as being above the 85th percentile and
obese as being above the 95th percentile. From this graph, we were able to visualize the
level of health and nutrition of the community studied in comparison with the standard
global population. We also performed statistical analysis on the data collected and found
the average percentile of community members, according to gender as well as in total.
Data analysis was performed using Microsoft Excel software.
Results
Nutrition Assessment
Food Glossary
Here we define several Costa Rican foods that were mentioned frequently by our
informants.
Chayote:
Sechium edule, Cucubitaceae. A type of squash commonly eaten in Costa
Rica
Fresco:
Any beverage made from blended fruit, water and sugar.
Gallo pinto:
Rice and black beans and cooked together with spices. Usually eaten with
eggs, meat or cheese during breakfast.
Palmito:
Heart of palm. The young shoot of palms.
Picadillo:
Vegetable dish made from diced squash, a hash.
Tamali
Meat (usually pork) and vegetables encased in a dough made from corn
and wrapped in a corn husk before being steamed or boiled.
Borucas
19 July 2005
Observations
The village of Boruca appeared to be scattered with no visible central
organization. There were many hills and the most houses were small, concrete structures
with corrugated iron roofs that were built along a few dirt roads. There were two bars in
110
the village and a single concrete structure housing a small convenience store that sold
junk food. There were no grocery stores in the village where fresh produce could be
bought. The primary school, La Escuela Lider Bruncaje, was located at the periphery of
the village, across a small river. The school was small with roughly ten classrooms. At
the school, students were provided with lunch daily at a small dining room. On the day
of our visit, the children were each served a small bowl of rice with bits of tomatoes and
carrots and a glass of water. There was no other meat or vegetable present in the dish.
Beside the dining hall was a small shack that sold sweets and other junk foods (locally
known as a soda). Throughout our time at the school, we noticed that many children
purchased sweets and chips at the soda. Some paid with cash while others kept a tab,
which was recorded by the shopkeeper. Interestingly enough, we found that the
shopkeeper tries to persuade the children to purchase healthier alternatives such as
biscuits and juice instead of carbonated drinks and sweets. In general the children and
the adults at the school appeared healthy and normal.
We then proceeded to interview a family, comprised of a mother and her three
daughters. These women were involved in making and selling traditional Borucan crafts
such as masks and woven items to tourists and seemed to have a higher standard of living
than the rest of the village. All three daughters appeared overweight.
Informant 1: Primary school teacher. Female, aged 25 years. Single and lives with
parents in town of Buenos Aires.
We approached the informant at the primary school during the afternoon break.
When asked about her daily eating habits, she replied that she usually ate twice a day,
forgoing lunch because of the lack of time. Breakfast was usually a sandwich and
normally dinner was some form of soup. Although not an indigenous person herself, she
said that the Borucans eat mostly rice, corn, yucca and plantains. Fruits, except for
oranges, which were grown in the village, and vegetables had to be purchased from
outside the village. She also said that the water at the school was not very potable and
therefore water was usually purchased in bottles from the store although she preferred to
drink mainly fresco. She ate mostly chicken meat and knew about basic nutrition but did
not really pay attention to what she ate. She noted that she knew of some obese people in
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the village, mostly women. She also mentioned that there is a component on basic
nutrition that was taught to the students in school.
Informant 2: Cook. Female, aged 31 years. Married, with 4 children.
The informant was in the school dining room, serving lunch to the students. This
gave us a chance to observe the food provided to the children. According to the
informant, the government provides the money to pay for the daily meals. When asked
about her daily diet, she replied that for breakfast she usually gallo pinto. Lunch and
dinner consisted mainly of rice, beans and eggs. Meat, usually chicken, was eaten four
times a week while occasionally fruits and vegetables such as bananas, carrots and
oranges were purchased and eaten. Traditional foods included yucca and tamales. Water
and fruit juice were common drinks. The informant indicated that she bought all her food
and spent around 40,000 colones per month on food.
When asked about an ideal meal that she would like to serve her family, she
replied that her ideal meal would consist of a salad, a little chicken, rice and fruit juice.
When asked about her idea of nutrition, she emphasized that eating white meat and
vegetables was better for health. She was conscious about health and tried to teach her
children to eat healthily. When asked, she indicated that she knew of people in the
village who were overweight and knew of the common problems associated with being
overweight such as heart problems, diabetes and shortness of breath.
Informant 3: Shopkeeper. Female, aged 47 years. Married, with 3 grown children.
We approached the informant during school hours when she was working at the
soda in the primary school. She agreed to be interviewed and we were able to observe
the patterns of purchases and consumption at the soda throughout the duration of the
interview. According to the informant, breakfast typically consisted of gallo pinto with
eggs. Lunch was usually rice and beans with vegetables. Dinner was only eaten
occasionally. When asked about her idea of an ideal diet, she replied that ideally she
would serve her family picadillo and salad while meat, preferable chicken, was to be
eaten only once a week. She thought that vegetables were very important and should
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constitute the majority of food consumed. In her opinion, people in the past were
healthier because they ate less meat and eggs. She also drinks a lot of fruit juice and not
much water.
In this instance, the informant stated that she only purchased rice, sugar and
coffee because her family planted their own vegetables such as beans, yucca and
plantains. She was conscious of having healthy diet and emphasized that educating the
young on nutrition was important. She thought that the sweets bought by the children
were unhealthy and that they should eat something more substantial such as biscuits. In
addition, she knew of people in the community who were overweight and was aware of
the problems that came with obesity.
Informant 4: Artisan. Female, aged 26 years. Married, with 3 children.
We approached the informant at her mother’s home. When questioned, she said
that unlike the rest of her siblings, she only had coffee for breakfast and only rarely has
bread with it. She does not have dinner and only has rice and beans with egg or salad for
lunch, as she dislikes eating meat and will only eat it once a month. Rice is an important
staple, however, and most of her diet was composed of starches and carbohydrates.
Fruits and vegetables had to be bought and are expensive with an apple costing roughly
300 colones each.
She informed us that there was a nutritionist who came to the village twice a year
to give talks to the parents on how to feed their children a balanced diet. She has since
switched to using oil instead of lard and drinks plenty of water at home. However, she
says that she allows her children to buy junk food everyday. The woman appeared to be
overweight and when probed admitted that she sees a doctor once every three months and
that he had repeatedly told her to lose weight. As a result of her weight problem, she
suffers from aches in her knees. She knew that exercise was important in controlling
weight and told the story of a relative who lost 10 kilograms by walking for an hour
everyday. Although aware of the complications arising from obesity, she still eats in very
large amounts and is not fond of any form of exercise, including walking.
Informant 5: Artisan. Female, aged 28 years. Married, with 4 children.
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The informant was approached at her mother’s home and much of her information
was augmented and spurred by the comments of her siblings and mother who were within
hearing distance of the conversation. Upon being questioned, she relied that breakfast
usually consisted of gallo pinto, tortillas and anything else that was available. Lunch and
dinner would consist of rice, beans, ripe plantains and anything that was available,
usually picadillo, palmito, yucca and plantains. Usual drinks include water, coffee and
fresco. Fruit was not common in her diet as both fruits and vegetables were expensive
and could only be eaten when bought from outside the village. She stated that roughly 80
percent of her diet consisted of carbohydrates, although meat, especially pork, and eggs
were also common. Her favorite dish was roast pork with plantains and she explained
that they would eat pork whenever they could obtain it. For example, when a pig is
slaughtered, the entire family would eat pork all day and finish all the meat in a single
day. The quantity of food eaten is over much and they eat whenever they are hungry.
Furthermore, the children are allowed to purchase junk food daily.
The woman appeared overweight and she readily admitted that they ate in
excessive amounts. According to her, the Borucans see money solely as a means to buy
food and for this reason no Borucan will ever become rich. For example, her family
makes a good living from selling their wares; however most of the money is spent on
food and drink. She was also aware of basic nutritional facts such as eating less oil and
salt and understood the importance of exercise. However, she herself did not like to
exercise and only walked when she had to.
Malecus
25, 26 July 2005
The Malecus lived in three communities known as palenques, which were
traditionally peopled by related families. The first palenque we visited on was Palenque
El Sol, where we were able to interview a female member of a single extended family.
There were no other houses in sight and the house we visited was surrounded by plots of
land. The second, Palenque Tonjibe, was a village comprised of small concrete houses,
belonging to indigenous and non-indigenous people. We sighted several farms in the
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village and a large football field, where villagers played football every evening. The
third, Palenque Margarita, was similar in its layout to Palenque Tonjibe. We visited the
farm of an indigenous man and were treated with a traditional lunch. Although the
houses and village facilities appeared modern, we had the impression that the Malecu still
clung to their traditions. The Malecu language was still spoken at home and children
were taught their culture through song, dance and oral narratives. Nevertheless, there
were also many non-indigenous people in the area who are encroaching upon the
indigenous land.
Informant 1: Housewife. Female, aged 25 years. Married, with one child.
We approached the informant at her family home in Palenque El Sol. She had
been brought up in San Jose and had a Malecu mother but a non-indigenous father.
However, she now lives in the palenque with her mother. She appeared to be well versed
in Malecu culture. When asked about her daily diet, she replied that she usually had
coffee with milk for breakfast and only occasionally ate gallo pinto in the mornings.
Lunch and dinner usually consisted of rice, beans and boiled green bananas
complemented with fish and picadillo. Vegetables eaten include chayote, tomatoes,
cabbage, cucumber and potatoes. Common fruits eaten were oranges, mangoes, passion
fruit, limes and soursop. These were harvested from their own trees, as fruits are too
expensive to purchase. Their cuisine does not require much use of oil since the fish and
vegetables were usually eaten in the form of stews or soups. Fish was preferred to meat
from domesticated animals. Traditionally, the meat eaten was from wild game such as
green iguanas, turtles and white-faced monkeys. A common beverage drunk by the
Malecu is a drink made from boiled ripe plantains that is believed to be nutritious and is
fed to babies.
The informant thought that her ancestors had a better diet because they ate natural
foods from the forest. She did not know of anyone in the village who was overweight
although she highlighted the fact that anemia is common among her people. In addition,
diabetes, heart problems and high cholesterol were also evident in the community. She
also mentioned alcoholism as a problem among the men. According to her the normal
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life expectancy was 60-65 years. Interestingly, she spoke of several taboos concerning
food in Malecu culture and stated that her grandmother still refused to eat the beef as
cows were associated with the devil and were considered ‘unclean.’ In addition, black
spider monkeys and certain birds were also associated with the devil and cannot be eaten.
The informant was very aware of nutrition and tries to educate the children. She believes
that meat and fats were unhealthy and eaten in small portions. She appeared to be of
normal weight and size.
Informant 2: Housewife. Female, aged 23 years. Married, with one son.
The informant was approached at an artisan store, with her son in tow. When
asked, she replied that she usually ate gallo pinto and eggs with coffee for breakfast.
Lunch and dinner was usually rice, beans, plantains and avocado. She stated that she eats
a lot of vegetables, including yucca, potatoes, bananas, carrots and chayote. Furthermore,
she eats cabbage salads twice a week. She told us that the villagers planted yucca,
plantains and chayote and thus did not need to buy them. However, cucumber and
tomatoes as well as fruits were expensive and had to be bought in the town of San Rafael
de Guatuso.
When questioned, she thought that her ancestors had a better diets since
everything was natural and they only ate wild game. Furthermore, the vegetables did not
have chemicals in them. She admitted to not knowing much about nutrition but said that
she does enough exercise by working in a farm and walking. However, she appeared to
be rather overweight and when asked if she knew of anyone in the village who was
overweight, she replied that she did not. She also mentioned that she had problems with
high blood pressure but did not know why.
Informant 3: Artisan. Male, aged 23 years. Married, with 3 children.
Informant was approached at his home. His entire family was at home that day as
it was a Costa Rican national holiday. He explained that his daily diet consisted of gallo
pinto, avocado and coffee for breakfast while lunch and dinner was rice and beans with
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fish, when available. He elaborated on the availability of fish, saying that peak fishing
seaon was in the summer and that in the winter from May to December, fish is scarce. In
his opinion, his family eats more vegetables than starch and he gives the examples of
yucca, bananas and plantains as vegetables. Fruits and vegetables such as oranges,
apples, cabbage and tomatoes were not consumed often and had to be bought in town.
The informant stated that there was very little obesity among the Malecu. He also
stated that in his opinion, his ancestors were healthier because they ate more wild game,
less red meat and their food had fewer chemicals. Today, fish is the main source of
protein and is usually cooked with very little oil by wrapping in leaves and cooking in a
fire. He himself knew very little about nutrition but stated that children were taught the
basics of nutrition in school. He said that the children ate very little junk food and were
allowed to come home for a short period of time for lunch during school hours.
When asked, he cited guarumo (Cecropia spp., Moraceae), a plant eaten by sloths
and made into a tea that could be used to fight obesity. He also mentioned several food
taboos including the meat of raccoons and rabbits. According to him, his people used to
eat turtles, iguanas and monkeys but could not do so any longer because hunting these
animals has been made illegal and they can no longer go to the mountains and rivers
since they have been made national preserves.
Informant 4: Housewife. Female, middle-aged. Married, with 8 children.
Informant was approached during lunch, while she was cooking for us. We were
able to observe their ways of preparing food while conducting the interview. She
confirmed that the main dish of the Malecu is fish, complemented with vegetables
collected from the forest and others that were grown, such as yucca and plantains. The
fish was cooked with very little oil and could be smoked and left to keep for up to a year.
She also said that the Malecu were not allowed to consume animals from the sea. In her
opinion, the standard of nutrition has deteriorated as people are eating more fatty and
salty foods in large quantities, along with meat and poultry. She stated that she had
noticed an increase of heart problems and obesity among the Malecu.
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The women appeared healthy and strong for her age. The food she served was
delicious and nutritious, with a low fat content. We were fed rice cooked with fish and
drank the ripe plantain beverage. However, the meal did not contain significant amounts
of vegetables.
Obesity Assessment
For the obesity assessment 125 Costa Rican children from Boruca, Malecu and
Punta Uvita were measured, of which 73 were male and 52 female. General data from
the assessments are displayed in Table 1. The mean age of the subjects was 9.81 years
old with the mean male and female ages of 9.88 and 9.69 respectively. The mean height
of the subjects was 137.5 cm with a standard deviation of 12.10 cm. The mean weight
was 33.68 kgs with a standard deviation of 9.86 kgs. The mean BMI was 17.14, with
males and females having mean BMI’s of 16.81 and 17.35 respectively. The standard
deviation of all subjects BMI’s was 2.76.
Table 1
Total
Boruca
Malecu
Punta Uvida
Total Subjects
125
59
22
44
Male
73
38
9
26
Female
52
21
13
18
Table 1 Number of subjects including male female statistics for each tribe
Boruca
The Boruca subjects were all school children at the local primary school Escuela
Lider Bruncaje. The subjects ranged from 4 to 15 years old with a mean age of 10.10
years. The average height was 141.81 cm with a standard deviation of 14.53 cm. The
average weight was 34.47 kgs with a standard deviation of 9.11 kgs. The mean BMI was
16.83 with a standard deviation of 1.72. The mean percentile was 46.76 with a standard
deviation of 25.13. Of the 59 Boruca subjects, 3 were overweight and 1 was obese.
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Table 2
Age
Height (cm)
Weight (kgs)
BMI
Percentile
Mean
10.10
141.81
34.47
16.83
46.76
Male Mean
9.97
141.68
34.71
16.90
48.95
Female Mean
10.33
142.05
34.02
16.69
42.81
Standard Deviation
2.32
14.53
9.11
1.72
25.13
Male Standard Deviation
2.65
16.49
10.05
1.70
25.08
Female Standard Deviation
1.59
10.45
7.29
1.79
25.34
Table 2 Information on the Boruca subjects including age, height, weight, BMI and growth
percentile
Malecu
The Malecu subjects consisted of various children of the Palenque Tonjibe
village. Of the 22 subjects, 9 were male and 13 were female. The mean age was 7 years
and the ages ranged from 4 to 13 years. The males were slightly younger with a mean
age of 6.89 years in comparison to females mean age of 7.08 years. The mean height of
the Malecu was 120.23 cm. Males mean height of 119.44 cm was slightly lower then the
females, 120.77 cm. The Malecu children’s mean weight was 23.55 kgs. Men were less
heavy, with a mean weight of 21.52 kgs versus the female mean weight of 24.95 kgs.
The mean BMI for the Malecu was 15.74, with males 14.67 with a smaller BMI then
females 16.48. The average percentile of the Malecu was 41.18. Males were
significantly lower in mean percentile then females. Males mean was 23.33, while
females mean was 52.54. There was no incidence of overweight or obese males in the
Malecu. However, one female was overweight.
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Table 3
Age
Height (cm)
Weight (kgs)
BMI
Growth Percentile
Mean
7.00
120.23
23.55
15.74
41.18
Male Mean
6.89
119.44
21.52
14.67
23.33
Female Mean
7.08
120.77
24.95
16.48
53.54
Standard Deviation
2.76
14.01
9.17
2.58
32.25
Male Standard Deviation
2.67
13.96
6.79
1.57
26.88
Female Standard Deviation
2.93
14.60
10.55
2.92
30.56
Table 3 Information on the Malecu subjects including age, height, weight, BMI and growth
percentile
Punta Uvita
The Punta Uvita subjects came from two classes at the Escuela La Flor de Bahia
primary school. The mean age of the 44 subjects of Punta Uvita was 12.32, with a range
of 10 to 15 years of age. The males were slightly older with a mean of 12.77 years versus
females with a mean of 11.67 years. The mean height of the subjects was 150.34 cm.
Males were slightly taller with a mean of 152.23 cm compared to females with 147.61
cm. The Malecu mean weight was 43.02 kgs. The males were heavier then the females.
Males mean weight was 43.98 kgs, while females had a mean weight of 41.63. The mean
BMI of the subjects was 18.87. Females had a larger BMI of 18.88 versus males mean
BMI of 18.86. The mean percentile for the subjects was 47.25. Males had a higher mean
percentile of 48, compared to females with a mean percentile of 44.72. Of the 26 male
and 18 female subjects, 6 were overweight, 3 male and 3 female. Five subjects were
obese, 2 male and 3 female.
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Table 4
Age
Height (cm)
Weight (kgs)
BMI
Growth Percentile
Mean
12.32
150.34
43.02
18.87
47.25
Male Mean
12.77
152.23
43.98
18.86
49.00
Female Mean
11.67
147.61
41.63
18.88
44.72
Standard Deviation
1.31
7.75
11.31
3.98
31.32
Male Standard Deviation
1.27
8.66
9.34
2.97
28.70
Female Standard Deviation
1.08
5.30
13.85
5.21
35.48
Table 4. Information on the Punta Uvita subjects including age, height, weight, BMI and growth
percentile
Figure 1 displays the data for mean BMI versus age percentile and standard
deviation. The mean BMI for all subjects was 45.06. Males had a mean percentile of
40.42 and females had a median percentile of 47.02. The standard deviation for
percentiles of all subjects was 29.57.
Figure 1
Means and Standard Deviations for Growth Chart Percentiles
60
50
Mean Percentile
40
Overall
Boruca
30
Malecu
Punta Uvita
20
10
0
Mean
Percentile
Male Mean
Percentile
Female
Mean
Percentile
Mean
Standard
Deviation
Mean Male
Standard
Deviation
Mean
Female
Standard
Deviation
Groups for means and percentiles
Fig.1 Visual for the mean BMI versus age growth chart percentile and standard
deviation data for male and female subjects of the communities measured
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Table 5 and figure 2 illustrate the percentages of overweight subjects in the
communities. Eight percent of all subjects were overweight, with 6.65 percent of males
and 9.62 percent of females overweight. Overall the Boruca were 5.08 percent
overweight. Males had a higher incidence of being overweight compared to the females.
For the males, 5.26 percent were overweight, while only 4.76 percent of females were
overweight. For the Malecu 4.55 percent of the subjects were overweight. 7.69 percent of
the female subjects were overweight, compared to 0 percent of males. The Punta Uvita
community had an overall overweight percentage of 12.64 percent for the subjects
measures. There was a greater percentage of females overweight with 16.67 percent
versus males of which only 11.44 percent were overweight.
Table 5
Total
Boruca
Malecu
Punta Uvita
Total Percentage Overweight
8.00
5.08
4.55
13.64
percent Males Overweight
6.85
5.26
0.00
11.44
percent Females Overweight
9.62
4.76
7.69
16.67
Table 5 Percentages of overweight subjects for all subjects, Boruca, Malecu and Punta
Uvita communities
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Figure 2
P e r c e nta ge of O v e r we ight S ubje c ts
18
16
Percentage Overweight
14
12
Tot al P ercent age O verweight
10
% M ales O verweight
8
% F em ales O verweight
6
4
2
0
Tot al
B oruca
M alecu
P unt a Uvit a
G ro u p
Figure 2 Visual of the percentages of overweight subjects for all subjects, the Boruca,
Malecu and Punta Uvita communities
Table 6 and figure 3 display the obesity data. Of all the subjects 4.80 percent were obese
with 4.11 percent of males obese and 5.77 percent of females obese. The Boruca had an
overall obesity percentage of 1.69 for the measured subjects. Males made up all of the
obese subjects; with 2.63 percent obese. The Malecu subjects had no incidence of
obesity. The subjects examined in Punta Uvita had an obesity percentage of 11.36.
There was a much larger percentage of obese females at 16.67 percent when compared to
males, at only 7.69 percent.
Table 6
Total
Boruca
Malecu
Punta Uvita
Total Percentage Obese
4.8
1.69
0.00
11.36
Percent Males Obese
4.11
2.63
0.00
7.69
Percent Females Obese
5.77
0.00
0.00
16.67
Table 6 Percentages of obese subjects for all subjects, the Boruca, Malecu and Punta
Uvita communities
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Figure 3
P e r c e nta ge of O be s e S ubje c ts
18
16
14
Percentage Obese
12
Tot al P ercent age O bese
10
% M ales O bese
8
% F em ales O bese
6
4
2
0
Tot al
B oruca
M alecu
P unt a Uvit a
G ro u p
Figure 3 Visual for the percentages of obese subjects for all subjects, the Boruca, Malecu
and Punta Uvita communities.
Discussion
For perspective, the obesity data from this assessment is compared to the statistics
from the 2003 Costa Rican Ministry of Health study of San Jose region school children
(Núñez-Rivas, 2003). Using the same methods as our study, 34.5 percent of participants
in the SRMH study of San Jose and surrounding areas were found to be overweight
(Núñez-Rivas). Of the female subjects, 32.2 percent were obese compared to males, who
were 36.8 percent obese. Overall, the subjects in our study had a much smaller incidence
of being overweight, specifically, 8 percent. Similarly, only 6.85 percent of the males
and 9.62 percent of the females in our study were overweight.
Although the criteria used to classify obesity in the SRMH is slightly different, it
is relatively valid for comparison. While only 4.8 percent of the subjects in our study
were obese, 26.2 percent of the SRMH subjects were obese. Of the females in our study,
5.77 percent were obese versus 22.5 percent of the females being classified as obese in
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the SRMH study. Of the males in our study only 4.11 percent were obese versus 30.0
percent of obese males in the SRMH study.
While there is no statistical or sensible way to compare these sets of data,
inferences concerning the subjects can be made. The subjects in the SRMH study were
primarily urban or suburban children, while the subjects in our study were all rural.
Although there is no definitive cause to account for the disparity between obesity in
urban and rural communities, we can speculate on the reasons why urbanites appear to
have higher rates of obesity than their rural counterparts by considering their lifestyle and
dietary habits.
In general, city dwellers walk less, do less physical labor, and do more sedentary
activities such as TV watching and computer use. In our observations we found that the
Boruca, Malecu and Punta Uvita inhabitants walked frequently and far to get around.
Additionally, many of the youths work on farms or assist adults with physical labor. Few
inhabitants of the communities we visited had computers and children almost always
favored playing football to watching TV.
Urban people eat more processed foods because of increased availability. They
eat at restaurants and rely on supermarkets for food because there is less space to support
home or community gardens. The communities we visited had processed foods available,
but in far lower quantities then in cities. Informants did not mention eating at restaurants
often and only used supermarkets for food they could not produce at or near home. Most
of the informants rely heavily on home gardens for the food.
However, throughout the course of our research, we were able to observe signs of
change from the traditional lifestyles of the indigenous peoples to the more mainstream
culture of the non-indigenous Costa Ricans. There was a trend towards fewer and fewer
home gardens and subsistence farms. The tradition of the food on the table coming from
the plants near the home is fading and families are buying more foods at markets.
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Vegetables and fruits are expensive, compared to staples such as rice and beans, so
families often go with the less expensive option.
Because there are fewer family-owned gardens and farms, young people work less
in the fields. With the added encroachment of industrialization, new electronics such as
TV’s are more and more common. Although football remains popular, more and more
kids are practicing sedentary life styles.
Changes in diet are have already occurred and will continue as populations mature
and merge over time. Since the arrival of the Europeans, the Costa Rican diet has
evolved and today the three main sources of energy for Costa Ricans are rice, cane sugar
and fats and oils. Carbohydrates made up the largest component of energy intake at 61.5
percent, fats made up 27.4 percent, which is higher than the recommended level of 25
percent (Nutritional Profile of Costa Rica). Protein intake was 11.1 percent of total
energy intake. The main protein sources were meat, fluid milk and cheese.
The indigenous populations have not yet completely adopted mainstream Costa
Rican patterns of consumption. Certain populations continue to cling to their traditional
diets, such as the Malecu who still rely on fish as their main source of protein and utilize
many forest herbs to flavor their foods. However, we noticed that the indigenous people
have increasingly incorporated non-indigenous foods into their diet, in particular rice and
black beans. Domesticated meat such as pork, beef and chicken are replacing
traditionally prepared fish and wild game. Rather then eating fresh food from the garden,
more and more produce is being bought from the supermarket. Restricted access to
undeveloped lands has also made it impossible to obtain traditional foods.
This is not to say that living the traditional indigenous way of life will ensure a
healthy lifestyle. Frequently, the indigenous people have no concept of nutrition. They
consider starchy foods such as yucca and green plantains as vegetables and mistakenly
assume that children who are skinny are healthy when in reality they could be
malnourished. Most do not pay attention to what they eat although simple nutrition
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education in primary schools has left an impact by emphasizing the importance of
vegetables and white meat.
All the changes mentioned previously may have contributed to the steadily rising
rates of obesity amongst the indigenous peoples. Through the combination of an
increasingly sedentary lifestyle coupled with nutritionally imbalanced diets, we have
noticed sign of the deterioration in health among the indigenous people and the
appearance of diseases usually associated with the urban, middle-class population such as
diabetes, heart problems and high blood pressure.
Conclusion
In relation to obesity, Costa Rica is facing a serious public health issue, which
could have a marked effect on its economy. Although there are no data from Costa Rica,
studies on the economic costs of obesity in other countries have shown that these costs
account for between 2 percent and 7 percent of total health care expenses (WHO, 2000).
Including the cost of overweight inhabitants would substantially increase the attributed
cost (WHO).
Through our research we have observed gradual changes in the patterns of food
consumption among the indigenous peoples of Costa Rica as well as rising levels of
obesity. However, a long-term research endeavor is required in order to accurately map
these dietary changes and their effects on public health over a period of time. A wider
scope of investigation covering additional indigenous populations would further refine
the results obtained above since larger sample sizes for BMI statistics would enable more
comprehensive statistical validity. In addition, an investigation into the socioeconomic
status of the individuals studied, such as their family educational backgrounds, would
provide an interesting dynamic to this study. We hope that others will continue with this
line of investigation for the benefit of the indigenous as well as non-indigenous people of
Costa Rica.
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Acknowledgments
The researchers would like to thank the people of the villages of Boruca, Malecu
and Punta Uvita that gave so liberally their time and knowledge. Special thanks also to
Organization for Tropical Studies for providing resources, guidance and support for the
research. And not to forget the helpful editors who made this publication more readable.
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Beeson, P. McDermott, W. 1967. “Obesity.” Textbook of Medicine Volume 2. MJ
Albrink WB Saunders Company Philadelphia
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4th 2005. Centro para el Desarollo Indígena.
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Appendices
Appendix 1
Comparison of Nutrition and Obesity Factors between the Boruca and
Malecu
Tribe
Boruca
Malecu
Carbohydrates
Rice, Tortilla, Maize, Beans
Rice, Beans
Vegetables
Chayote, Yucca, Plantains
Chayote, Yucca, Plantains
Fruits
Banana, Oranges
Banana, Oranges, Mangos,
Guanabana
Meats
Pork
Fish
Quality of Food
More processed foods
More fresh foods
Quantity of Food
More
Less
Counter-Obesity Measures
Noni
Noni, Pineapple, Guarumo
Type of Exercise
Walking
Farming
130
Appendix 2
Images
Interviewing Borucan primary schoolchildren. 19 July 2005.
Informant at soda in Borucan primary school. 19 July 2005.
131
Borucan women with naturally dyed and woven handicrafts for sale. 19 July 2005
Malecu women with son in traditional hut at Palenque Tonjibe. 25 July
2005.
132
Traditional Malecu song and dance at Palenque Margarita. 26 July 2005.
Fresh vegetables being sold at an outdoor farmers market in Limon. 30
July 2005.
133
134
135
136
137
138
139
The Future of Boruca:
A Culture Facing Extinction?
Jennifer Bronson
Dept. of Urban Studies, University of Pennsylvania
4048 Sansom Street, Philadelphia, PA
[email protected]
Abstract: An ethnobiological study of the Boruca
indigenous community was done to learn about the acculturation
of Boruca youth. People associated with the primary school
Escuela Líder Brunca and the high school Liceo Académico
Indígenu de Boruca were interviewed to learn about the
traditional Boruca education and standard nation-wide education
taught to Boruca youth. Results demonstrated that although
children in primary school are taught Boruca culture in schools,
students in high school are not because they are forced to worry
about competing academically with students from other parts of
the country to graduate high school and find good work.
Key Word Index: Boruca, Education, Acculturation Indigenous, Costa Rica.
Introduction
The Boruca, traditionally known as Brunka, are an indigenous group of people
that inhabit the southern pacific region east of the Diquís River in Costa Rica (Stone,
1949). The town in which they live is called Boruka and their traditional language is
called Brunka. Approximately 2,000 indigenous people occupy the area, which was first
documented in 1608 by Fray Alonso de la Calle (Stone, 1949). Traditional work involves
basketry, weaving, handcrafts and agriculture. Although the Boruca have a strong
140
sentiment of cultural identity, the process of acculturation has greatly affected the
community over the last 250 years (Stone, 1949). Doris Stone, in the only published
work on the Boruca, states that acculturation has greatly affected the people of Boruca, as
they have lost much of their language, tradition and beliefs. More than 50 years later,
Stone’s article is outdated as even more of the traditional culture has abated in an era of
growing globalization and westernization.
In order to maintain the quickly vanishing Boruca way of life, the Boruca youth
of today must be able to pass their traditions and customs down to their children and their
future generations. There are two central ways for Boruca youth to maintain their
culture: learning in school or learning from family. Schools are of pivotal importance for
preservation of culture because they are institutionalized and obligatory. Furthermore,
children spend the majority of their days in school with teachers and with friends and are
greatly affected by their educational environment. Families on the other hand have the
option to pass down their knowledge. Thus, by examining the degree to which Boruca
culture is valued in Boruca schools, one may learn a great deal about the acculturation of
Boruca youth. This paper will focus on the emphasis of traditional Boruca knowledge in
the Boruca primary school Escuela Líder Brunca and secondary school, Liceo Académico
Indígena de Boruca.
In order to understand the education of Boruca youth one must understand the
system of education in Costa Rica. Costa Rica is a highly educated country with a 93%
literacy rate (Infocostarica Staff, 2005). All Costa Rican children are obligated to attend
school and subject matter is based on a country-wide standard curriculum. For students
to receive a high school diploma they must take and pass the Bachillerato Tests, which
are given to all Costa Rican students preceding graduation (Infocostarica Staff, 2005). In
order for indigenous schools to teach subjects outside of the standard curriculum, they
must supplement the curriculum themselves, which leaves a great responsibility on the
individual schools.
Materials and Methods
Research was conducted on July 19, 2005 and August 4, 2005 in two Boruca
schools and their surrounding areas. Questions were asked to various members of the
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community including students, teachers, parents and staff. Questions revolved around the
education of Boruca youth and varied in content depending on the nature of the
informant. Before the interviews were conducted the informants gave consent to be
recorded according to the International Society of Ethnobiology, Code of Ethics (ISE,
1998). The interviews were recorded with RadioShack voice activated microcassette
recorder and MC-60 microcassettes. In addition the recordings, copious notes were taken
in a small pocket notebook during all interviews to ensure clarity. In order to respect the
anonymity of the informants they will be referred to as Boruca 1 through Boruca 9
throughout the paper.
During the course of the interviews I spoke in depth with 9 Boruca people:
Boruca 1, father of 3 children who attend the primary school; Boruca 2, a recent graduate
of the high school; Boruca 3, a female student in the high school; Boruca 4, a male
student in the high school; Boruca 5, a non-indigenous teacher in the primary school;
Boruca 6, a non-indigenous teacher in the elementary school; Boruca 7, a Boruca teacher
at the high school; Boruca 8: the assistant to the principal at the high school; Boruca 9,
the principal of the elementary school. Interview lengths varied depending on the
cooperation of the informant and ranged from 5 minutes to approximately 1 hour.
142
Figure 1
Figure 1. Boruca boy in front of school
The elementary school La Escuela Líder Brunca, the first site of research, is a
small school divided into two buildings at the top of the small hill. The school comprises
9 classrooms with 216 students from age 4 to age 12. 98% of the students are Boruca and
8 out of the 10 teachers are Boruca. The school is 118 years old and serves the students
who live in the surrounding area (figure 1).
143
Figure 2
Figure 2. Liceo Académico Indígena de Boruca
The secondary school Liceo Académico Indígena de Boruca is located at the top
of a hill just past a small suspension bridge and divided into several adjacent buildings
with 7 classrooms (figure 2). 218 students attend the school and approximately 70% are
Boruca. Out of 14 teachers 5 are indigenous. The school is 7 years old and attends to 1218 year olds in the surrounding area.
144
Results
Figure 3
Figure 3. Culture in the classroom
Boruca 1 is a father of three children: two girls and a boy. His daughters are in 3rd
grade and kindergarten and his son is in pre-kindergarten. He explained that in addition
to the standard teachers, there are part-time teachers who specialize in Boruca cultural
education. He said that he was happy that the school incorporated culture into the
curriculum although he wished that they taught more about the Boruca traditions. He
believes that the reason so little culture is taught in the schools is because families care
more about their children studying hard and finding a good job than learning about the
culture.
145
Figure 4
Figure 4. Boruca student interview
Boruca 2, Boruca 3 and Boruca 4 are all adolescents who had attended the high
school. Boruca 2 is a young female who recently graduated and live with her family.
Boruca 3 is a young female student enrolled the high school. Boruca 4 is the brother of
Boruca 3 and a student of the high school as well (figure 4). They explained that the four
basic subjects in the school are math, science, social studies and Spanish. There are also
other language classes offered such as English and French. They all responded that
although they were taught culture in elementary school, they were not in high school. In
the elementary school they were taught different cultural topics such as art, mask-making,
bag-making, legends and language; however, now they only learn the standard
curriculum.
Boruca 5 is a non-indigenous pre-kindergarten teacher at the elementary school.
During her interview she emphasized the importance of doing interactive projects with
the children. The projects generally revolve around the Boruca culture because the
146
teachers at the school believe it is important to maintain the culture of the children.
Projects done in her class include traditional cooking, mask-making and handcrafts
(figure 5). The day of the interview the class was learning about chicken—their anatomy,
preparation and care. Each project is done in depth and helps the children build on basic
skills while also learning about their culture. In addition, she said it is very important that
they are taught Brunka words, culture and legends so that the children do not lose their
culture. She explained that once the children go to high school they are no longer taught
about their culture, so that they must learn all about it in the school.
Figure 5
Figure 5. Boruca children's mask projects
Boruca 6 is a 2nd and 3rd grade Boruca teacher at the elementary school. Boruca 5
had explained that Boruca 6 worries greatly about the loss of Boruca culture. Boruca 6
explained that although there is a standard curriculum the teachers of La Escuela Líder
Brunca incorporate Boruca culture into the all of the materials. For example, one of the
other teachers in the school made a comprehensive book about the Boruca culture to
teach the children; it is a book of plants, animals and legends. Some of the teachers use
this book in their classes instead of other books recommended by the Department of
Education. Boruca 6 admitted that she does not always follow the standard curriculum.
147
Boruca 6 emphasized the strength of the community and the teachers in the
school. She explained that usually the teachers remain at the school until 6 or 7 o’clock
at night to discuss classes, activities and how the school could be improved. She said that
even if there is not work to do they usually stay because they are a community and like to
spend time together.
Boruca 7 is a Boruca teacher at the high school. He teaches all of the subjects and
all of the grades, depending on the year. Boruca 7 explained that he teaches the standard
curriculum that is imposed by the Board of Education, which includes Spanish, social
studies, chemistry, English, Spanish, biology, physics, French and numerous technical
subjects. He explained that although people have discussed incorporating language into
the schools it is a difficult and dangerous task for many reasons. First, the high school
tends to have a more diverse demographic and so more non-indigenous students are
enrolled in it and it would be unfair to force them to learn Boruca culture. He also said
that cultural education should be taught by the family, while academic subjects should be
taught in the school.
Although Boruca 7 expressed the grief that he feels because of the immense
acculturation that has occurred since his father and grandfather’s generation, he did not
express any way to improve the situation for the future. He compared the Boruca to an
endangered animal species and said that extinction is a natural process and that nothing
can be done prevent it from occurring. He said many of today’s Boruca children marry
non-indigenous people and then when they have children the culture is lost. He also said
that many of today’s youth do not care about maintaining the culture and would rather
learn English and other subjects more practical than Brunka.
In addition to the acculturation and the manner in which the school is run, Boruca
7 offered an insightful perspective on the socio-economic situation of the Boruca and the
education inequalities that its inhabitants face. The schools in Boruka have few facilities;
Liceo Académico Indígena de Boruca lacks internet access, laboratories and a library.
The closest library to the school is over two hours away. Boruca 7 expressed the
difficulty of teaching without adequate supplies and resources. However, schools in San
Jose have expensive facilities and myriad resources. He explained that because of the
standardized curriculum and testing, students from impoverished rural areas, such as
148
Boruka are forced to compete with students from San Jose and other urban areas.
Furthermore, if students do graduate it is difficult to attend college. Although the
national universities are free, they are far away and the acceptance to one of them may be
difficult. Many of students do not have the money to pay for private colleges and,
therefore, chose to not go to college at all. Boruca 7 spoke with passion and sincerity
about the numerous educational problems afflicting the Boruka indigenous youth.
Discussion
In modern times the process of acculturation may an inevitable one, as Boruca 7
stated. However, it seems that there are a multitude of steps that a community could take
to slow the process significantly. For example, the time and energy that the teachers at
La Escuela Líder Brunca expend to preserve the Boruca culture must effect the youth of
the community. Young children spend close to three hours per week learning from a
Boruca specialist about their culture. Even in the standard classes, the teachers have
attempted to saturate every component of the curriculum with a Boruca emphasis. The
question one may ask then is why is there so much being done at an elementary school
level and so little done at a high school level? Do the schools believe that the
preservation of culture is only applicable to young children?
The lack of cultural emphasis at Liceo Académico Indígena de Boruca may be a
result of many complex issues. Boruca 7 stated that one reason culture could not be
incorporated into the curriculum was there are non-indigenous children in the school;
however, there could still be classes either during the day or after school for indigenous
youth. Furthermore, because of the close proximity of the Boruca community to the nonindigenous students, it could be useful and interesting for non-indigenous students to
learn about the culture of their very close neighbors.
Another key obstacle preventing the teaching of culture in schools seems to be the
drive to compete academically with students from other geographic areas. Time spent on
Boruca is time wasted on other materials, and as numerous indigenous people expressed,
Boruca culture will not help the children get into universities or get good jobs. Because
of the nationwide testing and curriculum it is impossible for Boruca children to not
149
compete with students in other parts of the country. Even if learning their culture is more
applicable to their lives than learning a more abstract subject matter, such knowledge will
not help them pass the Bachillerato Tests.
In addition to a desire not to waste time with non-academic material, Boruca
educators have to be more concerned than many other educators because of the lack of
resources available to them. For example, Boruca 7 explained that there is no internet
available or library available for students to conduct research. Because of the abject
socio-economic situation of the Boruca, the resources are sparse and difficult to obtain.
The discrepancy between urban and rural education in Costa Rica is a serious problem,
and although the country has been making efforts to circumvent the problem, the
inequalities are still quite prevalent in Costa Rican schools. Such educational inequalities
place more emphasis on teachers and students in poor areas to focus on academic subject
matter in schools.
In addition to lack of resources, Boruca students are at an academic disadvantage
from the start because of the lack of a formal education of their parents and the elders of
their families. The ability of parents to teach and assist their young in their studies is a
great advantage in academic growth of youth. The high school in Boruka is only 7 years
old, and, therefore in order for Borucas to go to high school before the school was built
they had to leave the town to go to an outside school. Due to the great inconvenience of
doing so, many of the older generation Boruca do not have high school degrees. Boruca
youth are further disadvantaged in competing with many non-indigenous youth because
of the lack of familial formal education. Feelings of inadequacy, or inability to fully
support their young, may be, in part, why so many parents do not continue the traditions
and practices of their heritage. They know that such practices will not help their children
succeed in the academic or business world. As Boruca 1 explained, many Boruca parents
are not interested in preserving the Boruca culture; they care more about the academic
and financial success of their children.
Boruca youth must feel the pressure to succeed in a world of growing
modernization and materialism. The drive to succeed academically and financially was
expressed by virtually all of the informants. Boruca 6 explained that there is a great
conflict among the Boruca between the drive to modernize and the desire to maintain
150
their traditions. In many ways these two desires are in conflict with one another and so
there is a constant struggle among the people. With such pressure to succeed
academically, indigenous youth are pressured to pursue “practical” studies, such as
English and math and neglect their traditional culture.
There seems to be a great conflict among the Boruca people of today’s time.
They desire to preserve their culture, as every single informant expressed; however, in the
material age they must be able to earn money and survive. The desire to maintain their
traditions is evident, as the elementary school spends much time and energy dedicated to
the preservation of the culture. However, once the students reach high school the desire
to succeed becomes more imminent and the cultural component is lost in the schools.
Such a complex conflict has led to the augmentation of the process of acculturation
among Boruca youth. Unless a drastic measure is taken, as Boruca 7 stated, the future of
the Boruca culture may soon face extinction.
Figure 6.
Figure 6. Boruca youth at school
151
Acknowledgements
I would like to thank the members of the Boruca community for their warmth and
eagerness to share their culture with me. I would also like to thank the administrative
staff of La Escuela Líder Brunca and Liceo Académico Indígena de Boruca for allowing
me to interview the teachers and students in the schools and for providing me with
numerous facts about the schools. Finally I would like to thank the OET staff for
providing the resources and support to make this project possible.
References
Infocostarica Staff. Last updated 17 June 2005. Education in Costa Rica.
http:infocostarica.com/education
International Society of Ethnobiology. 1998. International Code of Ethics. Ethnobiology
2005 Reader. pp. 1-4.
Stone, Doris.1949. The Boruca of Costa Rica. Papers of the Peabody Museum of
American Archaeology and Ethnology. 26(2): 3-10.
152
Duerme la boca, duerme el cuerpo:
Sleep aids and anesthetics in Costa Rican traditional medicine
Noriko Brubeck
Dept. of Science, Technology and Society, Eugene Lang College
15 Stanton St. #2D, New York, NY
[email protected]
Abstract
A number of plants are used traditionally among the Boruca,
Malecu, and BriBri of Costa Rica to alleviate pain and insomnia. These
include, but are not limited to: Matricaria chamomilla, Menta pulegia,
Justicia pectoralis, and Mimosa pudica. Mimosa pudica and Piper
darienensis are used to relieve tooth ache. Short, open-ended interviews
revealed discrepancies in indigenous and local knowledge about side
effects. A brine shrimp bioassay and thin-layer chromatography were
used to detect bioactivity and compounds in Mimosa pudica, Mentha
pulegia, and Piper darienensis.
Key Word Index: sedatives, plants, Costa Rica, Boruca, Malecu.
Introduction
Boruca is an indigenous reserve on the highlands beside the Rio Térraba in
southwestern Costa Rica populated by about 2,000 Brunka, or Boruca. This tribe has
been exposed to colonial influences for over a century, and most residents are Catholic.
Malecu is a tribe indigenous to northern Costa Rica. Three Malecu communities, called
palenques, after their thatched-roof structures, exist just outside of Sn. Rafael de Guatuso.
Much knowledge about medicinal plants among these groups has been lost to
varying degrees. During my brief visits to the community of Boruca and three Malecu
153
palenques, I was able to locate a few individuals who retained the knowledge of
medicinal plant identification and preparation from past generations, even if they did not
use all of the medicines themselves. I will focus on 5 species:
Justicia pectoralis (common names: tilia/piri piri/masha-hari/tilo)
Tilo is and herb of the family Acanthaceae and named after European Tilia,
flowers of the linden tree, and has replaced linden’s use as a tea for sleep. Its leaves and
stems contain an anticoagulant, coumarin. In Amazonian regions, it is added to virola
(Virola theiodora) resin, an intoxicating snuff.
Mimosa pudica (sensitive plant/dormilona) (Fig. 1)
This species of the Mimosaceae or Leguminosae family is native to Brazil, grows
throughout Costa Rica and is distributed all over the Americas. It is a nuisance plant in
areas where it is not native. It has an avergage size of 2 meters in length, curved spines,
and compound leaves. Each pink flower, growing from a globular influorescence, can
produce 2 to 4 seeds enclosed in a legume. The legumes have hairs to snag animals for
dispersion. Linnaeus named the genus Mimosa from the Latin mimus or mime since the
plants mimic the movement of animals. Mimosa pudica has an organ called a pulvinus
at the base of each leaflet. is known as “sensitive briar” or “dormilona” (“sleeper”)
because of its thigmonastic (seismonastic) movements in response to external stimulus;
the leaflets fold together and the plant appears to collapse almost instantly when touched.
Mimosine, a chemical found in species of the mimosa family, has been reported to
specifically prevent initiation of DNA replication in the chromosomes of mammalian
nuclei.
154
Fig. 1
Mimosa pudica, dormilona.
Matricaria chamomilla (chamomile/manzanilla)
This popular medicinal plant, of the Asteraceae family, is native to the
Mediterranean. The whole plant is used throughout the world for a multitude of ailments,
including insomnia, anxiety, indigestion, headaches, colds, flu, spasms, cramps,
gingivitis, and inflammation.
Piper darienensis (alcotán in Spanish, cafénka in Malecu)
155
The name alcotán is given to different species of the Piperaceae family. It is a
shrub bearing influorescences of 2 to 7 centimeters. According to León, it is used in
Central America for treating snake bites and as a local anesthetic for other pains (48).
Mentha pulegia (pennyroyal/menta)
Pennyroyal is a perennial herb of the family Lamiaceae, native to Europe and
western Asia. The odor of its leaves is like that of mint. The plant is used in cooking,
fragrances, and in traditional medicine worldwide.
Materials and Methods
Materials for my fieldwork included a microcassette recorder, field notebooks,
and pens. I conducted open-ended interviews with 6 residents of Boruca on July 19. I
returned to Boruca on August 4 to talk to one of the same informants, his mother who
was not there on our first visit, and one indigenous doctor from Cabecas. On July 25 and
27, I interviewed 4 individuals from 3 Malecu communities: Palenque El Sol, Palenque
Tonjibe, and Palenque Margarita. I went on a guided tour of the medicinal plants
growing in the gardens and throughout the town of La Gamba on July 21, guided by 5
members of the womens’ organization Mujeres Visionarias, who produce shampoos,
soaps, and extracts using their own plants. I also talked informally with a woman
working at a macrobiotic store in Guatuso on July 24. There, I purchaced 2 herbal teas,
one containing chamomile (Matricaria chamomilla), tilo (Justicia pectoralis), bitter
seville (Citrus auratium) and peppermint (Satureja viminea) for 605 C; and one
containing linden blossoms (Tilia americana) for 375 C. I also bought 2 liquid remedies
at the same store, one with dormilona (Mimosa pudica), valerian, lettuce root, passion
flower, gentian (Gentiana lutea), and sauthernwood (Artemisia abrotanum); the other
with passion flower, valerian, chamomile, azahar, and melissa, both for 800 C. In order
to protect the privacy of my informants, names have been changed.
156
Fig. 2
Commercially available sleep aids.
With fellow student Benjamin Baldner, I made extracts of plants to perform a
brine shrimp bioassay and a thin layer chromatography (TLC) to detect the presence of
alkaloids. We analyzed extracts of 16 plant parts, but 4 are of interest to my topic:
Mimosa pudica leaves, roots of the same plant, Piper darienensis flower, and mint. I also
bought samples of tilo and chamomile at a farmers’ market in Limón, but was not able to
save them long enough for any sort of assessment, and unfortunately, learned firsthand
about the importance of careful sample collection and storage methods to the tropical
ethnobotanist. All samples were identified by Dr. Luis Diego Gomez.
On August 4, we began McLaughlin’s brine shrimp lethality assay. This is a
quick and simple test to see if any compound within a plant interferes with cell growth; it
is indicative of some sort of biological activity if brine shrimp (Artemia salina) are killed
by a water extract, more so if the percentage killed correlates with dosage. We added 2
ml of deionized water each to Mimosa pudica leaf (0.52 g), Mimosa pudica root (0.18 g),
both from Eduardo’s garden in Boruca, and Mentha pulegia (0.50 g) from the garden at
157
Las Cruces Biological Station. Baldner had previously obtained and stored in methanol a
sample of Piper dariensis, which we evaporated off by placing the open vials of filtered
plant material in a pot of boiling water in order to make a water extract the following day,
when we began its extraction with 2 ml water.
We boiled and cooled 4 cups of water. We mixed 200 ml of the water and 15 g
salt in an Erlenmeyer flask, then added a large pinch of Carolina Biological Supplies
brine shrimp eggs. We left an aquarium aviator tube in the flask overnight to pump
oxygen into the mixture, and covered the flask with aluminum to keep out moths. After
dinner on August 5, the shrimp were born. On the morning of August 6, I filled plastic
wells approximately halfway with artifical sea water and about 20 shrimp each. We
filtered out the solid plant material using glass wool and funnels, and added 5, 10, and 25
drops of each extract to the wells using an eye dropper. After 24 hours we counted and
recorded our results.
On August 8, we conducted thin-layer chromotography to separate compounds
within given plants according to polarity. We made extracts of each of the plants with 2
ml water and 2 ml methanol. Using hollow glass stirring rods, we spotted the extracts
onto a TLC plate numbered in pencil. The end of the plate was then placed on a
methanol bath, so that when the methanol began moving up the silica plate, more polar
compounds would move upward, away from the less polar methanol. We looked at the
plate after about 3 hours under UV light to count spots and streaks. The plate was then
sprayed with Dragondorf, an acidic solution used to change the color of any alkaloids
present on the plate.
Results
The first Boruca resident I met, Maria, was a middle-aged woman who works
outside of the community, at a national park. When I asked her about sleep medicines,
she told me that she uses mint tea, chamomile tea, and dormilona. At this point in my
interviews, I was unaware of the distinction in Spanish between uses of the verb dormir; I
assumed she was saying that dormilona can be taken to fall asleep, but it is well possible
that she meant it is used only as a local anesthetic, to “put to sleep” a localized area of the
body. I then talked to a younger mother, who told me that naranjagria, a mandarine, is
158
used. At the next home I went to, about 5 men, all members of the same family, were
sitting on the front porch, carving balsa masks. One of the men, Eduardo, showed me a
few medicinal plants in their back yard. He gave me a sample of dormilona, which they
use for toothache. To prepare the plant for this use, they cut and cook the root, in water
and apply it directly to the tooth and gum. I later talked to a group of women who are
weavers. They told me how to prepare dormilona in the same way. Eduardo and the
group of women both said not to swallow the plant, because of side effects. In Boruca I
also asked an older woman and a midwife, who both said they did not know any
medicinal plants used as sleep aids.
Eduardo’s mother taught him and his siblings about traditional medicine, but she
was in San Jose selling masks the first day that I was there. When I went back to Boruca,
Eduardo introduced me to his mother. She lives in a house nearby, and has a small
garden. The mother seemed reluctant to talk extensively about medicines, but they gave
me samples of mango bark (for asthma), an unidentified legume, another plant used for
gastritis and ashma, lemon grass, ginger (for colds and cough), and another dormilona
plant. I had a hard time understanding Eduardo because he has a slight mouth deformity,
so much of what he told me was lost.
During my second visit to Boruca, I also met another artisan, who had a friend
from Cabecar, a BriBri community, staying at his house and treating Boruca patients.
The friend is one of only 3 traditional doctors, one of whom is 70 years old, left in his
community. He said that the tradition of becoming a doctor is disappearing with his
generation. He was very soft-spoken and said very little in response to my many
questions; when I asked how one became a doctor, he said that it is similar to going to
high school and then university. First one has to learn about medicine. When I asked
what else has to be learned, he just said “there is more.”
In Palenque el Sol, I interviewed a young man named Erin, and his mother, who
again, knew more about medicinal plants than he did. She said not to drink dormilona,
but another Malecu man, who had information about many other medicinal plants, said
that there are no bad effects from drinking dormilona tea, and that it is used to calm the
nerves.
159
Table 1: Identification of Medicinal Plants
Plant # Genus, species, Family
1
Mentha pulegia
Common plant names
Part of plant used
Mint, menta
Leaves, stem
Sleeping plant, dormilona
Leaves
Sleeping plant, dormilona
Root
Alcotán, cafénka
Flowers
Lamiaceae
2
Mimosa pudica
Leguminaceae
3
Mimosa pudica
Leguminaceae
4
Piper darienensis
Piperaceae
Table 2: Shrimp Bioassay Results
% of shrimp dead after x drops of plant extract
Plant
5
10*
25*
1
0
100
0 (1)
2
0
0
0 (1)
3
0
0
0 (0)
4
0
100
0 (1)
*due to limited amount of plant extract, actual number of drops of extract added is in
parenthesis
Table 3: Thin-Layer Chromatography Results
Plant #
# of compounds
alkaloids?
1
2
no
2
Faint streak
no
3
0
no
4
0
no
160
Discussion
The only bioactivity shown by the brine shrimp assay was for Mentha pulegia and
Piper darienensis. TLC revealed compounds in Mentha pulegia and Mimosa pudica
leaves. We found no alkaloids in the plants relevant to my topic. However, we only saw
alkaloids in one of the 16 plants we analyzed, so it is likely that our results overall were
inconclusive because of human error or a fault with the materials. Furthermore, the TLC
could only show alkaloids, and not the terpines that are probably present in Piper
darienensis; when I chewed a from a farm in Palenque Margarita, I immediately
experienced its anesthetic properties. The absence of effect on brine shrimp also may not
be indicative of absence of bioactive compounds, since the bioactive components of a
plant may not be soluable in water.
According to the NCAHF, plants “’intended to prevent, alleviate, mitigate or cure
a mental or physical condition in humans or animals, or alter the structure or function of
the body" are drugs by definition of the United States Food, Drug and Cosmetic Act”
(NCAHF 1995). However, the US Food and Drug Administration cannot regulate herbal
remedies that do not make such claims on the label. The allegedly somniferous teas and
extracts I bought in Guatuso were manufactured in Spain and sold in Costa Rica, where
labels can advertise “tea for nervousness and insomnia,” etc. without passing through
standardized clinical trial processes. According to the World Health Organization, up to
80% of indigenous populations rely on traditional medicines (Mahady 2005). This is
significant not only culturally, but economically, since in communities like La Gamba,
traditional remedies are more affordable than buying drugs at a pharmacy. Furthermore,
within such communities can sustain traditional practices and make a living by selling
their own products. One woman from Mujeres Visionarias showed us a mint extract that
she was not yet able to sell above an individual scale because of some sort of legal
regulation.
As systems of traditional medicine deteriorate, the guidance of empirical
knowledge of plant uses diminishes both among indigenous communities and the world
161
at large. While information about medicinal plants is, in the case of ethnobiological
bioprospecting, translated to and further studied according to systems of western
biomedical knowledge, the marketing and popularization of such use is increasingly left
to pharmaceutical companies and mediated by government and international regulation.
In a time when the human subjects research industry is facing a shortage of subjects, big
pharma is tending toward recruiting in non-industrialized areas of the world. The loss of
local knowledge about side effects could potentially subject present and future
generations of its original bearers to the exploitation of pharmaceutical markets, while at
the same time natural remedy-producing companies profit from the sales of potentially
harmful substances without the ability to standardize dosage.
References
Bartram, T. 1995. Encyclopedia of Herbal Medicine. Grace Publishers. Dorset.
Francis, J.K. 2005. “Mimosa pudica L.” USDA Forest Service.
http://www.fs.fed.us/... /iitf/pdf/shrubs/Mimosa%20pudica.pdf.
Gilbert, D.M., et al. 1995. “Mimosine arrests DNA synthesis at replication forks by
inhibiting deoxyribonucleotide metabolism.” J Biol Chem. Apr 21;270(16):9597606.
León, J. and L.J. Poveda. 2000. Nombres Comunes de las plantas en Costa Rica.
Editorial Guayacán.
Mahady, G.B. 2005. “International Collaboration in Traditional Medicine and Medicinal
Plant Research: A World Health Perspective.” UIC/NIH Center for Botanical
Dietary Supplement Research in Women’s Mental Health.
http://www.uic.edu/pharmacy/research/diet/content/articles/mahady99.htm.
162
Meléndez, E.N. 1986. Plantas Medicinales de Costa Rica y su Folclore. Universidad de
Costa Rica.
NCAHF. 1995. “NCAHF Position Paper on Over-the-Counter Herbal Remedies.”
http://www.ncahf.org/pp/herbal.html (8 August 2005).
Stone, D.Z. 1949. “The Boruca of Costa Rica.” Papers of the Peabody Museum of
American Archaeology and Ethnology, Vol. XXVI – No. 2. Harvard.
Cambridge.
Acknowledgements
I would like to express gratitude to the communities of Boruca, Palenque el Sol,
Palenque Tonjibre, Palenque Margarita, La Gamba, and Guatuso. I am also indebted to
Benjamin Baldner for his lab expertise, the New School University for making my
research financially possible, and the Organization for Tropical Studies.
163
Where in the World Is the Garbage Man?
Waste Management in Rural Costa Rica
Amy Dombrower
Dept. of Biology and Dept. Of Journalism and Mass Communication,
University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill
[email protected]
Abstract: This paper explores the methods of waste disposal in the rural
Costa Rica. Focusing on the indigenous communities of Boruca and
Malecu, a series of interviews and observations were conducted
concerning the disposal of household trash, recycling, and solutions to the
problem of waste in the streets. The communities differed in their
acculturation and environmental awareness, but were similar in their
methods of waste disposal. The majority of the community individually
burned or buried their trash. I have also discussed the hazards of trash
incineration.
Key Word Index: Costa Rica, waste management, Boruca, Malecu, backyard
burning
Introduction
Waste management has been a global issue for centuries. In all communities,
ranging from big cities to rural societies, residents must find ways to dispose of their
waste that best suits their environment. While smaller and less-developed communities
may produce less waste, such luxuries as curbside trash collection or drop-off sites may
be limited due to lack of funds.
Many small communities all over the world have chosen to set fire to their trash, a
method known in the United States as backyard burning. This refers to the “burning of
household trash by residents on their own property” (EPA 2003). The process is used to
164
do away with anything that could be sent to a landfill or be recycled. Residents can use a
burn barrel, a burn box, wood stove, outside boiler, or an open pit (EPA 2003). A
common practice throughout the U.S., backyard burning is often used for convenience, in
order to avoid transporting it, or for financial reasons. Even today, when alternatives to
backyard burning have proved cost-effective, many continue burning (EPA 2003).
Unfortunately, many people do not realize the effects of trash incineration on the
environment as well as their own health. Research has shown that burning waste
produces great amounts of harmful dioxins, a group of toxic compounds that enter the
soil. The chemicals can easily affect one’s health by attaching to dust that is inhaled by
animals or people. Many of the dioxins released land on plants, which are eaten by
animals that store the dioxins in their fat tissue (EPA 2003). People are exposed to the
substances by eating meat, fish and dairy. Backyard burning can be exceptionally harmful
to the environment due to the production of pollutant directly into the soil, where the
chemicals are more accessible (EPA 2003). Among other health hazards, the effect of
dioxins can lead to cancer and liver damage in those exposed to it regularly (Harder
2003).
A study concerning the emission of these chemicals was done in Cambodia,
Vietnam, the Philippines and India at public trash-burning sites (Harder 2003). Five
dioxins and eight other compounds (furans) were measured, testing the soil in the dumps
where burning had taken place as well as the soil far away from the dumps. The
researchers found that the soils from the dumps had much greater amounts of dioxins and
furans than those away from the dumps. In one Cambodian dump, 90 percent of the
substances had concentrations 100 times that of the other soil. While the study only took
into account a select few Asian countries, the chemicals can travel by air across borders,
making the health hazards of trash incineration a worldwide problem (Harder 2003).
Even as technology has grown and communities become more and more
developed, the problem of waste disposal has not diminished. I have explored the
methods of waste removal in rural communities in Costa Rica to identify the ways they
minimize contamination of their land. For this investigation, I chose two indigenous
communities, the Boruca and the Malecu, to observe their waste management and
determine whether it is the best method for their environment.
165
Materials and Methods
Boruca
The town of Boruca, home to the indigenous Brunka tribe, is located in the county
of Buenos Aires, in the province of Puntarenas in southwestern Costa Rica (Bernard et al.
2004). On July 18, 2005, I conducted six interviews, asking a series of questions
prepared beforehand. I walked around the outskirts of town, visiting various farms, and I
also went to an urban area of town. I carried with me a small notebook, pen, microcassette voice recorder, and digital camera. Interviews were recorded if consent was
given.
Malecu
The indigenous group Malecu inhabits three communities in Alajuela of northern
Costa Rica—Palenque El Sol, Tonjibe, and Margarita (Neumann-Samek 2004). On July
25, 2005, our group traveled to Palenque El Sol, where we had the opportunity to talk
with a family in their home. I interviewed one of the family members using a voice
recorder. On July 26, 2005, we visited Palenque Tonjibe, where I interviewed two
people, both of which gave consent to record the conversations. I also carried a
notebook, pen, and digital camera.
Results
Boruca
Upon arriving to Boruca, I first walked away from the central area and up a steep
deep road that led to several farms, all spread apart. I encountered two people, one
woman in her house, tending to her young child, and a man, working outside on his farm.
They both informed me that they burn their trash, including plastics, bottles, and paper.
They do recycle what they can, particularly water bottles and Coca-Cola bottles. The
man was particularly environmentally conscious. He affirmed that there is a great
problem of trash in the streets, and he tries to remind people to pick it up as much as he
can. I also walked up to a farm at the very top of the mountain and upon noticing that no
one was home, I observed the surroundings. Near the house were two small pits of leaves
and burned residue, surrounded by brush and firewood, where trash had been burned.
166
There was also a plastic bag of trash hanging on a tree and another pile of waste to be
burned (Figs. 1-2). As I walked down the road back to town, I noticed a few pieces of
trash along the side—mostly small bottles or pieces of plastic.
Figure 1. In front of a farmhouse, there is a hueco, where trash is burned.
Here, a bag trash is hanging on the tree, for it soon will be burned.
Figure 2. In the same farm, another pile of waste is in the front yard.
167
As I approached the center of town, I found numerous trash cans along the road.
There were also various large blue cans with different hand-painted phrases on them to
encourage people to keep the streets clean (Fig. 3). I talked with four more people, two
men in their homes, a woman working at a pulpería (small road-side shop), and a man
working in a radio station. One man said the community has a landfill in Buenos Aires
that is used each month. However, the woman I interviewed burns all her trash, including
her household waste and the trash from the pulpería. She showed me the hueco, or open
pit, used for burning, located right across the street, as shown in Fig. 4. It seemed as if
everyone has their own method for waste disposal. The radio announcer said that he uses
a hueco on his property, but it is far away enough to keep his land clean. He uses it until
it is filled, buries the trash in the ground, and then makes another one. He recycles what
he can, but throws away disposable products. He also mentioned that schools are helpful
in teaching children to keep the land clean by organizing activities to clean the streets in
the town. I also asked him about any radio programs emphasizing the problem. He said
there were some campaigns for organized groups to clean up trash, but unfortunately, not
many people collaborate. This is evident by the fact that the trash cans in the streets of
the urban areas are often ignored, and trash continues to be strewn all over the streets,
even right next to the trash cans. As presented in Fig. 5, huecos are everywhere you turn,
making the streets contaminated for both people and animals.
168
Figure 3. Here is one of the numerous trash cans that are in the streets of
Boruca. This one translates, “With our hands, we can have a clean town.”
Figure 4. Across the street from a pulpería, there is a hueco full of
trash to be burned.
169
Figure 5. A hueco lies along the street, making it very unsanitary for animals.
Malecu
We first visited the community of Palenque El Sol, where we went to the home of
a large family, as shown in Fig. 6. We went inside their small, but comfortable house,
and interviewed whoever we needed to. I interviewed a young man, who, contrasting
with my previous interviews, did not feel his community had a waste problem at all. He
also uses a hueco for wastes such as organic materials, bottles, and plastics.
170
Figure 6. The Malecu family that was visited and interviewed in Palenque El Sol.
In Palenque Tonjibe, a much bigger community, I talked to two people in their
homes. One man, an artisan who carves and paints gourds, explained that the main
problem is that his community does not have a specific place to deposit the trash, nor any
government-sponsored trash collection, which is the reason they do not have trash cans in
the streets of Malecu. As presented in Figs. 7-8, often trash is left on the streets because
there is no better place to put it. Many people in the community have a small hueco to
throw their trash in and bury it and certain wastes are burned. The hueco is used every
8th day. He recycles bottles and plastics, as well as the scraps left over from making his
crafts. He showed me the scraps and explained that because they have an abundance of
such wastes, it is used as wood for burning things as well as for bonfires for cooking.
The community does not have a landfill, mostly because there is no way of transporting
the trash. The city does not take the trash, and it would be too costly for individuals to
transport it themselves.
171
Figure 7. In the rural community of Guatuso, nearest to the Malecu communities, a
pile of waste sits on the side of the road.
Figure 8. Another pile of waste is neglected and left to
contaminate the streets.
172
Discussion
Both the Boruca and Malecu communities have similar methods for managing
waste products. As two very rural areas, options are quite limited, which leaves most
people to dispose of their household trash on their own. Because Boruca is the more
acculturated community of the two, members of the community are more aware of
environmental hazards and have more funds to take action against their waste problem—
hence the plentiful trash cans and available landfill. The Malecu, on the other hand, is
less developed and cannot afford it. I also noticed a difference in the amount of trash in
the streets. The Malecu has little enforcement of littering the streets, but the volume of
waste was much less than in the streets of the Boruca.
The waste management of rural societies in Costa Rica proved not much different
than those of the United States. The issue of burning waste is evident in countries
worldwide; the question lies in whether it is best suited for the environment. In many
circumstances, like that of the Malecu, burning trash is one of few choices available to rid
of the waste. While waste management is typically known as a community-based
problem, the indigenous people of Boruca and Malecu are left to take care of it
themselves. The municipality is doing little to help them, and they have neither the
transportation nor the money to take their waste elsewhere. Unfortunately, like rural
communities in the U.S., dangerous environmental hazards are prevalent. Burying trash
pollutes the soil and crops cannot grow properly, while burning it releases substances
toxic to humans. The safest alternative would be to provide the communities with a trash
collection service to prevent toxic chemicals from invading the population. Further
research should be conducted on the amount of chemicals present in the soil to determine
if the effects are as detrimental as they are in Asia and on the effects of the contamination
on mortality. Regardless of the results, the communities must have a greater emphasis on
keeping the land as clean as possible, remaining conscious of the environment and aware
of the consequences that poor waste management can cause. Such precautions are an
essential part of evading the contamination of beautiful land and people.
173
Acknowledgements
I would like to thank the faculty, staff, and students of the Organization of
Tropical Studies for guiding me through my project. Thank you to all the informants of
the Boruca and Malecu for participating and providing me with the information I was
looking for. Special thanks go to my parents for helping me settle on my topic of study
and my sister for her editing expertise.
References
Backyard Burning [Internet]. Environmental Protection Agency (US); [update 2003 Sept
17; cited 2005 Aug 4]. Available from:
http://www.epa.gov/epaoswer/non-hw/muncpl/backyard/basic.htm
Harder B. Burning exposed trash pollutes soil - Dioxin Dumps. Science News [serial on
the Internet] 2003 Mar 29 [cited 2005 Aug 4]. Available from:
http://www.findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m1200/is_13_163/ai_99849626
Bernard T., Garber, E., McGee, F., Olivero, S., Neumann-Samek, A., & Strasser, J.
2004. Los Antiguos Dueños de la Tierra: A View of Brunka Culture and
Community Struggles. Ethnobiology Coursebook 2004: 33-39.
Neumann-Samek, Amelia. 2004. Malecu: The Candy Trade. Ethnobiology Coursebook:
54-55.
174
From Baños Calientes to Ácido Fólico: The transformation of prenatal care
in the indigenous communities of Boruca and Malecu
By Megan Fitzpatrick
Abstract
Prenatal and birthing practices among two of the eight indigenous reserves, the
Boruca and Malecu, in Costa Rica have been greatly influenced by Western medicine.
Most traditions have been lost over the past few decades, and the local midwives
(parteras) have no apprentices to succeed them and carry on the traditional
knowledge. This transformation to western medicine that has occurred is interesting and
rapid, within one or two generations of mothers. This is a brief survey of the
medicalization of el parto (birth) and the possible reasons why it has occurred.
Keywords: Malecu, Boruca, prenatal, infant mortality, birth
Introduction and Background
Successful births and low infant mortality are indicative factors of the well-being
and a country’s overall healthcare situation. As of 1996, 99% of the maternal deaths
found in the world occur in Tropical regions of the world. Low birth weights are
prevalent and urovaginal fistulae complications (characterized by life-long complication
of obstructed labor attributed to unattended deliveries) are still common (Bergstrom, 3).
The fate of mothers and their babies, however, is quite different in a small country know
for its eco-tourism efforts, friendly people and wonderful coffee, squished between
Panama and Nicaragua. Costa Rica has a socialist healthcare system, in which all citizens
receive adequate medical care. Presently, the low infant mortality rate indicates that
access to doctors in Costa Rica is good. In the 1990s, the infant mortality rate was 14 per
one thousand births with a Gross National Product of $1,910 (Bergstrom, 5). Presently,
that number has dropped to 9.29 national average, comparable to many ‘developed’
countries (Caja, 27). Most of this success can be attributed to the introduction of licensed
midwives, or obstetras, and the presence of trained physicians during childbirth, or el
parto, and the ability to perform blood transfusions, administer anesthetics, antibiotics,
175
provide prenatal care and monitor complications in an obstetric intensive care unit
(Bergstrom, 5-10).
In the general Costa Rican population, physicians were delivering the majority of
babies by 1950. This transformation, away from partera (traditional Latin American
midwives) to medical clinics, occurred rapidly as the public became increasingly
concerned with reducing infant mortality, realizing the success of western medicine in
dealing with pain and solving complicated births. This pattern can also be can be
witnessed in some of the indigenous communities throughout the country. Previous
studies of indigenous medicalization are difficult to find, thus statistics or comprehensive
studies on the Boruca and Malecu infant mortality, birth practices and maternal mortality
rates are not included. These topics, infant mortality, conversion of prenatal care, diet and
perceptions, are addressed in my project, although I have only scratched the surface and
further study is needed.
In the first half of the 20th century, the Costa Rican government enacted a plan to
reduce infant mortality, especially in rural communities. In 1937, a team of fifty nursemidwives were employed by the ministry to work with the Health Units and physicians.
The result was impressive, infant mortality dropped from 152.2 deaths per thousand
births in 1936 to 99.4 per thousand by 1942. Other such initiatives to provide free,
preventative and proactive care for rural communities continued into the second half of
the 20th century (Palmer, 223). A similar trend was seen in the Indigenous communities,
although it occurred less rapidly, only really integrated into some of the communities
within the past two or three decades. the first indigenous community we visited, Boruca,
was quite acculturated; the majority of the women claimed to use the clinic for all
prenatal care as well as for delivery.
One of the clinics many women from Boruca use is located in Coto Brus, and in
2003 they were reporting an infant mortality rate of 11.85 compared to a 9.29 national
average and a regional average of 12.4 per thousand live births. Of those babies who do
not survive, 55% are boys, while 44% are girls. Most of these deaths were caused by
Prenatal asphyxia, or problems related to extreme premature birth (Caja, 27).
Boruca birthing practices then
176
Before & after birth, the house is purified with incense of copal (Protium
costaricense) mixed with castor oil, or, oil of copaiba or camibar tree (Prioria
copaifera Griseb)
Mother given purgative of corodoncillo, before and after, and liquid left from boiling
camibar tree.
Umbilical cord cut with a cane knife and burned with tocolote, colored cotton. The
cut part is buried where child is born.
Mother bathed in liquid of the guayabo tree and leaves of kuet or sotacaballo to
strengthen her. No milk or coffee, pork, nor wet her hands or touch food in the
kitchen for fifteen days.
*(Stone, 23-26)
Observed Boruca birthing and prenatal practices now:
Prenatal vitamins, including folic acid and iron, are taken during pregnancy.
After three months have passed, the mother goes to monthly checkups with her
doctors
Deliveries typically occur in hospital with licensed physician
Babies are vaccinated as advised by the clinic (Colleen Walsh, personal
communication, July 19th, 2005)
Methods and Materials
All information was deduced from informal interviews. Portable recording
devices were used (only with the permission of the informants) in a few instances to aid
in translation from Spanish to English. The selection of interviewees was done at random.
Our first indigenous reserve was Boruca, which we visited on the morning of the 19th of
July. There, we interviewed women of various ages, the only requirement was that they
were mothers. The youngest mother I interviewed was 18, the oldest 73. The questions
asked were previously prepared, and the same questions were used for all informants in
Boruca. However, I modified some questions for our visit to Malecu based on the other
responses. While the partera in Boruca claimed that some women still consulted her
during pregnancy, and she still delivered babies, none of my informants confirmed this
claim.
177
The Malecu indigenous communities are located in the northern part of the
country in the province of Alajuela. The small indigenous community is one of the best at
preserving their culture and language. The three ‘asentamientos’ are Palenque Margarita,
Tonjibe and El Sol, all of which we visited and spoke with residents. We went trudging
through the swampy grasslands to reach the first family in El Sol and, with recorders and
pens in hand, visited Tonjibe to do interviews on the 25th of July. On the 26th we
interviewed a family in Palenque Margarita, with a belly full of homemade pescado and
rice and a plantain-drink-concoction in our hands.
Results
The lost faith; Parteras shifting authority
Parteras, Latin American midwives, were highly respected for hundreds of years
prior to the late 19th century, not only attending el parto (birth) but also providing general
healthcare to the rural and indigenous female populations of Costa Rica. They were
trained through a lifelong apprenticeship with another partera on the use of teas, banos,
and various remedies related to pregnancy, menstruation, and general well-being of
mother and child. The role of partera was a rigorous test of strength and dedication, some
women could labor for days at a time, and many times these deliveries were quite
complicated, some resulting in the death of the mother or child.
Male doctors soon became an integral part of childbirth. Since it had traditionally
been a female-oriented event, this transition was originally resisted, many women
refusing to have a male physician deliver their baby (predominantly in the 1800-1900s).
There was also an inherent competitive relationship between doctors and parteras as
Benjamin de Cespedes comments in his popular book, Infant Hygiene, “ideological
warfare that midwives carried on against doctors…no matter what the circumstances of
the birth, midwives refused to call for a physician (Palmer, 138).”
My field research concentrated on two indigenous communities in Costa Rica: the
Boruca and Malecu, and additional research that described the general Costa Rican
population. I questioned six women in the Indigenous Reserve of Boruca, and four in
Malecu, the results were surprising, primarily because my expectations were a group of
178
indigenous people resisting medicalization by maintaining as many traditions as they
could.
Boruca
Malecu
Use of vitamins during
Yes, all women questioned
Yes, all women questioned
pregnancy
used vitamins and knew of
used vitamins and knew of
folic acid
folic acid
Young female population
All young women
All women questioned
use of clinics (western) for
questioned
all services related to
pregnancy
Older generations of
All older women used
All older women spoken to
women use parteras or
parteras for birth previous
used homebirth without
homebirths
to access to hospitals
assistance of parteras or
cudandera(s) in birth
Access to Parteras
One older partera
One older partera
Changes in diet during
The women questioned all
All women questioned
pregnancy*
claimed to eat more food,
claimed to have absolutely
especially fruit, vegetables
no change in diet at all
and meat
Table1. Comparison of medical care in indigenous women
*Excluding the first trimester, where sickness often causes inconsistent changes in diet
Boruca
Informant 1, Boruca, used the recommendations of her doctor for prenatal care,
taking vitamins (including folic acid and iron), exercising, drinking a lot of water and
staying away from any pills. She went for checkups every month following the third
month to the clínica. When asked if she used any traditional remedies or a partera, she
said, with the exception of manzanilla (Matricaria chamomila) tea, that she did not
consult the local partera for any of her prenatal care, and delivered in a hospital. She
179
mentioned practicing lamaze and stretching prior to birth and went to the clinic for both
of her children.
Informant 2: Boruca, a young woman again used the clínica for all her prenatal
care and delivery as well. She, too took folic acid and iron, along with prenatal vitamins,
during her pregnancy, and attended monthly checkups as directed by doctor and highly
encouraged by other towns people.
Informant 3: middle aged mother with 8 children. The only recommendations she
received were to eat more, while she knew of vitamins she did not use them, and she
visited the doctor and delivered in the hospital.
Informant 4: While in Boruca, we spoke to an elderly woman, una abuelita, in the
community. She had ten children, all of which were delivered in her home with a partera,
approximately 50 years previously. (When asked how many grandchildren she had, she
said simply, “I do not know…but quite a few” ). Her ideas of the introduction of western
medicine were quite different from that of the younger population. The young women
giving birth today, she said, are much weaker than women in her day. They have fewer
children, are more feeble, and do not eat as well as the mothers of her day. When asked
what kind of diet a pregnant woman should have, she responded with what she believed
to be an obvious answer: that hearty meat from the mountains was the only way to
prepare for such an event. Parteras, she said, were present at nearly every birth in the
community. When asked by my companera what would be done previous to
vaccinations, pain-killers, and medical doctors, she said simply that the babies died, the
mothers died. It was a test of strength that required very strong women. Medicinal plants
used were numerous, she said, and she only knew their names in her native tongue,
Boruca. They did drink various teas, including manzanilla, and soaked in hot water baths
filled with herbs (salvia, Buddleia Americana) weeks prior to el parto. The treatment of
colico, or infant colic, she said, can only be accomplished with a partera - western
medicine does not have a true understanding of it. What was especially interesting about
this particular family that we spoke with was the abuelitas daughter. While I had been
informed that the younger population had virtually no knowledge of the traditional use of
plants and remedies, this woman was a wealth of knowledge, comparable to that of her
mother, although she had delivered her babies at a clinic.
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General Note:
While it is not common for women to use parteras or perform home births any
longer, there are, of course, exceptions. The daughters of the local partera had the
majority of their children under the watchful and trained eyes of their mother. As a
general point of information, women with complicated pregnancies or high risk factors
were almost always sent to hospitals for delivery and prenatal care.
Malecu
The information gained in the three provinces of Malecu in Guatuso was
fascinating. Of the four women that I spoke with, all had given birth in a hospital. When
asked where their mothers had given birth to them, almost all replied that their mother’s
gave birth at home without the aid of a partera, cudandera or any other healer or
midwife. When asked why they did not prefer to use natural remedies and parteras during
childbirth, the answers were a unified loss in confidence of these healers. This loss of this
authority, however, seems to have begun before full access to medical clinics in the
1980s.
Informant 1, Malecu, was the wife of the local traditional healer. She had
delivered her one baby at home, with the help of her husband. She said that her husband
would occasionally deliver babies, but more commonly evaluate them during pregnancy
to determine if the pregnancy was high risk and should be delivered at the hospital.
Informant 2, had 6 children, all of them delivered in the hospital. Her prenatal care
was vitamins, and monthly checkups as directed by her physician. Her mother had all of
her children by herself in the family home. When asked why she went to the hospital, she
said she had much more confidence in the doctors than delivering at home.
Informant 3, had one child, delivered in the hospital. Prenatal care consisted of
vitamins, and monthly exams. When asked why she chose to deliver in a hospital, she
said she had lost confidence in parteras and natural healers.
Informant 4, another abuela, had all but one of her children at home in the care of
a partera. The one trip to the hospital was due to a high risk pregnancy and premature
labor. All of her daughters had given birth in a hospital. They still used some types of tea,
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one example she gave was manzanilla, although, they were not traditional indigenous
remedies.
Conclusions
Boruca
A general trend among the young informants in Boruca was the nearly nonexistent belief, use or understanding of traditional medical practices, plants and
ceremonies/traditions associated with parteras. Although most knew of their existence,
and many of their mothers had used them, the younger generation seemed to have lost
their trust in them almost entirely.
Medicalization of el parto in Boruca:
The transformation, or medicalization, of childbirth was influenced by numerous
factors in Boruca. While medical clinics began to appear in the 1940s throughout Costa
Rica, the indigenous community had no means of access to them until the construction of
their inter-American highway in 1945. The 1950s saw the true emergence of trust and
access to western medical clinics. While access did exist in the 50s, some conflicts
presented themselves since parteras still had the authority and respect in the community,
the slow acceptance of male physicians delivering babies and for the people to observe
the decline in mother and infant mortality. Consequently, there is a decline in parteras, as
evident in Boruca. One older partera remains, however she has not trained an apprentice
to replace her. When she dies, so too will much of the traditional remedies and culture. A
partera has not used for the subsequent generations due to a lack of confidence in their
abilities.
On a separate note, having a baby in a clinic or hospital has become a status
symbol. Few choose to deliver at home without the care of a physician using anesthesia
and western technology.
Malecu
The general trend in Malecu was harder to pinpoint than in Boruca. All of the
women I spoke with had no trust left in traditional medicine, while through other
observations and conversations with the community members it seemed as if they are
trying hard to preserve their culture and language. The young women claimed to not even
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be aware of traditions or medicinal plants associated with prenatal care and el parto. As
was seen in Boruca, the only remaining partera was elderly and had not trained an
apprentice to take over her position when she could no longer deliver babies.
Medicalization of el parto in Malecu:
The women in Malecu seemed to have a different perspective on the usage of
hospitals for childbirth. Whereas Boruca had used primarily parteras and traditional
practices surrounded by tradition during childbirth up until recently, the women in
Malecu either did not share these practices, or these traditions have not existed for some
time.
Further research
An interesting aspect to research in the future would be the feelings of women and
why they decided stop using parteras. I would have really liked to explore birth control
and the possible transformation of sexual roles and ideas as acculturation occurred. To do
a more comprehensive survey of my current topic and that of birth control, the researcher
would have to have much more time with the indigenous communities, and form trusting
relationships. Collecting accurate data on specific birth rates in indigenous communities
would also be fascinating.
Literature Cited:
Bergstrom, S. 1994. In KS Lautzines etal. (eds.). The Pathology of Poverty. Pp 3- 12.
Caja Costaricense de Seguro Social. 2004. Analysis de Situacion de Salud, Coto Brus.
197 pp.
Palmer, Steven. 2003. From Popular Medicine to Medical Populism: Doctors, Healers,
and Public Power in Costa Rica, 1800-1940. Duke. 329 pp.
Stone, Doris Z. 1949. The Boruca of Costa Rica. Harvard. 42pp.
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Acknowledgments
I would first like to thank all of the informants that I had the opportunity to met
and speak with in Boruca and Malecu, this would never had been possible without the
kind, informative and incredibly patient women I spoke with. I would also like to thank
my colleague and partner in crime, Colleen Walsh, for her patience, information and
patience throughout the trip. Luis Diego Gomez also provided support and information
absolutely essential to this project. Thank you, also, to all those associated with the
Organization for Tropical Studies, who have made this trip possible. I would also like to
thank Ashna Kirshner and Eldon Peters for allowing me to use their wonderful
photographs of the places we have been.
Megan Fitzpatrick
Department of Biochemistry
University of New Mexico
Albuquerque, New Mexico 87125
[email protected]
184
Chemicals, Not Fire:
The Shift in Agricultural Practices of Indigenous Costa Rican Farmers
By Christopher Hardy
Abstract
The advent of cheap agrochemicals has changed agricultural practices across the world.
The extent of this change is well documented on large scale agriculture, but little is
written concerning the change in agricultural methods is small or subsistence farmers.
The degree of the change in practices is assessed by comparing different cultural groups,
specifically two different indigenous tribes and other non-indigenous local farmers. This
comparison indicates the degree of the acculturation of agricultural practices, and this
forces the question of the implications of such a change.
Key Words: Pesticides, Fertilizers, Boruca, Maleku, Costa Rica
Introduction
Project Background
In the last half a century, rural agricultural systems have shifted in Costa Rica
from low input subsistence farming to industrial style farming using agrochemicals
(Rodríguez, 1994). This shift is dependant on the local population dynamics, land
restrictions, and availability of technology. With heterogeneous cultures and
microclimates, homogeneity of the transition of agricultural practices would be
unexpected. Rather, it is likely that each community would incorporate technology
according to availability thereof, and the demands of the soils (Olson, 1981). By
studying ethnic groups the similarities and differences can be compared to determine the
nature of the agricultural shift. I investigated the change in indigenous agricultural
practices, and contrasted the modern indigenous methods to two other methods: the
practices of neighboring blanco or campesino [non-indigenous] farmers, and the
traditional practices of the indigenous groups (either in the past or other less acculturated
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tribes). The two indigenous groups that I interviewed were of Boruca and Maleku tribes,
as well as some local campesinos. The portion of agricultural practice acculturation that I
investigated was the use of agrochemicals. After assessing the extent of the agricultural
shift in practices, a discussion of the implications of this shift and the sustainability of the
new system is necessary.
Traditional Indigenous Agricultural Practices
From Costa Rica through Guatemala to Southern México indigenous groups
traditionally used milpa or manzana farms for subsistence (Litow et. al., 2002; Stone,
1949). These farms are small rotated plots within the forest, and are maintained by slash
and burn agriculture (still employed in Guatemala). Through the rotation of crops and the
abandoning of land, the soil is replenished with vital phosphates and nitrates without
significantly damaging the soil microbes and worms. Manzanas and milpas are part of
many traditional agricultural systems that fall under the term ‘agroecology,’ where the
land is managed in a traditional system that is sustainable and time tested (Dover, 1985).
In the manzana agroecosystem the forest is cleared and burned, and then rice, yucca, or
other crops that require large amounts of nutrients are grown first (Stone, 1949). Other
plants are included, and as crops pass their peak hardier crops and sometimes trees are
planted in the same location (Litow et. al., 2002). As the plot passes into its second or
third year, it is reclaimed by the forest and left to rejuvenate. The milpa is a manzana
with exclusively corn crops for the Boruca (Stone, 1949), but for other tribes may use the
word for a corn dominate crop or any slash and burn subsistence farm (Litow et. al.,
2002). Crops common on a manzana are rice, yuca, sugar cane, and plantains. Other
crops, found more individually and scattered, are cacao, coffee, beans, oranges, mangoes,
and pineapples (Stone, 1949). For this system to be maintained, a forest large enough to
sustain repeated slashing and burning of .7 hectare acre plots is necessary. In Guatemala
a forest reserve has been established to help protect the agroecosystem (Litow et. al.,
2002). This farming style affects the forest environment by creating edge and gap
effects, letting in more light to the understory.
Problems with Industrial Agriculture
With the advent of monoculture, subsidized oil based herbicides and pesticides,
and the massive production of synthetic fertilizers, a host of environmental and health
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problems have appeared. Some of the dangers of pesticides include: runoff threatening
wildlife, the killing of beneficial soil microbes and worms in addition to targeted pests,
the development of pesticide resistance, and sometimes “skin rashes, respiratory and
gastric disorders, birth defects, and death” of the farmers, as well as negative health
effects of consumers (Rodríguez, 1994). As these practices continue, soil erodes without
ground cover and the pests develop resistance; the farmers are captured in a cycle where
it is necessary to purchase more and more agrochemicals to sustain output. Runoff of
fertilizers cause eutrophication in lakes and oceans, and herbicides indirectly contribute
to erosion (Rodríguez, 1994). Agricultural scientist Michael Dover considers that the
“tremendous and growing demands on world agriculture have all but extinguished
pastoral dreams of chemical-free farming,” (Dover, 1985), whereas others consider
industrial farming as unsustainable with hidden long-term costs, even though it produces
large profits in a short time (Rodríguez, 1994).
Better Land Management
Agricultural methods can be made more ecologically friendly and sustainable.
“Concerning continued use of toxic compounds, there are five ways to minimize damage
to health and environment: reducing amount per hectare, reducing number of
applications, using protective clothing and safety gear, training applicators on safe
handling, and changing the manner of application” (Dover, 1985). In regard to non-toxic
compounds, such as fertilizers, reducing the quantity and concentration of the fertilizer
can slow percolation into ground water. Alternatives to the usage of agrochemicals exist
as well. The organic system of agriculture is a western system aimed at restoring and
maintaining soil quality (Dover, 1985). This system abstains from the use of
agrochemicals and uses natural processes and manual labor to control pests and weeds
and improve soil fertility. The agroecological system is the local traditional system as
mentioned above.
Methods and Materials
The subjects of this investigation were the people of Boruca, a town in southwestern Costa Rica, and the people of the Maleku who lived in Palenque el Sol and
Palenque Tonhibe, near Guatuso, Alajuela. Boruca is situated in a beautiful fertile valley,
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with steep volcanic hills on each side. In 1949, Stone described the “picturesque
panorama” from the top of one of these hills, and the same is true today [Figure 1].
Figure 1: The pueblo of Boruca viewed from the top of the first transect.
The Boruca are a compilation of various tribes “a composite group, apparently inhabiting
only a small section of the former domain” (Stone, 1949). The village shows many signs
of acculturation, American music, tin roofs as opposed to traditional thatch, electricity,
and western clothing.
I interviewed farmers along two transects in the Boruca community. The first
transect went up the slope headed north out of the town. The second transect followed
the road that crossed the river that passed through the village. On each transect I would
stop at a farm, and explore the land and knock at the house to find the farmers. On the
first transect I met three farmers, one of which was Boruca in heritage. On the second
transect no one was at home on the farms visited. Once I had met a farmer, I would first
introduce myself as a student and ask permission to conduct an interview for an article
that would not be published. Then I would ask questions for the interview concerning
what types of agrochemicals they used and how. The interview was semi-structured, and
if the farmers were especially interested in talking about a particular facet of their farm, I
would try to maintain the natural flow of conversation rather than the rigid interview. I
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would ask if I could record the conversation with a micro-cassette recorder, and every
time the farmers preferred that I would write.
In the Palenque del Sol and Palenque Tonhibe community, of the Maleku tribe, I
conducted the interviews differently. This community was positioned in the rolling hills
of the hotter, dryer, Alajuela region just about a river valley. The Maleku were
significantly less acculturated than the Boruca, the language was better preserved and the
traditions seems more apparent, however in the pueblo Palenque el Sol there was plenty
of evidence of western influence in clothing and construction. According to a Maleku
man, approximately 80 % of the community’s wealth came from artisan work rather that
farming. I interviewed a farmer that we, the class of OET, visited in Palenque del Sol
[Figure 2].
Figure 2: Left. Maleku farmer.
In the town of Palenque Tonhibe I visited a number of homes to ask if they managed
manzanas or knew where farms that were owned by Maleku might be. I also interviewed
a campesino family next to the village as well as a local natural healer.
I used the micro-cassette player to record the natural healer alone. With the farmers I
followed the same semi- structured interview as the Boruca community.
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Results
Boruca
The first farm visited was a campesino farm. The farmer’s wife said that they had
used pesticides in the past as well as fertilizers, but now they only used fertilizers. They
changed because they had heard of the negative ill effects of pesticides, especially for
children. They had a new baby, and had decided to raise the child without being
surrounded by agrochemicals. They also commented that the soil was very good and did
not need much help. They applied fertilizer to the coffee plants once a year, but were not
sure of the quantity per hectare.
The next farm with a farmer present happened to be owned by the brother of the
owner of the first farm. He operated a certified organic farm, with about 8 hectares of
coffee. He decided to grow organically because of four reasons. First, he considered it
good for the ‘naturaleza;’ second, the chemicals were expensive and the coffee seemed to
grow fine without them [Figure 3]; he could sell the coffee for more money; and perhaps
most importantly, the smell of the pesticides used to give him a stomachache.
Figure 3: Right. Coffea arabica.
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He used to grow tomatoes and chilies for sale as well, but they needed chemicals.
He would use long pants, long sleeved shirts, gloves, goggles, and a mask to apply the
pesticides, but the smell of the crops from his house was what aggravated him. His wife
was Boruca, and her family did not have a farm. He raised his children as Boruca, and
said that teaching them organic farming was very important. He figured that he would
use fertilizer again in the future if he needed to, but he would not use pesticides again.
He controlled weeds using a machete and a macana.
The third farmer interviewed was Boruca. I met him coming down from the top
of his farm carrying a 25 kilogram sack of pesticide on his back. He grew coffee, beans,
tomatoes and chilies for sale and used pesticides and fertilizers. He considered pesticides
and fertilizers were the only way to ensure a good crop, to minimize chance. He
described the effect of fertilizers as “más energía” for the plants. He had not heard of
anyone using manzana or milpa farms, and he thought that method was in the past when
his parents were young. He said that was not possible now for there was not enough land
or forest, all of it was owned by different people. It would be impossible to do on his 1112 hectare plot.
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Table 1: Comparing the farms and farming methods of the interviewed farmers in Boruca. *Campesino
Farm
1*
2*
3
Farm Size
10 Ha
8 Ha
Between 11 and 12 Ha
Main Crops
For sale: Coffee, beans,
For sale: Coffee. For
For sale Coffee, beans,
peppers and tomatoes, in
consumption: Plantains,
tomatoes, and chillies.
descending order of
zucchini, mango, yuca,
magnitude.
and papaya
For consumption: Yuca,
papaya, chickens, beans.
Pesticide Usage
Use no pesticides now,
Certified organic. In the
Uses 1 liter of solid
but did in the past.
past used fertilizers.
pesticide mixed with
water per hectare per
month. Called pesticide
“Lemonzate”
Fertilizer Usage
Uses 18-5-15, applied
Does not use fertilizer,
Uses 10-30-10 for
twice a year on entire
but does not rule out the
coffee, at about 100
property. Did not know
possibility to do so in
Kg/Ha/year
kilograms per hectare.
the future, if necessary.
Uses 20-20-25 for
others, at about 50
Kg/Ha/year
Pesticide Application
NA
NA
Uses gloves sometimes,
never masks or goggles
Safety Equipment
Maleku
The first farm I visited, along with the class, was owned by a Maleku family. The
farmer said that the Maleku did not use pesticides and fertilizers at all, but he did. He
also mentioned that there are very few Maleku farmers now, most of the land is owned by
campesinos. He used insecticides when he had pests, and did not consider it important to
wear a mask or goggles, although he had been informed by the farm store in Guatuso that
such protection was recommended. His farm was situated in the middle of a flood plain,
and even as we visited almost half of his land was equal with the water table. He grew
yuca, rice, beans, potatoes, corn, as well as some fruit. He raised chickens and a few
cattle. He had cacao trees on his property and a patch for pumpkins and zucchini. He did
not grow most of the vegetables to sell, rather for the family to eat. He rotated the crops,
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rice and yuca in the winter, and beans and corn in the summer. He applied his fertilizer
with the beans in the summer, because the land was drier. In total, he had 15 hectares of
crops and pasture. He did sell pigs, which he fed bananas, curds, and concentrated feed
pellets, as well as turtles, fish, and chickens occasionally. He thought that traditional
agriculture was no longer possible because of the lack of land and forest.
The second farmer was Campesino, and used herbicides and fertilizer to maintain
cattle pasture. He grew pigs as well as cattle for sale. He also applied pesticides around
his house to minimize roaches.
The natural healer of Palenque Tonhibe considered pesticides and fertilizers as
bad for heath, and thought that the stream was polluted from run off. He said that no one
could eat the fish from the river, but both the farmers as well as other people interviewed
in Palenque Tonhibe ate fish from the river. He thought the main problem from the
agrochemicals was impotence. A random survey of five residences in Palenque Tonhibe
revealed that no one maintained a farm away from the village. One man who still had the
land of his father’s manzana was in the process of restoring the land to forest with
endangered tree species for eco-tourism.
Table 2: Comparing the farms and farming methods of the interviewed farmers in Palenque del Sol and
Palenque Tenhibe. *Campesino
Farm
1
2*
Farm Size
15 Ha
10 Ha
Main Crops
For Sale: Pigs, Cattle, chickens,
Cattle and Pigs
turtles and fish.
For consumption: Rice, yuca,
beans, corn, plantains, zucchini,
pumpkins, cacao, and other fruit
Pesticide Usage
Fertilizer Usage
Insecticides for what ever specific
Used pesticides around the house
pest he may have at the moment.
only, for roaches
Uses chemical fertilizer in the
Uses 20-30-10 at 40 Kg/Ha/year
summer.
Pesticide Application Safety
Doe not use safety equipment.
Equipment
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Does not use safety equipment
Discussion
From the interviews conducted it is strongly apparent that manzana or milpa
farming is a method of the past. The indigenous farmers considered there to be too little
land to sustain such a system of agriculture. When comparing the indigenous farming to
the local campesinos the systems are not significantly different, at least not so with the
limited data of this study. The organic or pesticide-free campesinos talked about how
their style of farming is rare, which is supported by literature (Rodríguez, 1994). The
indigenous communities seem to have adopted agrochemicals to replace the loss of land.
The difference between the farms is more significantly apparent from location to location
rather than indigenous to campesino. In Boruca the main crop for all three farmers was
coffee. This makes sense since “coffee is mostly grown by small farmers in mountainous
regions with volcanic soil” (Smith, 1992); criteria met in Boruca. In Palenque el Sol and
Palenque Tonhibe both the farmers sold meat products primarily: very different from the
farmers of Boruca.
With the use of agrochemicals the indigenous communities will inherit the
problems of the unsustainable agricultural system. The use of chemicals produces plants
but does not build up a renewable resource in the soil [Table 3].
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Table 3: Comparison of sustainable and unsustainable agricultural systems. Taken from Eliot Coleman,
The New Organic Grower, Chelsea Green, 1989, second edition 1995: http://www.mofga.org/food.html
Feed The Soil
•
Feed The Plant
•
Soil fertility is a biological
process
•
•
commodity.
•
Only the nutrients removed
"create" a crop are
need to be replaced.
purchased from off the
Nitrogen is not purchased
farm.
•
symbiotic and non•
Inputs are purchased in
Inputs are purchased in
their most processed and
their least processed and
expensive form. Solubility
least expensive form.
and availability of these
75% of the nutrient value
inputs is considered a
of all feed consumed by
chemical process
animals is returned in
performed on an industrial
manure as nutrient input to
level.
•
the farm.
•
Nitrogen is a very
important purchased input.
symbiotic processes.
•
All nutrients required to
from the farm as crops
because it is supplied by
•
Soil fertility is an imported
All feed is a pure expense;
animal manure is treated as
SUSTAINABLE
a problem rather than an
asset.
•
UNSUSTAINABLE
Since in both communities dependence of farming as an income source is low, this may
not significantly impact the community. Throughout Costa Rica agricultural systems
have been shifting, for in small conditions organic farming can prove more profitable
than industrial (Rodríguez, 1994). It appears that the campesinos of Boruca have learned
this. This is just the like other communities of farms in Costa Rica, such as la Gamba and
Tapezco, who successfully implemented organic processes (Rodríguez, 1994). If the
modern indigenous usage of agrochemicals begins to have more negative effects than
positive, it seems organic is a viable option.
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Conclusions
The traditional agricultural systems, the agroecosystems, of the Boruca and
Maleku are no longer in practice. In their place is the use of agrochemicals, which
compensates for not having the space to rotate the plots of land. The sample size is too
small to draw absolute conclusions, but the study does indicate the trend of acculturation
in indigenous agricultural practice. The implications of this apparent shift have been
discussed, and in the end “a farmer needs solutions right away. He can’t wait to find the
answers later. He has to make a living and feed his family,” (Rodríguez, 1994).
Works Cited
Dover, M. J. 1985. A Better Mousetrap: Improving Pest Management for Agriculture. World Resources
Institute. Study 4.
Goodland, R. J. A., Watson, C., Ledec, G. 1984. Environmental Management in Tropical Agriculture.
Westview Press. Boulder, Colorado.
Litow, P., Baker, M., Hildebrand, P. 2002. Swidden Agriculture in a Forest Society: Livelihood Strategies
in the Maya Bioshpere Reserve Community of Uaxactún, Petén, Guatemala.
http://www.depts.ttu.edu/aged/research/bakerpaul.pdf
Rodríguez, J. M. B. ed. 1994. Micro-hydro and Organic Farming for Sustainable Rural Development in
Costa Rica. Biomass Users Network. San José, Costa Rica.
Smith, N. J. H., Williams, J. T., Plucknett, D. L., Talbot, J. P. 1992. Tropical Forests and Their Crops.
Comstock Publishing Associates. Ithaca, NY.
Stone, D. Z. 1949. The Boruca of Costa Rica. Peabody Museum of American Achaeology and Ethnology,
Harvard University. Cambridge, Massachusetts. Vol. 26 (2)
196
When the Researchers Become the Researched:
Turning the Tables on the Ethnobiological Community
Katherine Hardy
Department of Biology, Duke University
e-mail: [email protected]
Abstract
Researchers are constantly going into indigenous communities to conduct
studies on the cultures and traditions of those communities. The results of
their studies fill libraries. However, there have not been many studies
conducted on the researchers themselves and their reactions to,
preconceived notions of and behavior in these communities. This paper
seeks to investigate the behavior and biases of a small group of student
researchers studying indigenous communities in Costa Rica and provide
insights for future researchers on how to conduct themselves in these
communities.
Data was collected by observation and from written
reflections of the community visits. The principal finding of this paper is
that, as these inexperienced ethnobiologists had more contact with their
subjects and got more comfortable conducting field research, their overall
treatment of their subjects and the way they conducted themselves greatly
improved.
Keywords: Ethnobiology, indigenous communities, Costa Rica, field
research, appropriate research methods
Introduction
For centuries researchers and explorers have ventured to unfamiliar lands to study
the inhabitants and the cultures and civilizations which have developed. Countless papers
197
have been published on these indigenous peoples and their customs, but not much has
been written about the perceptions, biases and preconceived notions of the researchers
who conduct these studies. However, there is a substantial body of literature on the
impact that researchers have on the cultures they study. As Charles Brewer Carías states
(quoted in Tierney, 2000 p. 3), “Every time we are making a contact, we are spoiling
them.” This quote refers to the fact that anytime outsiders come into an indigenous
village, whether for research or any other purpose, they bring with them their own
cultures as well as, in far too many instances, new and devastating diseases. This
phenomenon, commonly known as "acculturation", has been extensively studied and
documented in ethnobiographic and other literature.
This paper is not about the influences the researchers have on the populations they
study. Its focus is on the researchers themselves, compromising a brief ethnography of
the ethnobiologists. Historically, there has been an indestructible divide in the minds of
researchers between “us” and “them.” “Us”, of course, signifies the researchers
themselves and that segment of the “civilized” or Western world of which they are a part,
whereas “them” signifies the indigenous people being studied and their “primitive”
culture. This vocabulary sets up a perhaps unintentional, but very real wall between the
researcher and his or her subject. This wall of difference is almost always obvious to
both parties and can result in much information either misinterpreted by the researcher or
not revealed by the indigenous informant.
The intent of this paper is to shed some light on the often unintended biases and
preconceptions brought by novice, student ethnobiologists to the foreign indigenous
communities they visit and the potential impacts of those biases and preconceptions on
their study results. It is first important to recognize that it is somewhere between
extraordinarily difficult and impossible for a researcher from one civilization and
background to go into a community vastly different from his or her own without any
expectations or preconceived notions of what will be found. As H. Kalweit said in his
article on studying Shamanistic practices, "Researchers may return laden with findings
and records, but in reality they have only reinforced and confirmed themselves" (Kalweit,
1988 p. 243). This point of view is interesting because Kalweit is saying that the
researchers are only seeing what they want to and analyzing what they see in their own
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familiar, usually "Western", mindset. As stated by Boglan and Biklen (in Ermine, 2004
p.10), "people do not reason or conceptualize outside of the self's location in a specific
historical time and body.”
The study represented by this paper is important to the ethnobiographical
community because most researchers are so busy concentrating on their research topic
and the end goals of their projects that they frequently forget their manners and the
sensitivities of the peoples they are observing. Disrespectful mannerisms, no matter how
slight, can greatly effect the quality and quantity of information received from
informants. The contents of this paper are intended to serve as a guide and reminder to
ethnobiologists as they consider their interactions with the peoples they study and the
potential impact of those interactions on the quality and completeness of their work. For
the researchers, it is generally not a conscious decision to be disrespectful or treat their
subjects as "lab rats"; it is usually an action which arises from the fierce goal oriented
personality of the researcher, a necessary but at times counterproductive trait of
researchers. With his eyes too focused on the goal, a researcher can easily forget that his
informant, or information provider, is in fact a human like himself and deserves to be
treated as such.
Materials and Methods
The main materials for this study were my fellow classmates. This group
consisted of seventeen students attending colleges across the United States ranging in age
from eighteen to twenty-two. The group was comprised of six males and eleven females
all with some interest in ethnobiological fieldwork and Spanish language. Over the
course of a six-week period I observed my peers and took notes on their conduct without
their knowledge. This was not a properly conducted ethnobiological research project
because there was no informed consent as informing my classmates (my subjects) would
alter their behavior and affect my data. I had one "mole" or informant within the group
who helped me gather data and record behaviors. I focused on my fellow classmate's
perceptions of and reactions to the three main communities we visited in Costa Rica;
Boruca, La Gamba, and Maleku.
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The teachers assistant (TA) for the course provided me with my classmates
written reflections of Boruca and La Gamba, which were written shortly after returning
from the visits. Other observations were taken by my informant and me during our
group's visits to the villages and during the conversations that occurred before and after
these visits. The major impressions from these conversations were later recorded from
memory in field and regular notebooks for referral, as it would have been suspicious to be
taking notes while having a “normal” conversation with my classmates. All photographs
were taken by the author and all names have been changed for the protection of privacy.
Results and Discussion
Boruca
The first indigenous village visited was Boruca in the southern part of Costa Rica.
For most of the students, this was their first encounter with an indigenous population and
their first experience with any sort of field work. Before arriving at the site, many
students felt that they would not be able to procure the information they needed for their
respective individual research projects. There was very little interest in getting a good
general overview of the people and the community; instead the most prevalent mindset
was to get to as many people as quickly as possible to obtain the necessary information.
This lack of curiosity with respect to the overall picture of the community was apparent
from the way in which the interviews were conducted.
Most of the students did not introduce themselves by name or properly explain
why they were conducting their research and how the research was going to be used.
Many of them just dove right in to asking questions about their topic, not bothering to
attempt to create any rapport with their informants prior to or as part of their discourse
with their interviewees. This lack of informal conversation and apparent lack of personal
interest in the informants signaled to the indigenous community members their status as a
means to an end, and that the researcher was not truly interested in their culture but only
interested in gathering information pertinent to their research. This approach with its
absence of personal interest in the individual set up a lack of trust resulting in less
disclosure from the informant.
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In a written reflection of his visit, one student said, "My impressions of the
Boruca were that they are materially poor by European/American standards..." This
observation tends to support Kalweit's thesis that researchers often try to fit what they
observe into their own cultural framework rather than try to assess how the observation
fits into the cultural framework of the people being observed. Another written reflection
stated, "Many warned that the Boruca experience would be shocking, but the overall
friendly and inviting atmosphere of the community was far from the preconceived
notions I possessed." This female student admitted to having preconceived ideas about
the community we were about to visit, yet kept her mind open and was rewarded with a
positive experience.
One common thread throughout the verbal comments made after the visit to the
Boruca was that the information obtained about certain medical practices was not useful
because it was so similar to "Western" medicine. Many of the students went into the
Boruca village expecting to step back in time into an untouched society full of original
traditions and were disappointed when they did not find what they sought for their
research. However, just because a society's traditions are not different, does not mean
they are not useful. The move towards "Western" medicine may only indicate how
acculturated the Boruca had become over the years as a result of outside influences
including those of prior researchers, which itself would have been a useful observation.
One female student also made the comment that she felt the older women of Boruca were
"withholding" information from her, yet when I pushed further I found she had gotten a
fair amount of information from the women. Apparently, since she only got this
information somewhat reluctantly and in small bits, she had concluded that the women
were being uncooperative when they may have been just trying to guard the small
remaining shreds of their quickly dissolving culture.
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Figure 1: The author and another student dying clothes with
a Borucan artisan.
However, the most disturbing actions during the visit took place after the
interviewing was over. Many of the indigenous artisans had brought their work to a
central courtyard for us to look at and purchase. All of the student researchers had
gathered around to look and were systematically picking things up and complaining about
the prices, asking each other if this traditional indigenous art, which was very inexpensive
by "Western" standards, was "worth" their money. The mentality which gave rise to this
conduct struck me as stereotypical of the "spoiled American", and perhaps arose from the
fact that the students were now acting as “buyers” rather than researchers. While unlikely
to have affected the validity of the observations that preceded this conduct, our behavior
reflected very poorly on the group and the program and was further evidence of the
mindset brought to the task by the researchers.
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La Gamba
The second community we went to was La Gamba, a small, farming community
also in the Southern part of Costa Rica. In La Gamba, we visited the "Mujeres
Visionarias" (Visionary Women), who grow gardens full of medicinal plants and use
some of them to make shampoos and hair care products. We also took a tour of an
organic, self-supporting farm. On arriving, many of the students learned that the people
of La Gamba were not indigenous Costa Ricans but rather "campesinos" (people of
European descent). Upon hearing this, many students immediately decided that this visit
would not be useful to their projects because they had planned to study only indigenous
people. However, as the day wore on, many students warmed to the idea that, even
though not indigenous, observation of this community had much to offer, especially in
the field of medicinal plant use and farming techniques. Here observing researchers
appeared to overcome their initial mindset to gain useful insights.
Figure 2: A student chopping a coconut with the guidance
of one of the “Mujeres Visionarias”.
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Again, at the shop where the "Mujeres Visionarias" were selling their home-made
shampoos and hair gels, several students were commenting on the prices and wondering
out-loud if the bottle of shampoo was really worth the three dollars being charged. Most
of these students paid more than twice that for shampoo at home without blinking an eye.
They were just wary of these shampoos because they were "home brews" and not brand
names.
Attitudes like those exhibited by the researchers in this instance tend to further set
them apart from the people they are observing and on whose goodwill and cooperation
their research depends. The researchers seemed to believe that only their conduct during
interviews was relevant when in fact it is likely difficult for their informants to make that
distinction. In fact, it is not unlikely that the indigenous people the researchers were
observing would have found the researchers' conduct in this relaxed and "off duty" setting
more indicative of the researchers' attitudes towards, and ideas of, their subjects than the
researchers' behavior during interviews. A failure by the researchers to recognize this
could also be a result of their preconception that the people they were observing were not
sufficiently sophisticated to make this connection.
Maleku Palenques
The third major visit we made was to three different "Palenques" (towns) of the
Maleku people in the Northern Plains of Costa Rica. First we visited one house in
Palenque El Sol where the residents invited us in and willingly answered our questions.
There were nine of us in a very small room and we all immediately took seats leaving our
host nowhere to sit so he had to squat against a wall. Even though I am sure he would
have offered up his own chair to us, it appeared rude not to at least give him an
opportunity to take a chair in his own house.
The dynamic of a large group questioning one individual felt very hostile. Joe,
our host, had tape recorders shoved in his face and was accosted by rapid fire, unrelated
questions from all directions. It was as if all the students were clamoring to make sure
they got all the information they could out of their informant rather than actually taking
time to listen to the answers to the other students' questions in order to obtain a total
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picture of the culture. Students were constantly interrupting each other to get their
questions answered. I observed that if Joe was not talking about their particular projects,
half the students were not paying attention and actually conducting side conversations. I
would imagine the atmosphere for Joe was rather uncomfortable as he was being used as
a means to an end, rather than spoken to as an equal.
Later that morning, we traveled to Palenque Tonjibe where we were given time to
wander and interview people. The most common statement I heard on the way there was
that people needed a certain number of subjects and were very worried they would not be
able to interview enough of them. It was as if the students were viewing the community
members as their "lab rats" or "data points" and all that mattered was the number tested.
There was very little interest in the Maleku in the village as people. The most common
statement I heard after the interviews was that you "can't get anything out of" the old
people. The students were indicating that they felt the older members of the community
were useless because they would not disclose their cultural traditions to a foreign stranger
who had only been in their house for five or ten minutes. Most of the student researchers
did not do a very good job of putting themselves in the positions of their interviewees. If
they had been in a similar situation, it is not unlikely that these student researchers
wouldn't have even let the interviewer in the door. However, since these budding
ethnobiologists have a goal in mind, they see anything other than complete cooperation as
a malicious attempt to hinder their research and data collection or they deem the
informant uncooperative or useless.
The next day we visited one man's (Manuel's) primary rain forest and house in
Palenque Margarita. While at Manuel's house we were offered traditional Maleku
cuisine. Most students were very good about eating the food and enjoying it. However,
one girl was so obviously disgusted by the drink offered to her that the Maleku woman
serving her gave her a cup of the iced tea we had brought as a gift to the performers
instead. Other than that, my classmates were animated and involved in talking to the
Maleku people around, not just about their own research, but about the Maleku culture in
general.
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Figure 3: Several students eating traditional Maleku cuisine
at Palenque Margarita.
Several of the Maleku put on a presentation of their culture for us. Although the
presentation was entirely in the Maleku language, which none of us understood, everyone
was courteous and attentive throughout the whole performance. My peers also
enthusiastically participated in the archery and basket weaving the Maleku had set up for
us. When crafts were brought out for sale, there was no talk of whether these products
were worth the price; there was just a general admiration for the artwork and a genuine
interest in the artisans. After leaving Manuel's place, it was no longer talk of not getting
enough subjects or older community members withholding information; it was talk of a
new Maleku e-mail pal, or how interesting Manuel's wife was, or how much they enjoyed
meeting Michael (one of the younger Maleku boys).
Conclusions
During the course of our trips to indigenous and small Costa Rican communities,
the way my classmates conducted themselves in their interactions with the subjects of
their research changed. At the beginning most of the students had moments of being
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"ugly Americans", whether it was questioning the price and quality of goods in front of
the maker, or shoving a tape recorder in the face of an informant. However, by the end of
our visits to these communities, my peers were realizing what a unique experience this
had been and what interesting and vibrant people with whom we have been privileged to
speak.
While we will never fully be accepted as part of one of these communities,
barring moving there permanently, the group made some strides towards gaining the trust
of the inhabitants. This is not a change that can happen overnight, much of the student
researchers' conduct leaves room for improvement, however by the end of our trip I
began to see a conscious effort to treat our informants as we, ourselves, would like to be
treated. It was also interesting to see that as people pushed less and less for information
regarding their projects, the informants opened up and told them more. It is, therefore,
my suggestion to the ethnobiological community that research is done in the following
manner: researchers plan to spend at least a week or more just getting to know their
subjects and then, after trust and friendship have been established, delve into their topic
of interest. I believe this sort of approach will prove more rewarding than the method we
employed of going to a village for just one day. As the community members become
more comfortable with the researchers presence, they should become more willing to
share their traditions and culture.
This has been quite an interesting peek into human interaction and the nature of
students conducting research. I have learned much about how people act when they have
a goal in mind, and how much small changes in actions can cause large changes in
responses. Even though the “Us” versus “Them” is still firmly implanted in our minds,
and the minds of most researchers, my peers have made baby steps towards chipping
away at that wall. Hopefully, parts of the wall will fall, before these indigenous cultures
and their traditions disappear forever.
Acknowledgements
To all my classmates: you were wonderfully cooperative "lab rats" and I hope you
have enjoyed this analysis of your behavior. To my "insider", thank you for the extra
information that helped me put this paper together. To the inhabitants of Boruca, La
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Gamba, and Maleku Palenques, thank you for putting up with our sometimes ignorant
and rude behavior. Our intentions were good and we learned much from you hopefully
without affecting you or your beautiful world. I would also like to thank the
Organization for Tropical Studies (OTS) and Duke University for making this program
possible and taking care of all the logistics for this one-of-a-kind learning experience.
References
Ermine, Willie. 2004. "The Ethics of Research Involving Indigenous Peoples."
Indigenous Peoples' Health Research Centre. Accessed on Aug. 5th, 2005
www.iphrc.ca/text/Ethics%20Review%20IPHRC.pdf
Kalweit, H. 1988 “When the Anthropologists Arrive, The Gods Leave the Island.” From
Dreamtime and InnerSpace. Shambala.
Tierney, Patrick.2000 Darkness in El Dorado: How Scientists and Journalists Devastated
the Amazon. New York: W. W. Norton & Company.
208
Rituals of Death in Indigenous Communities: How Acculturation has
Transformed a Sacred Cultural Tradition
Daniel King
Department of Political Science, Duke University
Email: [email protected]
Abstract: Sacred traditions, myths and legends regarding death are a vital component of
the unique rituals that define the culture of an Indigenous group. For generations, such
traditions were maintained in tight-knit Indigenous communities, however in recent years
there has been a drastic cultural change. The presence of outside influences has diluted
the culture and traditions of Indigenous groups such as the Boruca and Malecu of Costa
Rica, causing the loss of beliefs and traditions involving death. Acculturation has already
caused a significant loss in these communities, and as the future looms, it appears likely
that the Boruca and Malecu will continue to be separated from the connections to their
past and their once thriving culture.
Keywords: Acculturation, Indigenous, Boruca, Malecu, Ethnobiology
Introduction
Oral tradition has played a critical role in the preservation of culture in Indigenous
groups all across the Americas. Generations after generation, myths, legends and
traditions have been passed down, preserving the distinct lifestyles of various indigenous
communities. However, in the last few decades there have been some drastic changes in
the cultural makeup of these same communities. Interaction with other, non-indigenous
groups has caused a loss of culture in many Costa Rican Indigenous groups. By looking
at current and previous myths, legends and traditions involving death, this study seeks to
research and analyze one aspect of culture that has been changed by acculturation in the
209
Boruca and Malecu Indigenous communities. The Boruca are an Indigenous community
situated in the southwest part of Costa Rica with a population of about 2000 individuals.
An indigenous community once rich with culture, the Borucans have been drastically
affected by acculturation. The Malecu are an even smaller Indigenous group, with a
population of around 500 people. What types of traditions still remain in these Indigenous
societies, and what has been lost in the recent decades of rapid acculturation? Perceptions
of death play an important role in nearly every ethnic group, religion and community. For
smaller, more culturally isolated groups such as the Boruca and Malecu, it can be
challenging to maintain such traditions when outside groups become growingly
influential. The topic of acculturation in Indigenous groups has been studied in recent
years, but this paper aims to look at a more private and personal aspect of Indigenous life
that has been affected.
Materials and Methods
In order to research the current myths, legends and traditions of death, I traveled
to the Boruca and Malecu Indigenous reserves in Costa Rica. Here I conducted interviews
with various local people, using a combination of written notes and voice recording to
gather my information. In accordance with the Ethnobiological Code of Ethics, each
person interviewed gave his or her informed consent to be interviewed and recorded. On
July 18, I visited the Boruca reserve in the Southwestern region of Costa Rica. Two
interviews from this visit will be used for this study. On July 25 and 26, I visited three
Malecu communities in the Northern part of Costa Rica, and two interviews from this
visit will also be used. In order to protect the anonymity of those interviewed, each
person will be referred to as the name of their community and the number in which they
were interviewed.
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Figure 1: Map of Costa Rica and approximate Locations of the extant Indigenous ethnias
Results
On July 18, I traveled to the Boruca Indigenous reserve as part of the Organization for
Tropical Studies Ethnobiology Summer Course 2005. The first individual interviewed was a
middle-aged man. When asked if there were any superstitions in relation to death with the
Borucans, Boruca#1 said that there no longer were such superstitions, but many years in the past
there were more. He also said that myths and legends were no longer common and that the
Borucans had assimilated more to the general Costa Rican culture. He added on that nowadays
the Borucans, especially the younger people, study very hard and are focused on education and
reality, and no longer are as interested in such myths and legends. When asked what the traditions
were when someone died in the Boruca community, Boruca#1 said that that the person was
simply laid to rest and not much else took place. There is a wake that takes place 24 hours after
the person has passed away. He also said that everyone in the community was buried together in
the same cemetery.
The second individual interviewed was a young adult male, who worked as a mask carver.
When asked about the presence of myths, legends or superstitions in relation to death in current
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Boruca culture, Boruca#2 said that such beliefs were not nearly as prevalent as they were in the
past, but that some myths and legends were still remembered by older members of the
community. He continued to tell me one such myth about death and the afterlife. According to
this legend, when someone in the Boruca community dies, they go up to the sky for an
undetermined period of time, and then later return back to this earth. Upon returning, they go and
live in a mountain pueblo or town not far from Boruca, where an Indigenous God named Cuasrán
lives and looks after the deceased. When asked if there were any special traditions that took place
when someone in the community dies, Boruca#2 said that there were not many traditions that
were still common. However, he did say that when a young child dies, there is a large party with
dancing and music all night long. This celebration takes place so that the young child will turn
into an angel in the afterlife.
On July 25, we traveled to two Malecu communities in Guatuso. The first interview at the
Malecu village was with a young adult male. When asked about any common myths, legends and
traditions about death, Malecu#1 said that there are some beliefs in relation to death that are no
longer commonly practiced. He said that the Malecu religion is like our (Christian) Bible, and
that when someone dies there spirit becomes a part of God. Therefore the family feels a special
connection to God, and asks him to lookout for their family. When speaking about their rituals of
burying family members, Malecu#1 said that their methods of burial are different than a
traditional cemetery. The Malecu bury their family members very close to their own homes, and
do not have community cemeteries. This practice was criticized by local health officials, who
said that they might be contaminating the grounds, and the government sent doctors in to
examine whether or not it was safe to perform such burials. The doctors found that there were no
legitimate health risks, and the Malecu have continued to bury their dead on their own property.
In the past, the Malecu buried their dead under the dirt floors of their homes (Luis Diego
Gomez, pers. comm. Aug, 05). Health officials felt that this group of people were living in
unsanitary conditions, and created government housing for the Malecu, with concrete floors.
However, the Malecu people continued their tradition of burying their loved ones in their homes
by digging up the hard floors. Eventually, possibly from outside criticism, they shifted their
traditions to burying the dead next to their homes. Today, before the person is buried the family
must receive a medical certificate that states that the person did not die by any form of violence
(Luis Diego Gomez, pers. comm. Aug, 05). There are certain exceptions this tradition of burial. If
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the deceased family member died some type of violent death, for example a snakebite or
drowning, they would be buried somewhere far away from the home (Luis Diego Gomez, pers.
comm. Aug, 05).
The second person I interviewed was a young woman from the same family as the first
Malecu person interviewed. Boruca#2 said that she wasn’t very familiar with myths or legends
relating to death. Referring to a tradition involving death, Boruca#2 said that when someone dies
they are dressed in a special suit or outfit, with a Scarlet Macaw feather (Ara macao). I asked
Boruca#2 if she thought that the traditions of the Malecu were stronger in the past than they are
now, and she said that she definitely thought that the traditions, such as those relating to death,
were much stronger in the past. She attributed this change to mixing between the Malecu and
“blancas,” or non-indigenous people. Over the years, more and more mixing such as this has
taken place. She used herself as an example, saying that her grandfather is not a Malecu. She also
said that the fading away of the original Malecu language has contributed to the loss of oral
traditions such as mythology.
Discussion
A comparison of the Malecu and Boruca Indigenous groups shows both similarities and
differences in regard to the maintenance and loss of myths and traditions in relation to death.
While some aspects of the cultural traditions have remained in each group, it is evident that
acculturation has affected the beliefs and rituals associated with this private matter. Overall, it
seems as though the Malecu have retained more of their traditions than the Boruca. Neither group
still features a prominent use of mythology regarding death. It seems as though only a few
lingering myths are still remembered, and those myths that are still spoken of are not taken
seriously. What could cause a culture that once relied so heavily on oral tradition and mythology
to so quickly lose the tradition of such beliefs? It seems as though a combination of events has
affected the Boruca and Malecu communities, and likely many more Indigenous groups. Once
isolated from much of the outside world, these communities have become more connected to
non-Indigenous life in recent decades. Forced interactions with governments and authorities can
have a drastic impact on the cultural practices of a community. A good example of this is the
changing methods of burying family members in the Malecu community. It was once a regular
custom to bury the dead directly under the floors of their homes, but outside influences began to
213
question this custom practice and tried to force the Malecu to change their habits. It should also
be noted that a decline in oral tradition and religious practices related to death and other rituals
began when missionaries came to Indigenous villages and converted many of these groups to
Catholicism. Sadly, knowledge of much of these previous traditions has been lost not only from
the outside world, but also within these communities today. It appears that the younger
Indigenous generations are the most removed from the history and traditions of the past. Boruca
children are no longer interested in the myths of Cuasrán. In the past, Boruca had a rich cultural
tradition of laying out their dead in the forests to decompose and dry out, and then bury them a
few years later when their bones were cleaned up. Today, there are no unique methods of burial.
The Malecu have managed to continue their tradition of burying their family members next to
their homes, but with such rapid acculturation, how long can this custom expect to survive? If
mixing between Indigenous and non-Indigenous people continues, the cultures of these
communities will continue to dilute. Are these Indigenous groups facing a cultural extinction?
This loss of culture can be seen in many different ways and forms, and the traditions regarding
death are just one-way that acculturation has manifested itself. There may be more obvious signs
of acculturation, such as clothing, housing, education, speech, technology etc., but some of the
most deeply felt changes may be the sacred cultural beliefs and traditions revolving around
concepts such as life and death. It is unique rituals such as these that define a groups cultural
identify, and with the gradual decline in such traditions comes the eventual loss of that groups
culture. What will happen when the elderly generations that hold many of the connections to
cultural past die? The Boruca and Malecu are examples of communities that have been
transformed by acculturation. As drastic as the changes have been, it seems possible that culture
of these groups could further deteriorate from the continuous outside influences that have crept
into their villages, homes and lives.
Acknowledgements
I would like to thank the kind people of the Boruca and Malecu Indigenous
communities for their willingness to share a wealth of information about a sometimes private and
personal topic. I would also like to thank Luis Diego Gomez for sharing his knowledge about the
past traditions of both the Boruca and Malecu. With few written sources documenting the
previous traditions of these groups, and a continuously reduced number of living members of
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these communities that still remember such traditions, this information proved to be incredibly
valuable. And finally, I would like to thank the Organization for Tropical Studies, for making the
opportunity to travel to the Boruca and Malecu communities possible.
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THE NEXT GENERATION: Raising Children in Costa Rican Indigenous
Communities
Aashna Kircher
Duke University, Department of Psychology
[email protected]
Abstract:
The following report is an ethnobiological investigation into the upbringing of
children in two Costa Rican indigenous communities: the Boruca and the Maleku.
Informants from each community were interviewed about the various roles that
surrounding people play in raising children, and any other outside influences on
the new generation.
Results reflect a clear gender distinction: mothers are
primarily responsible for raising children, usually with the assistance of female
relatives, while fathers play little, if any role at all. Furthermore, community
elders were found to play the essential role of passing on indigenous cultural
traditions and language.
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Keywords: Indigenous, Children, Family, Gender, Costa Rica
Introduction
“Throughout human history, whenever dominant neighboring peoples have expanded
their territories or settlers from far away have acquired new lands by force, the cultures and
livelihoods – even the existence – of indigenous peoples have been endangered.” (Website of the
Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights of the United Nations) Today, it is
acculturation – the adoption of another culture’s traits and the subsequent loss of one’s own
culture – that threatens the identities of the world’s 300 million or so remaining indigenous
peoples. “It is now generally admitted that policies of assimilation and integration aimed at
bringing these groups fully into the mainstream of majority populations are often counterproductive.” (Website of the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights of the United
Nations) As a result, especially since World War II, indigenous groups have insisted on
“retaining their separate identity and cultural heritage.” (Website of the Office of the High
Commissioner for Human Rights of the United Nations)
But how do indigenous communities ensure that their culture, language and traditions are
passed on and do not disappear? Like every other human culture, they do it through their
children; knowledge, traditions and customs are preserved by one generation passing them on the
next generation. It is an old cliché but nevertheless apropos here: children are the future.
Accordingly, we should be able to learn a great deal about the future of indigenous peoples
simply by studying the manner in which they raise their children because that will give us clues
about how – and the extent to which – indigenous values, traditions and customs are being
imparted from one generation to the next.
To this end, I decided to conduct a modest study of child upbringing in indigenous
communities in Costa Rica where indigenous peoples make up less than one percent of the
population – approximately 64,000 – and much indigenous culture and tradition has already been
lost to outside influences. (http://www.horizontes.com/general_info/indigenous.htm) I
particularly wanted to find out who exactly is involved in the process of raising children and what
role those individuals or institutions play. To collect raw information that I could work with, I
217
visited and spoke with members of two of the six remaining indigenous groups in Costa Rica:
the Boruca and the Maleku. (Figure 1)
FIG. 1
FIG. 1:
Map showing present location of the various indigenous communities in Costa Rica. Note that
while the map shows eight remaining indigenous tribes, some knowledgeable observers question the
validity of those who claim to be part of the Huetar and Chorotega tribes because they retain no evidence of
native language or culture.
(Personal Comment, Luis Diego Gomez.
August 5, 2005)
http://www.galerianamu.com/map
The Boruca (Brunka). Boruca-Térraba, located in the tropical rain forests of southern
Pacific Costa Rica, is home to the small indigenous community of the Boruca (also known as the
Brunka). The Boruca are descendants of an amalgam of indigenous groups who, before the
Spanish conquest, occupied the lands and coastline from Quepos down to the current border with
Panamá, including Osa Península, Punta Burica, and Isla de Caño. The earliest records of
Western contact with the Boruca date back to 1563. The Boruca groups were originally an
agricultural society that also practiced small game hunting and fishing. (Stone, 1949) They also
developed sophisticated artistic traditions, particularly in the area of textiles. Today, the Boruca,
like many other indigenous tribes, are suffering from acculturation, and much of their culture and
most of their language has already been lost. Nevertheless, the Boruca have managed to preserve
218
some traditions from the past, particularly their artistic traditions. Many of the women are highly
talented weavers of naturally dyed cotton textiles, and many of the men are skilled carvers,
particularly of ceremonial balsawood masks that are characteristic of the Boruca.
The Maleku. The Maleku tribe is located in the Guatuso lowlands of northern Costa Rica,
about an hour north of the Arenal volcano. Originally, the Maleku comprised 23 different groups
but, over time, the population declined dramatically. Today, the Maleku is one of the smallest
indigenous Costa Rican tribes, numbering about 500 people, and only three of the 23 original
groups remain: Palenque El Sol, Palenque Margarita, and Palenque Tonjibe (the largest). (A
Palenque is a town.) Notwithstanding its small population, the Maleku is one of the richest
indigenous tribes in terms of preservation of culture and tradition. The Maleku people have
managed to preserve the native language, dances, rituals, storytelling traditions and songs, as well
as other customs. Like the Boruca, the Maleku tribe relies heavily on traditional arts and crafts to
earn its livelihood (e.g., carved gourds, jewelry and native instruments).
Materials/Methods
I visited the Boruca community on Tuesday, July 19, 2005. The community is very
compact. The town center – which includes a convenience store and visitor’s center where
Borucan crafts are sold – lies at a t-intersection and several smaller roads run out from the town
center into the country side. Most of the Borucan homes are made of wood and cement with tin
tile roofs. Several members of the community conducted dyeing and weaving demonstrations
which I was able to witness. I conducted six interviews of indigenous peoples in the Boruca
community: five individual interviews with women ranging in age from 14 to 71, and one group
interview with five men ranging in age from 17 to 24. B1-B6 refer to my informants in the
Boruca community.
I visited the Maleku community on Monday and Tuesday, July 25, 26 2005. The first day
was devoted to interviews and the second day I watched demonstrations of gourd-carving,
basket-weaving, and traditional dance and song. I also ate traditional Maleku food. Palenque
Tonjibe has one major road, along which is located a church, convenience store and visitor’s
center. Several smaller roads branch off the main road into the countryside. I conducted
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interviews in two different Maleku Palenques: one in Palenque el Sol and five in Palenque
Tonjibe. The six interviews broke down as follows: four individual interviews with women
ranging in age from 19 to 37; one individual interview with a 27-year-old man; and one group
interview with five children ranging in age from four to ten. M1-M6 refer to my informants in
the Maleku community.
Note that I conducted only six interviews in each community, but that two of the
interviews, one in each community, involved five informants each. Accordingly, I spoke to a
total of 20 individuals. All interviews in both communities followed a standard set of questions
and, depending on the informants’ individual responses, also included non-standard follow-up
questions designed to elicit clarifying information. I recorded all interviews on an Olympus
voice-activated recorder with the oral consent of the informants, and later transcribed those voice
recordings. In addition, I recorded significant portions of the interviews in note form with pen
and paper. Results and conclusions for this study are based on the structured interviews, as well
as on my personal observations of the indigenous people in their home settings. All photographs
that appear in this report were taken by me at the indigenous communities with the consent of the
individual(s) photographed.
220
Results and Observations
Fig. 2
Who spends the most time with the children,
mothers or fathers?
Number of Informants
25
20
Informant
Responses
15
10
5
0
mothers
fathers
FIG. 2: Graph depicting informant responses to the question of which parent spends more
time with their children
This section of the paper reflects the principal topics that I discussed with my various informants.
I discuss the Boruca and Maleku together because, for the most part, the informants in the two
communities responded to my inquiries in similar fashion, and the themes that recurred were
common to both communities. However, at the end of this section, I have appended a brief
discussion that highlights certain minor differences I observed between the Boruca and Maleku
with regards to families and the upbringing of children.
The Role of the Mother. I posed the group of five Maleku children (M5) who they spent
the most time with, their mothers or their fathers and without hesitation, all five responded, “mi
mamá” – my mother – almost in unison. Furthermore, as Figure 2 demonstrates, all twenty of the
informants I interviewed firmly asserted that mothers spend much more time with their children
than fathers, and that it is the mothers who generally take care of the children. According to B1,
a 34 year-old woman with two children, most mothers are working, generally weaving, and are
thus near their children for most of the day, allowing them to be directly involved in the
221
upbringing of their children. In addition, B1 stated that the majority of indigenous Borucan
women are either “madres solteras” – single mothers – or they have “parejas” – i.e., partners –
but not husbands. B1 told me that, in the Borucan culture, marriage is not as common as having
a partner, or as the case may have it, multiple partners. And, even though women frequently have
children by different men, the children always live with their mothers which results in the women
having the predominant responsibility for child rearing. Two other female informants, B2 and
M4, were each raising two children fathered by different men.
The Role of the Father. When I asked informant M1, a young 27-year old man, what role
fathers play in raising their children, he responded, “hacen trabajo en el campo,” they work in the
field. According to B1, many fathers are not very close to their children. According to the group
of five Borucan male mask carvers, fathers do not have time to spend with their children because
they have to work for the family. According to B6, a 71 year-old Borucan midwife, fathers do
very little. “Casi no ayudan” – they almost do not help at all. They work, and in general, the
mothers care for the children. When asked what role her father plays in her upbringing, B5, a 14year-old girl, stated only that her father cares about her. The five Maleku children all said their
fathers occasionally took them fishing or played soccer with them. And several of these children
said their fathers lived separately, far away, in order to work in the fields, and only occasionally
came back to visit. Only one informant, M2, a 37 year-old married woman with three children,
said that her husband advises her children and teaches her two sons – but not her daughter – how
to work.
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Fig 3
FIG. 3: Mother with her child and two of female relatives. Boruca Community. July 19, 2005.
The Role of the Family. According to 26 year-old B2, indigenous family bonds are very
strong – “porque todos viven muy cerca” – because everyone lives close together. The majority
of the women responded that they receive help in caring for and raising their children from their
mothers and sisters. M3, a twenty-one year-old woman whose husband works far from home,
responded that she even receives help in caring for her two children from her mother-in-law and
sister-in-law. The group of five Borucan male mask carvers also affirmed that women receive
assistance caring for their children from family members, but only from female relatives: sisters,
aunts, female cousins, grandmothers, etc. Not a single informant suggested that male non-father
family members assist in raising children.
223
Fig 4
FIG. 4: Two younger members of Maleku community demonstrating traditional garb an
customs. Maleku Community. July 26, 2005.
The Role of Elders. All but two informants indicated that the relationship that exists between
children and the elders of the community is much more one of respect than of familiarity.
According to B1, children do spend time with community elders primarily out of desire to learn.
Indeed, the four male mask carvers claimed that the primary function of interactions between
children and community elders is educational and, specifically, to educate the children about that
the Borucan past. Almost all informants in both communities described elders telling the
children stories about the past, and sharing with them the myths and legends of their indigenous
culture. Another recurring theme was the role of community elders in passing on to children the
indigenous language. B1 and M3 agreed that the most important role the elders play in
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interacting with children is to teach them the Borucan and Maleku indigenous languages. M3
also mentioned that elders teach children about other indigenous customs and traditions such as
Maleku food preparation and burial customs. B1 summed up the overall relationship by saying
that elders always emphasize to children that they are indigenous peoples, that they should be
proud of their heritage, and that they should strive to maintain their culture and traditions.
The Role of Religion. Most of the Borucan community is Catholic, while in the Maleku
community, about 90 percent of people are evangelical Christian, and about ten percent are
Catholic. In both communities, children receive some religious education from outside church
volunteers around the age of seven when they enter school. However, when asked about the role
of religion in the upbringing of children, most informants simply shrugged. B2 said that religion
does not have a strong presence in the Boruca community because it was imposed from the
outside. B3 – the five mask carvers – also said that religion does not have much influence. M3
confirmed that two religions exist in the Maleku community but said that neither has much
impact on the lives of the children. According to M3, religion simply cannot compete with
community customs and traditions, a notion echoed by virtually all my informants.
The Role of Western Influences. According to Jen Bronson, who has studied the Borucan
educational system, teachers in Borucan elementary school have incorporated Borucan culture
and traditions into the standard curriculum. However, when children move on to high school,
this part of their education is removed because many more of the teachers and students are not
indigenous, and the curriculum is set by the state. She also spoke with a Maleku teacher who
confirmed that Maleku culture was an integral part of the elementary, but not secondary,
education. (J. Bronson, Personal Communication. August 2005) Other western influences
include brand name clothing and modern music; most of the mothers I spoke with complained
about “música loca” – crazy music. However, B2 asserted that western influences were not
overly prevalent because the ideas of indigenous community and culture are emphasized so
highly with each new generation.
Maleku versus Boruca. The differences I observed in the two communities with respect
to child rearing were very minimal, and pertained only to family structure. In the Borucan
225
community, most mothers are single although their families (including male partners) typically
live near by. In the Maleku community, the concept of matrimony seems to be more important
and the traditional nuclear family seems to be more the norm, although there are still single
mothers and mothers who have more than one husband. In addition, according to M1, while
families used to live together as extended groups in the past, today they consist of just “padres e
hijos,” i.e., fathers and sons. Although M1 did not mention mothers and daughters in his
description of the family structure, I took this to be a confirmation that the nuclear family unit
was the norm.
Fig 5
FIG. 5: A mother and her son, characteristic of the traditional Borucan family. Boruca
Community. July 19, 2005. July 19, 2005.
Conclusions
This study clearly suggests that women and community elders are the dominant
players in the raising of children in the Boruca and Maleku communities, and in the transmission
of indigenous cultural heritage. Women seem to bear the principal responsibility for raising
children, both because they generally work close to home and thus are physically closer to the
226
children, and because of an ingrained belief system that exempts men from playing a role. The
“partner” concept – particularly strong in the Boruca community – that permits women to bear
children from different men without a formal matrimonial commitment or other apparent
commitment to the family unit reinforces this belief system. The Boruca and Maleku people’s
reliance on community elders to transmit knowledge of, and a sense of pride in, their indigenous
culture was very interesting. Virtually every account referenced the role that elders played in
teaching the children about the native language, history, myths and legends, community traditions
and other aspects of the culture. Unfortunately, I was not able to draw any conclusions about
why these communities relied so heavily on the elders for this purpose.
I was not particularly surprised that women and elders played such important roles. I was,
however, surprised that fathers played virtually no role at all in these important processes and
found that worrisome. Many fathers do not even live near their children because they work all
day in the fields, and those who do live near their children appear to spend very little time with
them. Moreover, I was extremely surprised that the Catholic Church plays such a limited role in
the rearing of children, given the Church’s very prevalent position in Central American life.
Indeed, I had assumed, not only that the Church would play a significant role in child rearing, but
that that role might be actively at odds with the idea of preserving indigenous culture and
tradition. However, it appeared that indigenous culture and traditions heavily outweighed the
influence of the Church. Indeed most surprising of all was the degree to which the two
communities consciously emphasize the preservation – and the transmission to the next
generation – of their culture and traditions. This is encouraging. Although their numbers are
diminished, and much of the culture has already been lost, the Boruca and Maleku communities
appear to be very proud of their indigenous heritage and to have at least a fighting chance of
preserving that heritage for future generations.
This study obviously is only a beginning. Much more observation and research is needed
before we can fully understand how the Costa Rican indigenous communities rear their children
and transmit their heritage to those children.
227
Acknowledgements
I would like to thank the members of the Boruca and Maleku communities who willingly
shared information with me and patiently put up with my Spanish. I would also like to thank the
two indigenous communities as a whole for allowing our group to witness and experience so
much of their culture. I am particularly grateful to Irene Suarez for her assistance in helping me
narrow and refine my research project. Finally, I would like to thank Duke University, OET, and
my wonderfully supportive parents for making this whole experience possible.
References
Stone, D. 1949. “The Boruca of Costa Rica.” Papers of the Peabody Meauseam of American
Archaeology and Ethnology, Harvard University, Vol. 26: No. 2.
Website of the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights. Fact Sheet No. 9, “The
Rights of Indigenous Peoples.” http://www.unhchr.ch/html/menu6/2/fs9.htm.
http://www.costaricaguides.com/daily_outside_tours/maleku_indigenus_reserve_.htm
http://www.galerianamu.com/tribes/brunka_boruca/
http://www.galerianamu.com/tribes/maleku/
228
LA PRÓXIMA GENERACIÓN: La Crianza de Niños en Comunidades Indígenas
de Costa Rica
Aashna Kircher
Universidad de Duke, Departamento de psicología
[email protected]
El abstracto:
El siguiente informe es una investigación de la etnobiología de la crianza de
niños en dos comunidades indígenas de Costa Rica: Boruca y Maleku.
Informantes de cada comunidad fueron entrevistados sobre los diversos papeles
que realizan las personas más cercanas en cuanto a la crianza de los niños, y
otras influencias en la nueva generación. Los resultados reflejan una distinción
obvia del género: las madres son responsables de la crianza de los niños,
usualmente con la ayuda de los parientes femeninos, mientras los padres hacen
muy poco para ayudarlas. También los ancianos del pueblo ejercen un papel
esencial en legar la lengua indígena y las tradiciones culturales del pueblo a los
niños.
229
Palabras claves: indígena, niños, familia, género, Costa Rica
Introducción
“Durante la historia de los humanos, cada vez que los vecinos dominantes se han
expandido por el territorio o que extranjeros ha adquirido nueva tierra por el uso de la fuerza, las
culturas y las vidas – aun la existencia – de las personas indígenas han sido puesta en peligro.”
(Traducción del sitio web de la Oficina de la Alta Comisión de los Derechos Humanos) Hoy es
aculturación – la adopción de las características de otras culturas y la subsecuente pérdida de la
propia cultura – que amenaza a las identidades de los 300 millones de personas indígenas que
tenemos hoy en el mundo. “Ahora es admitido que las políticas de asimilación e integración
propuestas para integrar los grupos indígenas dentro de la población, son frecuentemente
contraproducentes.” (Traducción del sitio web de la Oficina de la Alta Comisión de los Derechos
Humanos.) Como resultado, especialmente después de la Segunda Guerra Mundial, los grupos
indígenas han insistido en “retener su identidad y su patrimonio.” (Traducción del sitio web de la
Oficina de la Alta Comisión de los Derechos Humanos.)
¿Pero cómo aseguran las comunidades indígenas que su cultura, su lengua, y sus
tradiciones son preservadas y que desaparecen? Como todas otras culturas humanas, lo hacen a
través de sus hijos: los conocimientos, las tradiciones y costumbre son preservadas por medio de
la transferencia oral e escrita de una generación a otra. Los niños son el futuro. Por
consiguiente, debemos aprender mucho del futuro de las personas indígenas simplemente por
estudiar y observar la manera en que se crían a los niños. Esto puede darnos pistas de como – y
hasta que punto – los valores, las tradiciones, y las costumbres indígenas son transmitidas a nueva
generaciones
Consecuentemente, decidí a hacer un estudio de la crianza de niños en comunidades
indígenas en Costa Rica, donde las personas indígenas son menos de uno por ciento de la
población de Costa Rica – aproximadamente 64,000 personas – y donde mucho de la cultura y las
tradiciones indígenas han desaparecido como un resultado de influencias exteriores.
(http://www.horizontes.com/general_info/indigenous.htm) Particularmente, quería aprender
quien exactamente esta involucrado en el proceso de crianza de los niños, y que papeles hacen
tanto los individuos como las instituciones. Para colectar información, visité y hablé con
230
miembros de dos de los seis grupos indígenas que existen hoy en Costa Rica: Boruca y Maleku.
(Figure 1)
FIG. 1
FIG. 1: Una mapa mostrando la localización de las varias comunidades indígenas en Costa Rica.
http://www.galerianamu.com/map
Boruca (Brunka). Boruca-Térraba, esta localizado en las selvas del sur de Costa
Rica, es la residencia de la pequeña comunidad indígena de los Boruca (o Brunka). Los Boruca
son descendientes de un grupos de indígenas que ocupaban, antes de la conquista de los
españoles, las tierras altas y la costa desde Quepos hasta la frontera actual con Panamá,
incluyendo Península de Osa, Punta Burica, y la Isla de Caño. Los archivos mas tempranos del
contacto de los españoles con la comunidad Boruca data de 1563 Originalmente, los Boruca
eran una sociedad de agricultura, que practicaba cacería de animales pequeños y pezca. (Stone,
1949) Adicionalmente, habían desarrollado una alta capacidad artística, particularmente en el
área de textiles. Ahora, la Boruca, como muchas otras tribus indígenas, está sufriendo de la
aculturación: mucho de su cultura y la mayoría de su lengua se ha perdido. A pesar de todo, los
231
Boruca han preservado sus tradiciones, particularmente sus tradiciones artísticas. Muchas de las
mujeres son tejedoras de textiles de algodón, y muchos de los hombres tallan mascaras de
madera, especialmente mascaras ceremoniales que son una parte fundamental en la cultura
Boruca.
Maleku. La tribu indígena de Maleku esta localizada en las tierras bajas de Guatuso en el
norte de Costa Rica, a una hora del Volcán Arenal. Originalmente, el Maleku constaba de 23
grupos diferentes pero, con el tiempo, la población declinó dramáticamente. Ahora, el Maleku es
uno de los más pequeños grupos indígenas de Costa Rica, con mas o menos 500 personas en
total, y solamente sobreviven tres de los 23 grupos originales: Palenque El Sol, Palenque
Margarita, y Palenque Tonjibe (el más grande). A pesar de su población pequeña, el Maleku es
una de las tribus más ricas con respeto a la preservación de su cultura y sus tradiciones. El
Maleku ha preservado su lengua nativa, los bailes, los rituales, las tradiciones de cuentos y
canciones, y otras costumbres. Como la Boruca, la tribu Maleku depende mucho de la artesanía
tradicional para ganarse la vida (por ejemplo, se hacen joyería e instrumentos).
Las Materiales y los métodos
Visité la comunidad de Boruca el miércoles, 19 de Julio de 2005. La comunidad es muy
compacta. El centro del poblado – que incluye una tienda de comodidades y un centro de
visitantes donde se vende artesanía Boruca – esta entre una intersección de calles pequeñas. La
mayoría de las casas son de madera y cemento con tejas de estaño. Unos miembros de la
comunidad nos dieron un a demostración de los procesos de teñido y tejido.
Yo hice seis entrevistas a personas indígenas en la comunidad Boruca: cinco entrevistas
individuales con mujeres entre 14 y 71 años, y una entrevista a un grupo de hombres, entre 17 y
24 años. Voy a usar B1-B6 para referir a los varios informantes de la comunidad de Boruca.
Visité la comunidad del Maleku el 25 y el 26 de Julio de 2005. El primer día hice
entrevistas y el segundo día vi presentaciones de arco, y de baile y canciones tradicionales.
Tambien probé la comida tradicional Maleku. Palenque Tonjibe tiene una calle principal, en que
se puede ver una iglesia, una tienda, y un centro de visitantes.
Hice entrevistas en dos de los palenques de la comunidad de Maleku: Palenque el Sol y
Palenque Tonjibe, que es mucho más grande. Hice una entrevista en Palenque el Sol, y cinco
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entrevistas en el Palenque Tonjibe: cuatro entrevistas individuales a mujeres entre 19 y 37 años;
una entrevista individual con un hombre de 27 años; y una entrevista de un grupos de cinco niños
entre cuatro y diez años. Uso M1-M6 para referir a las varias entrevistas de la comunidad
Maleku.
Las entrevistas en las dos comunidades seguían un grupo habitual de preguntas, y según
las respuestas de los informantes, continuaba con un grupo informal de preguntas para obtener
información clara. Grabé todas las entrevistas con una grabadora y con el debido consentimiento
de los informantes. También, tome apuntes las partes más significativas de las entrevistas con
uso de papel y lapiz. Los resultados y conclusiones para este estudio estan basados en las
entrevistas estructuradas, y también en mis observaciones personales de las personas indígenas.
Todas las fotos en este informe son mías, y fueron tomadas con el consentimiento de las personas
en las fotos.
Los Resultados y Las Observaciones
Esta parte del informe refleja las tópicas principales que discutí con mis varios
informantes. Aquí discute la Boruca y el Maleku junto, porque los informantes en las dos
comunidades respondieron a mis preguntas en maneras muy similares, y los temas que
aparecieron fue común en las dos comunidades. Pero, al término de esta parte, he incluido una
discusión corta que resalta las diferencias pequeñas entre la Boruca y el Maleku con respeto a la
familia y la crianza de niños.
233
FIG. 2
Numero de informantes
Quien se queda mas tiempo con los hijos, madres
o padres?
25
20
15
Respuestas de los
informantes
10
5
0
Madres
Padres
FIGURA 2: Un gráfico que muestra las respuestas de la pregunta de que padre se queda mas
tiempo con sus hijos
El papel de la madre. Yo les pregunté a un grupo de niños del Maleku (M5) quien se queda más
tiempo con ellos entre sus padres, y sin vacilación, todos me dijeron “mi mamá,” casi en unísono.
También, como se puede ver en Figura 2, todos los veinte informantes con quienes hablé en los
pueblos me aseguraron definitivamente que las madres se quedan mucho más tiempo con sus
niños que los padres, y que generalmente son las madres quienes cuidan a los niños. Según B1,
una mujer de 34 años, la mayoría de las madres están trabajando, generalmente tejiendo, y por
eso están siempre cerca de los niños durante el día. Esto permite a las mamás estar involucradas
directamente en la crianza de sus niños. También B1 me dijo que la mayoría de las mujeres de la
Boruca son “madres solteras” o tienen “parejas” pero no esposos. Me dijo que en la cultura
Boruca, el matrimonio no es tan común como tener “pareja”, o más de una pareja. Aunque
frecuentemente las mujeres tienen hijos de hombres diferentes, los hijos siempre viven con sus
madres, como resultado las madres tienen la responsabilidad principal en la crianza. Dos otros
informantes, B2 y M4, también estaban criando dos hijos de padres diferentes.
El papel del padre. Cuando yo le pregunté a informante M1, un hombre de 27 años, que
papel hacen los padres en la crianza de sus niños, me dijo, “hacen trabajo en el campo.” Según
B1, muchos de los padres no son muy cercanos a sus hijos. Según el grupo de cinco hombres
234
artesanos (talladores de mascaras), los padres no tienen tiempo para quedarse con sus niños
porque tienen que trabajar para la familia. Según B6, una partera de 71 años, los padres hacen
muy poco. “Casi no ayudan.” Trabajan, y en general, las madres les cuidan a los niños. B5, una
chica de 14 años, me dijo que su padre le da cariño, pero no mucho más. Los cinco niños del
Maleku me dijeron que sus padres ocasionalmente juegan fútbol o pescan con ellos. Y uno de
estos niños me dijo que sus padres viven separados, muy lejos, para trabajar en el campo, y
solamente visitan a veces. Solamente una informante, M2, una mujer casada de 37 años y quien
tiene tres hijos, me dijo que su esposo le da consejos a sus hijos y les enseña a sus hijos – pero no
a su hija – acerca como trabajar
Fig 3.
FIG. 3: Una madre con su hijo y dos de sus parientes femeninos. La Comunidad de
Boruca. El 19 de Julio de 2005
La Familia. Según B2, una mujer de 26 años, las uniones entre las familias indígenas son
muy fuertes “porque todos viven muy cerca.” La mayoría de las mujeres me dijeron que reciben
ayuda en el cuido de los niños de sus madres y sus hermanas. M3, una mujer de 21 años cuyo
235
esposo trabaja lejos de la casa, me dijo que ella recibe ayuda también de su suegra y su cuñada.
El grupo de los hombres que tallan a las máscaras me afirmó que las mujeres reciben ayuda en
cuidarse a los niños, pero solamente de parientes femeninos: hermanas, tías, primas, y abuelas.
Nadie de los informantes sugirió que parientes masculinos ayudan en criar los niños.
El Papel de los Ancianos. Todos excepto dos informantes indicaron que la relación entre
los niños y los mayores del pueblo es una relación más de respeto que familiar. Según B1, los
niños se quedan tiempo con los ancianos porque quieren aprender. Los cinco hombres de la
Boruca me dijeron que la función principal de las interacciones entre los mayores y los niños es
para educar las niños sobre la historia de la Boruca. Casi todos de los informantes en las dos
comunidades describieron como los ancianos les dicen cuentos a los niños sobre el pasado y
como les relatan mitos y leyendas de la cultura indígena. También un tema común fue el papel
de los ancianos en transmitir la lengua indígena a los niños. B1 y M3 estuvieron de acuerdo en
que el papel más importante que hacen los mayores con respeto a los niños es ciertamente
enseñarlos la lengua indígena. M3 también mencionó que los mayores les enseñan a los niños
sobre otras costumbres y tradiciones indígenas, como la preparación de comida Maleku, y las
costumbres de entierro. B1 capturó la relación en total cuando me dijo que los mayores “siempre
les incurso mucho de que son indígenas, que tiene que ser muy orgulloso de ser lo, y de tener
nuestra cultura, nuestras costumbres.”
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Fig 4
FIG. 4: Dos miembros jóvenes de la comunidad de Maleku mostrando la ropa
tradicional y las costumbres Maleku. La Comunidad del Maleku. El 26 de julio de
2005.
El Papel de la Religión. La mayoría de la comunidad de la Boruca es católica, mientras en la de
Maleku, más o menos el 90 por ciento son cristianos evangélicos, y diez por ciento son católicos.
En ambas comunidades, los niños reciben educación religiosa como voluntarios en la iglesia,
desde la edad de siete años, cuando entran en la escuela primaria. Sin embargo, cuando les
pregunté sobre el papel de la religión en la crianza de los niños, muchos de los informantes
simplemente encogieron los hombros. B2 me dijo que la religión carece de una influencia
fuerte en la comunidad Boruca porque fue impuesto por los extranjeros. B3 también me dijo
que la religión no tiene mucha influencia en el pueblo. M3 confirmó que las dos religiones
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existentes en la comunidad del Malecu no tienen mucho impacto en las vidas de los niños.
Según M3, la religión simplemente no puede competir con las costumbres y tradiciones de la
comunidad, una idea que fue reesforzada por todos los informantes.
El papel de las Influencias Occidentales. Según Jen Bronson, quien ha estudiado el
sistema escolar de Boruca, los maestros en la escuela primaria han incorporado la cultura y las
tradiciones de los Boruca en el currículo. Pero cuando los niños siguen con sus estudios en la
escuela secundaria, esta parte de su educación es removida porque mucho de los maestros y de
los estudiantes no son indígenas, y el currículo es estricto. Ella también habló con un maestro del
Maleku quien confirmó que la cultura del Maleku también es una parte integral de la escuela
primaria, pero no de la secundaria. (J. Bronson, Comunicación Personal. Agosto de 2005.)
Otras influencias occidentales incluyen ropa marcada y la música moderna; la mayoría de las
madres con quienes hablé se quejaban de “música loca.” Pero B2 me aseguró que las influencias
occidentales no son muy fuertes porque se ponen tanto énfasis en las ideas de la cultura de la
comunidad indígena con cada nueva generación.
Maleku contra Boruca. Las diferencias que observe entre las dos comunidades con respeto a la
crianza de niños fueron mínimas, y aplicaron solamente a la estructura de las familias. En la
comunidad Boruca, la mayoría de las mujeres son madres solteras, pero generalmente las
familias viven muy cercas (incluyendo las parejas). En la comunidad del Maleku, el concepto del
matrimonio parece más importante, y el concepto de familia parece ser mas la norma. Pero
todavía hay madres solteras y madres que ha tenido más de un esposo. También, según M1, en el
pasado las familias vivían juntas en grupos comunales, pero hoy en día la familia consiste
solamente de “padres e hijos.” Aunque M1 no mencionó las madres y las hijas en esa
descripción, yo concluí que la estructura de la familia nuclear es la norma.
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Fig 5
FIG. 5: Una madre y su hijo, característico de la familia tradicional de la Boruca.
Comunidad de la Boruca. El 19 de Julio de 2005.
Conclusiones
Este informe sugiere claramente que las mujeres y los mayores del pueblo son la
influencia dominante en la crianza de los niños, y en la transmisión de la cultura y tradición
indígena en las comunidades de Boruca y Maleku. Las mujeres tienen la responsabilidad
principal en la crianza de los niños, ambos porque generalmente trabajan cerca de la casa y por
eso están cerca físicamente de los niños, y porque el sistema de creencias hace que los hombres
estén exentos de responsabilidad. El concepto de la “pareja” – particularmente fuerte en la
comunidad de Boruca – que permiten a las mujeres tener niños de hombres diferentes sin un
compromiso formal de matrimonio u otro tipo de compromiso, refuerza este sistema de creencias.
La dependencia de las comunidades en los ancianos del pueblo para transmitir los conocimientos
de la cultura indígena (con un sentimiento de respeto y orgullo), fue muy interesante.
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Virtualmente, cada persona refirió al papel que hace los mayores en educar a los niños sobre la
lengua nativa, la historia, las leyendas y los mitos, las tradiciones de la comunidad, y otros
aspectos de la cultura. Desafortunadamente, no pude hacer conclusiones del porqué estas
comunidades dependen tanto en los ancianos para la trasmisión de la cultura.
No me sorprende que las mujeres y los mayores jueguen papeles tan importantes. Sin
embargo, me sorprendio que los padres virtualmente no hacen ningún papel en estos procesos tan
importantes. Quizás debemos preocuparnos de esto. Muchos padres ni siquiera viven cerca de
sus hijos porque trabajan por todo el día en el campo, y parece que los que sí viven cerca de sus
hijos no se quedan mucho tiempo con los chicos. También, me sorprendio mucho de que la
iglesia católica juegue un papel tan limito en la crianza de niños, considerando la posición tan
prevalerte de la iglesia en la vida de muchos costarricenses. De hecho, yo había supuesto que el
papel de la iglesia quizás estaría contra de la idea de preservar la cultura y las tradiciones
indígenas. Pero parece que la cultura y las tradiciones indígenas pesan mucho más que la
influencia de la iglesia. Ciertamente, lo más sorprendente fue la importancia que las dos
comunidades indígenas ponen de manifiesto con respecto a la preservación – y esto es
transmitido a la nueva generación –. Esto es muy alentador. Aunque sus poblaciones estan
disminuidas, y mucho de su cultura ya ha desaparecido, parece que las comunidades de Boruca y
Makelu estan muy orgullos de ser indígenas y de tener una oportunidad de preservar este
patrimonio para las generaciones futuras.
Obviamente, este estudio es solamente un empiezo. Necesita mucho más observación e
investigación antes de que podamos entender en realidad la manera en que crían los niños y la
manera en que se transmite la cultura a los niños en las comunidades indígenas de Costa Rica.
Reconocimientos
Quiero dar las gracias a los miembros de las comunidades de la Boruca y del Maleku
quienes compartieron gustosamente su información conmigo y quienes tuvieron la paciencia con
mi español mediocre. También quiero dar gracias a las dos comunidades indígenas por permitir
que nuestro grupo pudiera experienciar tanto de su cultura. Le estoy particularmente agradecido
a Irene Suárez por su ayuda en refinar el tema del informe. Finalmente, quiero dar gracias a la
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Universidad de Duke, a la Organización de Estudios Tropicales, y mis padres que siempre me
apoyan, por darme esta oportunidad.
Referencias
Stone, D. 1949. “The Boruca of Costa Rica.” Papers of the Peabody Meauseam of American
Archaeology and Ethnology, Harvard University, Vol. 26: No. 2.
Website of the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights. Fact Sheet No. 9, “The
Rights of Indigenous Peoples.” http://www.unhchr.ch/html/menu6/2/fs9.htm.
http://www.costaricaguides.com/daily_outside_tours/maleku_indigenus_reserve_.htm
http://www.galerianamu.com/tribes/brunka_boruca/
http://www.galerianamu.com/tribes/maleku/
http://www.galerianamu.com/tribes/brunka_boruca/
http://www.nabuur.com/modules/villages_welcome/index.php?villageid=36
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Dar a luz bajo de la Luz Occidental:
Una observación del cambio de rol en los papeles sexuales de los
indígenas de Costa Rica
Anita Krishnarao
Department of Biology and Department of Spanish
Duke University
Warren, Ohio 44484
[email protected]
RESUMÉN
Casi nunca los indígenas costarricenses han quedado completamente
exentos de la influencia occidental, y los cambios culturales son
especialmente obvios con relación al aumento del uso de clínicas y
hospitales en zonas las indígenas. Antes de la disponibilidad de las
medicinas occidentales, las mujeres del pueblo Boruca y del pueblo
Malecu tenían a los niños en casa, usualmente rodeadas por miembros de
la familia o por lo menos una partera. Ahora, el método de dar a luz se ha
transformado con el establecimiento de hospitales y clínicas y la cultura
extranjera que los acompaña. Este cambio en el lugar del nacimiento tiene
beneficios medicinales pero además de eso, tiene efectos sociales. La
presencia del hospital ha removido el parto dentro de la sociedad y lo ha
transportado a un espacio muy aislado, y esto ha causado consecuencias
para la cultura y los papeles de los sexos en los pueblos Boruca y Malecu.
Key Word Index. Dar a luz, Boruca, Malecu, Hospitales, Papeles del sexo
Introducción:
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Los grupos de Boruca y Malecu de Costa Rica viven en sociedades transformadas
pero todavía mantienen aspectos de sus culturas originales a pesar de la disponibilidad de
la cultura occidental. En cuanto al acceso a las medicinas occidentales, el pueblo Boruca,
ha tenido un Puesto de Visita Medico del Ministerio de Salud desde 1977, el cual se
transformo al Ebais de Boruca en el año 1998. El Ebais aun no cuenta con los recursos
para ayudar con los partos pero las madres del pueblo Boruca pueden ir al Hospital de
Peréz Zeledón que está más de tres horas de distancia en carro. El pueblo Malecu también
tiene un puesto de Salud pero, muchos van a la Clínica de Guatuso construido en 1985 y
que está a cinco kilómetros del pueblo. En adición, el de pueblo Boruca cuenta con el
Hospital de San Carlos que fue establecido en 1974 y es el lugar más cercano que tiene el
equipo necesario para las labores de parto, pero esta a ochenta kilómetros lejos del pueblo
Malecu.
Los estudios hechos anteriormente sobre estos grupos han ilustrado la vida
cotidiana y tradiciones específicas de los indígenas pero no han examinado el parto y el
aumento de los nacimientos en las clínicas y los hospitales y la reducción de la forma
tradicional usada por sus antepasados. En una investigación hecha en 1949, Doris Stone
describe con detalle las tradiciones del pueblo Boruca que incluye los rituales de dar a
luz, pero fue escrito antes de la construcción de la clínica local y por eso, no muestra el
lado ‘moderno’ del grupo indígena. Adicionalmente, los estudios hechos por el Instituto
de Estudios de las Tradiciones Sagradas de Abia Yala en cuanto al pueblo Malecu se ha
enfocado en la cultura histórica y los eventos durante el parto, pero ellos no han analizado
los efectos del nuevo sistema de tener niños. Culturas occidentales ya han penetrado
muchas facetas de los pueblos Boruca y Malecu, pero la disponibilidad de las medicinas
occidentales ha influido y posee el poder de transformar las relaciones y tradiciones del
pasado. La reubicación espacial de este evento familiar ha eliminado mucha de la
participación de otros miembros de la familia y del pueblo y puede tener consecuencias
graves dentro del rol de los papeles entre las parejas; esto debido a la influencia patriarcal
del occidente. Dar a luz en estos espacios separados de la sociedad posiblemente
reducirán el valor del papel de la mujer indígena adentro de esta sociedad y promovería
más desigualdad entre los sexos. El Hospital de Peréz Zeledón cerca del pueblo Boruca y
el hospital de San Carlos cerca del pueblo Malecu reciben muchas mujeres indígenas que
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vienen solas para dar a luz—lo cual contrasta con el ambiente familiar del evento que se
vivía anteriormente. Aunque muchas indígenas creen que una clínica o un hospital
asegurarían tener partos más seguros, los partos en casa asegurarían la participación de la
sociedad y ayudarían en mantener el respecto para el papel femenino.
Materiales y Métodos:
El pueblo Boruca, también se llama Brunca o Brunka o Brun Caj, está situado en
la provincia de Puntarenas cerca de la Cordillera Costeña donde viven más de 2,000
habitantes (Figura 1). El Palenque El Sol, el Palenque Tonjibe y el Palenque Margarita
del pueblo Malecu o Maleku están situados en la zona norte en la provincia de Alajuela
muy cerca de la ciudad Guatuso con una población de 500 personas en total (Figura 1).
Cuando visité el pueblo Boruca en el 18 de julio de 2005 y los palenques Malecu en el 25
y 26 de julio de 2005, las observaciones de las comunidades fueron escritas en un
cuaderno y se tomaron fotografías de escenas familiares. La mayoría de la información se
obtuvo de entrevistas realizadas en español con las mujeres nativas del pueblo Boruca
(Figura 2) y Malecu (Figura 3). Durante los viajes a las comunidades indígenas, se trató
de entrevistar mujeres y hombres de edades diferentes para ilustrar la influencia reciente
de las medicinas occidentales en comparación a los nacimientos de antes. Los materiales
para hacer las dos partes de la investigación incluyeron la población de Boruca, la
población de Malecu, un cuaderno de apuntes, un bolígrafo, una grabadora y una cámara
digital. Al comienzo, se preguntó a la mujer o al hombre indígena si tenían hijos. Si la
persona tenía hijos, se le preguntó por el lugar donde dio a luz—en casa o en un hospital
o una clínica. La siguiente pregunta consistía en averiguar el número y la relación de las
personas que acompañaron a la madre durante el parto. Si la pareja no estuvo con la
madre durante el parto, se preguntó por el lugar dónde estaba en ese momento. Después
de realizar estas preguntas personales, se preguntó a la persona que prefería—tener hijos
en casa o en el hospital. Al final, se preguntó por el lugar donde la mayoría del pueblo da
a luz.
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http://www.galerianamu.com/grafico/maptribus1.gif
Figure 1: Las ubicaciones de los pueblos indígenas de Boruca y Malecu de Costa
Rica
Cada vez que se realizó una entrevista, se les preguntó a los participantes su
consentimiento deacuerdo al código de Ética de Etnobiología y se les preguntó a los
indígenas si se podía usar la grabadora durante la entrevista y su permiso para tomar una
fotografías de ellos. Las identidades de los entrevistados están protegidas y se ha
reemplazado sus nombres actuales con el pseudónimo “informante” o se dio una
descripción corta de la persona para respetar su privacidad. Para complementar estas
entrevistas, también se llamó por teléfono al Ebais del pueblo Boruca y a la Clínica de
Guatuso del pueblo Malecu para validar y añadir información a la brindada por los
habitantes indígenas. Se le preguntó a un doctor de cada instituto el año de
establecimiento de la facilidad, el número de las mujeres indígenas que van al hospital, y
cuanto distancia queda el pueblo indígena de los servicios. Aunque esta observación de
los pueblos Boruca y Malecu solo incorpora algunas fuentes de información aparte de los
entrevistas, conversar con algunas indígenas fue significativo para distinguir los cambios
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culturales y poder especular las consecuencias futuras dentro del papel sexual de las
parejas indígenas.
7/18/05
7/24/05
Figura 2: Un camino Boruca
Figura 3: Un camino Malecu
Resultados:
En los pueblos indígenas, se caminó por los senderos de tierra y piedra, que
estaban rodeados por ambientes muy naturales. Las casas y tiendas de ambas
comunidades eran muy pequeñas y casi todas eran de colores vivos que contrastaban con
la abundancia de verde en todos lados. La atmósfera de las dos sociedades era relajada y
la gente parecía abierta a tener conversaciones y compartir información personal de sus
partos.
De las entrevistas realizadas en el pueblo Boruca con mujeres locales (Figura 4),
los informantes parecían ir más frecuentemente al Hospital de Peréz Zeledón para tener
hijos pero todavía hay mujeres que dan a luz en casa. En la entrevista que se realizó con
una partera bien conocida del pueblo, la mujer explicó que su trabajo era como lo del
doctor obstetra. La partera cuidaba a la madre y preparaba todo para el nacimiento del
niño en casa. Cuando se preguntó a la partera si alguien acompañaba a la madre durante
el parto en casa, ella respondió que el padre u otras mujeres de la familia estaban con ella
a veces, pero principalmente solamente la partera acompaña a la madre. Unas
informantes de veintitrés, veintiséis, treinta, cincuenta y cinco, y sesenta y ocho años
revelaron que los padres de sus niños no las acompañaban durante el parto a causa del
trabajo y otras razones desconocidas. De las seis entrevistas con madres del pueblo,
cuatro informantes tuvieron hijos en el hospital, y sola una mujer estaba con su esposo
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durante el parto. En cambio, la informante de sesenta y ocho años también estaba sola
cuando tuvo sus ocho hijos—cuatro en el campo y cuatro en las montañas—y muestra
que todos los partos en casa no incorporaban los padres ni el pueblo. Como en este
ejemplo, la comunidad no necesariamente tenía un papel muy grande en el nacimiento de
los niños, pero el parto usualmente ocurría en el pueblo y la partera era un miembro del
pueblo, y por eso, este papel de dar a luz estaba intrínsicamente dentro del pueblo
Boruca. En esta época, según los informantes, casi todas de las madres del pueblo Boruca
tienen niños en el hospital, ayudadas por un doctor o un enfermero desconocido y más de
tres horas afuera del pueblo.
A causa de la instalación del Ebais y el hospital, la necesidad de las parteras esta
desapareciendo y muchos partos no ocurren dentro del pueblo Boruca. Por otro lado, esta
transición de tener niños en casa versus tener niños en espacios occidentals (hospitals) ha
sido un proceso gradual. Algunas mujeres todavía prefieren el ambiente más familiar de
tener a los niños en casa pero otras prefieren la seguridad que ofrece los hospitales y la
medicina occidental. Solamente con relación al lugar de dar a luz y las personas que
acompañan a las madres durante el parto basada en las entrevistas del pueblo Boruca, la
cultura del parto definitivamente ha sido transformando.
Después de las entrevistas realizadas con una variedad de mujeres y algunos
hombres del pueblo Malecu (Figura 5), la información oral también refleja esta
transformación cultural. Según un doctor de la Clínica de Guatuso, el hospital de San
Carlos fue construido en 1974 (Figura 6) y la Clínica de Guatuso fue establecido en 1985
que esta aun más cerca de los palenques del Malecu. La gran mayoría de las madres
entrevistadas del pueblo tuvieron a sus hijos en el Hospital de San Carlos pues es el lugar
mas cercano que cuenta con las facilidades para atender a los partos en la zona. De las
seis personas de diecinueve, veintiuno, veintiocho, treinta y tres, treinta y siete, y
cincuenta y cinco años que participaron en las entrevistas, todos han tenido hijos en el
hospital. Tres informantes adicionalmente mencionaron que sus madres tuvieron hijos en
casa y revelaron el cambio de escena de dar a luz. Todos los informantes del pueblo
Malecu estaban de acuerdo de dos cosas—ya casi no existen parteras hoy en día y casi
todas de las madres de ahora tienen a sus hijos en el Hospital de San Carlos. De estas seis
informantes, ninguna tuvo una partera, y todas fueron al hospital para dar a luz y tuvieron
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por lo menos un doctor o un enfermero que las ayudó. Parecido a lo se averiguó en el
pueblo Boruca, ninguno de los padres acompañó a las madres durante de los nacimientos
de los catorce hijos (numero total de hijos de las madres entrevistadas),supuestamente
debido al trabajo.
Por lo general, todos los informantes preferían ir al hospital durante el parto por
razones de seguridad y la salud, y tres se refireron a la ventaja de las medicinas
occidentales si hay complicaciones durante el parto. Aunque los dos grupos indígenas
visitados tienen facilidades de medicinas occidentales, el pueblo Malecu parece
incorporar mas al hospital durante los partos que el pueblo Boruca. Los entrevistados
concordaron en decir, que antes de la construcción del Hospital del San Carlos, las
parteras eran mas comunes y en los partos participaban mas familiares, pero todo esto ha
cambiado. No existe una razón definitiva para este cambio, pero de verdad sería más
sencillo de mantener alguna participación de los padres y de la comunidad Malecu si las
madres de hoy tuvieran a sus hijos en la casa, más cerca del pueblo y con las tradiciones
sociales. Como en el pueblo de Boruca, las medicinas occidentales han provisto de
beneficios de salud al pueblo Malecu, pero al mismo tiempo, el hospital ha removido este
papel femenino de la vista de la sociedad. En los dos pueblos, la ubicación espacial y el
sistema social creado a partir del alumbramiento de los niños se ha alterado, este cambio
ha causado un cambio en el rol dentro del papel de los géneros sexuales dentro de las
comunidades indígenas.
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7/18/05
Figura 4: Algunos miembros de una familia del pueblo Boruca afuera de
su casa
7/24/05
Figura 5: Una madre joven y sus niños del pueblo Malecu
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Figure 6: El Hospital de San Carlos
http://ensancarlos.com/sancarlosaldia/julio/hospital.htm
Conclusión:
Según las entrevistas realizadas en los pueblos indígenas y la información
brindada por los dos doctores de las clínicas, los cambios culturales representan la
presión cultural ejercida sobre estas sociedades indígenas. Es verdad que los hospitales
ofrecen mucha seguridad a los partos de los pueblos, pero simultáneamente, estos
remueven una parte fundamental en la vida tradicional indígena y sobretodo en las
costumbres que rodean al parto. Después de tener el recursos de los hospitales, el parto
empezó a salir la comunidad indígena y a entrar en la comunidad occidental donde la
gente y el ambiente definitivamente no son indígenas. Porque el parto es un papel muy
importante para las mujeres, la eliminación del parto de los pueblos puede descender la
importancia de la mujer en la cultura.
Sin la infiltración de las medicinas occidentales, las madres indígenas todavía
tendrían partos en casa con parteras. Tener niños en el pueblo significa que este papel
femenino es parte del pueblo y la probabilidad de incluir a los padres en los partos
aumentaría. Las medicinas occidentales no solamente cambian el lugar de dar a luz pero
también cambian a las personas que ayudan con el alumbramiento. De las informantes
que fueron al hospital a tener niños, solo una estabacon miembros de su familia y tenía
doctores o enfermeras desconocidos. Las parteras de antes siempre eran mujeres, y los
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doctores y enfermeros de los hospitales son hombres y mujeres—lo cual introduce los
hombres en áreas del trabajo donde solamente había mujeres. Los padres indígenas de
ahora no acompañan a sus parejas durante el parto y ahora. Aunque, este sistema mas
patriarcal ya ha existido en las zonas indígenas desde antes, ahora, estos cambios han
alterado el papel de dar a luz —el evento en el cual anteriormente predominaban
solamente las mujeres. La influencia de occidente, no es completamente la causa de este
sistema patriarcal, pero provoca la perdida de poder de las mujeres al borrar el rol de los
papeles de dar a luz del pueblo. Entonces, ¿cuál es la opción ideal? Según la
investigación hecha por Colleen (Colleen Walsh pers. comm. 8 Aug 05), las mujeres
indígenas de hoy que deciden dar a luz en casa casi siempre deben tener una partera
indígena del pueblo que usualmente utiliza algunos métodos occidentales. Entonces,
parece que hay una manera de mantener la cultura indígena e incorporar los avances
medicinales de otras sociedades. Las tradiciones indígenas y las ciencias occidentales no
son mutualmente exclusivas pero las consecuencias del aumento de uso de los hospitales
pueden resultar en desvalorar el papel femenino de dar a luz. El enemigo de los pueblos
de Boruca y Malecu no son los hospitales, pero desafortunadamente hay efectos
culturales de tener beneficios de salud del occidente en los roles sexuales de las zonas
indígenas.
Agradecimientos:
Me gustaría decir gracias a los informantes de los pueblos Boruca y Malecu por
su ayuda en esta observación cultural. También, gracias a Dr. Oscar Lázaro del Ebais de
Boruca y Dr. Gustavo Zeledón de la Clínica de Guatuso por la información de los
hospitales de las zonas indígenas. Especialmente, gracias a Rebeca, el asistente del
programa de OET por mucho tiempo en revisar el español de este proyecto. Gracias a
todos.
Obras Citadas:
Stone, Doris Z. 1949. The Boruca of Costa Rica. Cambridge:Harvard University Press.
pg. 20-22.
Berger, Marcos Guevara (Consultor). 2000. Pérfil de los Pueblos Indígenas de Costa
Rica.
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The Tall Tales of Snakes in Costa Rica
Elaine Leddy
The Terry Sanford Institute of Public Policy
Duke University Durham, NC 27708
[email protected]
Abstract: This paper will contrast the perceptions of venomous snakes held by the
Indigenous people of Boruca and Maleku, Costa Rica, with those of the local and
agrarian La Gamba and Guatuso communities. While the Indigenous, locals, and
agrarians recount their reptilian encounters in the same awed and animated manner, the
number of attacks varied along ethnic lines. On the basis of extensive interviews and my
own encounters with Costa Rica’s exotic wildlife, I have come to believe there are two
factors that underlie the perception of snakes in Costa Rica. The first is human nature
and its susceptibility to the sensational and the embellished encounters with the unknown
and deadly. The second is the immigration of people to an entirely new ecosystem. Their
stigma toward venomous snakes due to lack of exposure in their former environment
catalyzes similar perceptions in the local populations. Therefore, it seems these
Indigenous communities are more resistant to these negative perceptions.
Key words. Boruca, Maleku, snakes, human nature, and migration.
Introduction
Both the National Geographic and Animal planet have found me a willing captive
of their exotic animal programming. Herpetologist-turned-snake-hunter Brady Barr
weaves scales, fangs, and fears into the enigma of the animal kingdom in his “Velvet
Killers documentary of Costa Rica’s most deadly inhabitants (National Geographic
Society). My pulse quickened when, upon arriving in Boruca in the summer of 2005, I
heard the natives refer to their most feared neighbor, the Bothrops asper, as the ‘tercipelo’
(the ‘velvet’ one!) It was then that my journey toward understanding the native peoples of
this isthmus, and the creatures that held them in thrall, actually began.
With every sighting and close encounter, I felt even more certain that my study
would be equally as sensational as Brady Barr’s ‘velvet killer’ exhibition for National
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Geographic. My study took place in Costa Rica where there are 135 species of snakes, 17
of which are venomous. My study focuses on the vulnerability of the targeted peoples to
the two most lethal snake families, the Coral snake (Elapidae) and Pit viper (Crotalidae),
each of whom I studied through the eyes of local herpetologists, the vivid anecdotes of
the natives, and my own brief but memorable encounters (R. Jay Berenzweig, 2002).
Surprisingly, I soon found myself in an ethical quandary. As I gathered scientific
and anecdotal evidence of the behaviors of these exotic creatures, I could no longer take
part in the perpetuation of this sensationalist imagery by creating my own tall tale of
snakes. It is now left for me to juxtapose the snake encounters with the cold statistical
data. My mission is to unwrap the enigma and accurately portray venomous snakes and
their impact on life in Costa Rica.
Materials and Methods
My primary method for obtaining information about the perceptions of snakes in a
Costa Rica was through interviews and observations. Before each interview and every
picture, I obtained the consent of the subjects. The interviews were all conducted in an
informal tone and subjects chosen at random. There were key questions such as: the
number of people they know who have been bitten, how many snakes they see on a given
day, and their behavior to avoid an attack. These questions were asked during every
interview, but as responses varied to key questions, subsequent questions varied. Only
two interviews were held in the setting of a biological station, while the majority of
interviews took place in either Indigenous or agricultural communities. I made an overall
analysis at the entirety of every observation and interview session, involving a compare
and contrast of the responses.
I started in the predominantly Indigenous Boruca Community, located in the
province of Puntarenas. I held three lengthy interviews with two natives and one
campesino. The next town of La Gamba was mainly an agrarian town and I held
prolonged interviews with four farmers and one female entrepreneur. In the agrarian town
of Guatuso, I had three medium to short interviews around their main street. In the nearby
Indigenous community of the Maleku, I held nine different interviews of varying lengths
and content. In this town I was able to speak with seven Indigenous people and two local
Blanco farmers. In the Organization of Tropical Studies biological station in La Selva, I
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held an interview with the local herpetologist. The interview was held during a snake
exhibition. I had four of my own snake encounters that allowed me to draw observations
about snake behaviors. In an OTS field station at Las Cruces, by way of phone to San
Jose, I was able to hold an interview with a leading doctor in the protection of public
health from snake attacks.
Observations and Conclusions
Overall, I found the frequency of bites and the sightings varied along ethnic lines,
but the stories were all told in an equally elaborate manner. This was based on ethnic
boundaries and not location because many of the locals live very close to the Indigenous
communities. The Blancos, campesinos, and locals had a tendency to report a higher
numbers of sightings, bites, and deaths from snakes than did Indigenous people’s
responses. For example, a man in La Gamba claimed to have been bitten eight times,
while another farmer in the Maleku community claimed the deaths from bites mounted in
the fields every year. Herpetologist Mahmood Sasa, who develops anti-venom in the
Clodomiro Picado Institute, assured me that the number of incidents, far from increasing
annually, has remained at a steady 500-540 bites each year (see figs. 1 and 2). The
Indigenous communities had a propensity to report a lower number of bites, sightings,
and deaths as a result of snake encounters.
There was a shared excitement in all of the subjects’ eyes when I told them my
project and started asking questions. The most animated responses came when I asked if
they knew someone that was bitten, or if they had been bitten. Almost all of their faces lit
up as they retold their personal encounters or encounters of others in vivid detail. A
Boruca woman retold the encounter of her mother and herself to the minutest detail. The
woman related a standoff between herself, a fer-de-lance (Bothrops asper) and her dog all
in her bathroom. The story ended with men breaking down the door and cutting the snake
into many pieces.
The Boruca mother was bitten forcefully while walking. She was given a
treatment of grasa de cerdo, leaves, and oil by the local curandero and was cured in 15
days. In contrast, Mr. Sasa advised that the average hospital stay for a severe bite would
was six months. A Maleku man gave an account having been forced to kill a fer-de-lance
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just moments before it struck him. He believed as well as five other subjects, that when a
snake crosses your path it’s a ‘mala suerte’ for their families.
A cross-sectional study of ages and statistical analysis would make a strong
conclusion for my study because it would eliminate the confounding variables of age.
Also, a simple random sample of at least a thousand people in each group would be
necessary to even make any conclusions. Thus, my conclusion of a handful of interviews
is tenuous at best except for the unanimity of opinion along each side of the local agrarian
versus Indigenous divide. My conclusion was bolstered by a discussion with Mahmood
Sasa, that human nature in regards to the manner in which they report encounters is a
constant.
My talk with the curandero of the Maleku revealed that the Indigenous people
always knew snakes were dangerous, but the fear was heightened when the Spaniards
referred to them as “El Diablo.” Given that the Spaniards were Catholic, the negative
connotation is rooted in the biblical story of Adam and Eve. Also, the Roman Catholic
churches still feature statues of the Virgin Mary stepping on the snake, symbolizing the
devil, and Mary as a deliverer from evil. She became the colonial and post colonial
version of their Earth Goddess, who stamps out drought, intercedes with her Son on our
behalf and the Indigenous people. Another possible conclusion, is that when certain
ethnic groups with little exposure to snakes or bites migrated to countries like Costa Rica,
their fear of the unknown catalyzed throughout surrounding communities; attaching a
stronger stigma to the image of the snake. In a discussion with Sasa, he has found this
theory to be evident among Nicaraguan immigrants that moved from dry forest areas to
Costa Rica with little exposure to fer-de-lance (Bothrops asper). After their subsequent
migration to the central valley, province of Alajuela, canton number five of San Mateo,
he described a strong fear that had become rooted amongst the immigrants, spreading
throughout the community. Suddenly, with the number of perceived bites, and elaborate
stories mounting, even the scientific community decided to take advantage of this
sensationalism in their work. Therefore, the overall report of a low number of bites by
Indigenous people leads me to suggest that the effects of migration are less potent among
Indigenous communities.
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More research should be done in the area of recuperation for victims of snake
bites. By tracking snake victims after they leave the hospital, the overall resultant
economic and psychological hardships of these encounters could be gauged.
Acknowledgements
I am grateful to the Indigenous communities of the Boruca and Maleku as well as
the agrarian communities of La Gamba and Guatuso who were essential to my study. The
discussion and snake exhibition with herpetologist Dennis Wasko was an integral to my
conclusions. Thanks for such an amazing and memorable experience. A special thanks to
Mahmood Sasa who was an invaluable source that could support my findings with
statistical data and his own theories that could be linked to my findings. I am most
grateful to my lifelong editor and more importantly my father, John Leddy.
References
Berenzweig, Jay R. Venomous Snakes Found in Costa Rica. Last revised on 09/04/2002.
http://jrscience.wcp.muohio.edu/fieldcourses01/TropEcoCostaRicaArticles/NEW
FINAL.VenomousSnakesFo.html.
Sasa, Mahmood and Silvia Vasquez. “Snake Bite Envenomation in Costa Rica:
A Revision of the Incidence in the Decade 1990-2000.” Toxicon 41 (2003) p1922.
256
Fig.1. Number of Snake bites and incidence in Costa Rica 1990-2000: (a) the number of
snake bites per month during the decade of 1990-2000 and (b) snake bite incidence per
257
100,000 inhabitants in Costa Rica. Source: Departamento de Información, Estadísticas,
CCSS.
Fig. 2. The number of snake bites per month during the decade of 1990-2000 in Costa
Rica. Source: Departmento de Estadísticas Medicas CCSS.
258
Tercipelo bite scar- A man in Uvita
259
Guatuso 4th interview: Donna Sarah
First interview- Sra. Margarita
260
2nd interview in Boruca: Isabel’s son
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Indigenous versus non-Indigenous knowledge and use of medicinal plants
Eldon C. Peters
Dept. of Biology
UNC-Chapel Hill
Chapel Hill, NC 27516
[email protected]
ABSTRACT: This paper is a comparison of the Indigenous versus nonIndigenous knowledge of medicinal plants and natural healing.
One
Borucan woman and a Malecu family represented the Indigenous
demographic of Costa Rica while a rural woman’s group, a “Medicine
Middle-Man”, and an appliance salesman represented the non-Indigenous
group. The comparison is evaluated by the number of medicinal plants
dictated by the informant(s) (see Tables 1 & 2). This small study suggests
that the non-Indigenous demographic retains more natural medical
knowledge and that much of the Indigenous knowledge is quickly being
lost or forgotten in the shift to socialized healthcare. The errors and holes
associated with the study are discussed in the final section.
Key Word Index: Boruca, Malecu, La Gamba, Natural Medicine, Medicinal Plants
INTRODUCTION
A likely perception of Indigenous groups in Costa Rica is that of people who
exclusively use the land to feed their family, construct their homes, and remedy the sick.
To complete this image of pristine Indigenous communities, each member should have an
innate working knowledge of botany and know secret healing concoctions with mystical
chants that can drive away everything that ails. In addition, these gifts should have been
passed down from generation to generation and involve an omnipotent shaman kneeling
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behind a smoky shadow. Through first-hand interviews, this paper will explore this
assumption that the Indigenous communities dominate the realm of natural healing as
compared to the post-contact Costa Rican.
MATERIALS & METHODS
Of the Indigenous demography, one prominent Borucan woman and one Malecu
family were interviewed. The non-Indigenous sample encompassed a “Medicine MiddleMan” who combines a limited Western science background with personal etiological
beliefs, a women’s group from La Gamba, and patrons at a local bar in Saint Rafael de
Guatuso. These people/groups were interviewed concerning their knowledge of medicinal
plants and of the number of people who use natural versus state-funded healing.
The project began with a formal yet impractical questionnaire and quickly
switched to an informal conversational approach. A voice-recorder and field notebook
documented the Malecu family and the Medicine Middle-Man, however simple field
notes recorded the remaining informants. The field note method was cross-referenced
with other colleagues to validate the information.
RESULTS
The following section will present a synopsis of the four interviews. Since the
interviews were conducted through informal conversation, there was a lot of small talk
that I feel would not greatly contribute to this paper. Only the pertinent medical
information is presented. In addition, the situational context of the interview is presented
because it is a vital element of the ethnobiological research experience.
Borucan Woman
The Highland Boruca was the first Indigenous group we interviewed. Our team
began by asking the attendant at the local general store for a townsperson with any
knowledge of medicinal plants and natural healing. This young girl of sixteen pointed
three-hundred yards down the dirt road to a small home and wished us luck. Our group
anxiously approached the small homestead and found a well-dressed, middle-aged (56)
woman sitting in a hammock speaking with her two teenage daughters. We told her we
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were students from OET (Organizacion de Estudios Tropicales) and wanted to talk to her
about medicinal plants. She nodded and pointed to a couple of chairs. The woman
informed us that she is a member of The Association of Community Development and has
traveled all of Central American representing the Boruca.
Our group began with general questions concerning her knowledge of medicinal
plants and natural healing. She responded with an hour of uninterrupted dialogue on
topics ranging from snakebites to scandalous teenagers in town. Through the course of
her oration, she presented information on twelve medicinal plants (Table1). She also
stated that very few people still use natural medicine and there has been a gradual shift
towards state-funded medicine since the 1970’s. She cited the cause of this shift as
resistance by the youth to learn the traditional ways and jealousy of the elders to deliver
their knowledge to the new-age youth. We thanked the woman, took some pictures, and
concluded the interview.
Picture 1. Borucan Informant
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Malecu
Our group was connected to a Malecu family through Luis Diego, OET’s
coordinator, who is a longtime friend of their father. To get to their home, we trekked
through a swampy field, followed the father for five-hundred meters, and ultimately
crossed a twelve-foot plank that spanned an overflowing creek in front of their home.
The entire extended family was situated on the porch of their longhouse style home and
graciously invited us to enter.
Picture 2. Malecu Family
We first interviewed the oldest son (mid-twenties) and his mother (50) concerning
the community’s healthcare and their knowledge of medicinal plants. Both mother and
son stated that they knew very little about medicinal plants but offered two names of
locals with natural medicine knowledge – one being the Medicine Middle-Man. They
confirmed the shift to clinical medicine, but described its origins in the deforestation
efforts of the 1950’s which eradicated much of the local medicinal flora. The final blow,
however, came with the establishment of the local hospital in 1974. The informants told
us that the Malecu take the bus two kilometers south to the hospital because “It is faster
and hospital already has the cures prepared.”
Outside of the family interview, a fellow colleague obtained “cafanka” (Piper
darienensis) - a plant used as an oral anesthesia. My own empirical observation and trial
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of the plant more than confirmed its efficacy in numbing the mouth, however the
informant stated that nearly all the people would most likely be administered novocaine
at a dentist’s office.
However, it should be noted that the Malecu knew a great deal about nonmedicinal plants and are certainly not disconnected from the land. For instance, the
following day on a forest walk with the father, he described numerous plants used for
traditional foods, thatching roofs, and making ropes.
We thanked the Malecu family and returned to the bus in search of the Medicine
Middle-Man. After interviewing the Medicine Middle-Man (see following interview), we
traveled into the Malecu village to interview a middle-aged tree-farmer/artisan
concerning natural medicine and more specifically how many people visit this Medicine
Middle-Man. He too confirmed the prominence of clinical care and, with a slight
chuckle, stated that the Middle-Man is a quack or town joke.
Medicine Middle-Man
After interviewing the Malecu family, we came to the Medicine Middle-Man’s
house and garden. He exhibited a mural of a jaguar above the door, a hand-painted
statement of medical knowledge on a plank of wood, and a certificate of participation
from an obscure medical conference tacked inside the home. He welcomed our group
and led us into dark room with four hard beds. Above the beds hung small plastic
baggies of yellow, green, and brown liquid, several types of dried herbs, and what
appeared to be small animal bones. Adjacent to the beds were emptied plastic soda
bottles filled with more yellow, green, and brown concoctions.
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Picture 3. “Medicine Middle-Man’s” Home/Practice
It took a minute for our stunned group to absorb everything before we asked him
about his practice. He informed us that he has cured 13 of 19 patients with AIDS, rid
countless people of cancer, treated ulcers in the legs and skin, and killed various types of
microbes. His peculiar etiology states that all diseases originate in the colon, move up the
intestines to the liver and pancreas and then to their final destinations. He then asserted
that western medicine does not address the colon and thus does not work. Following this
etiology, he advises his patients to not eat chicken or tomatoes because of their
detrimental effects on the colon. Additionally, they should not eat beef because of the
hormones, abstain from milk past the age of eighteen, and only eat the yolks of eggs. He
was reluctant to describe in detail his knowledge of natural healing, but he did describe
six medicinal plants (Table 2) in his small backyard garden.
Women’s Group of La Gamba
On July 21, 2005 our group visited the rural community of La Gamba to interview
a local women’s group titled Mujeres Visionarias. We gathered in an open auditorium to
meet the executive members of the group and were given an encompassing list of
seventy-five medicinal plants along with their purposes and preparations. They gave a
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short speech on the community’s various eco-friendly practices as well as a sales pitch or
their organic shampoo.
Picture 4. Executive Member of Las Mujeres Visionarias
We toured several of the Mujeres Visionarias’ home gardens and asked the
women specifically about any medicinal plants that they may be growing. After we
explored the gardens and sampled some mid-morning coconut milk, we amassed firsthand information on a total of seventeen medicinal plants (Table 2) that were grown in
their personal gardens. We then returned to the auditorium to eat lunch, purchase some
organic shampoo, and say goodbye.
Saint Rafael de Guatuso
While we were interviewing the Malecu, our group was stationed in the nearest
town of Guatuso. In addition to the Malecu study, we interviewed the Guatuso
bartenders concerning locals with any knowledge of natural medicine. A young
bartender (mid-twenties) said that a gentleman across the bar knew a great deal, but
before I approach him, I should drink a traditional remedy for hangovers called Hombre
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Grande or Big Man. I was hesitant at first, given the name, but did it purely for the sake
of science. The simple tonic consisted of 3-4 oz. of vodka and small strips of wood from
the Hombre Grande (Quassia amara) tree. It was surprisingly smooth and soothed my
stomach.
After passing the test, we were granted access to the knowledgeable patron who
was middle aged and dressed in after-work attire. He and his friend appeared eager, if
not honored, to be interviewed and quickly jotted down thirteen medicinal plants and
their uses (Table 2). We bought the gentlemen a round, said thank-you, and wished them
the best. The following day we realized we didn’t know the profession of the gentleman
we had interviewed and again returned to the bar for more sleuthing. The same young
bartender informed us that the gentleman was actually an appliance salesman in a nearby
town. We thanked him and concluded our bar research in Guatuso.
Picture 5. Young Bartender
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Indigenous Medical Knowledge
Table 1. Collection of Medicinal plant and its purpose as described by the Indigenous informants
Borucan Woman
Malecu
Natural Remedy
Garlic (Allium sativum), Lard, & other herbs
Purpose
Topical for Snakebite
Natural Remedy
Purpose
Cafanka (Piper
Oral anesthesia
darienensis)
Garlic (Allium sativum )
Eaten for Tumors
Garlic (Allium sativum) Shampoo
Scalp problems
“Sojitas”
*Not Given*
Tuete (Vernonia patens)
Ulcers and gangrene in
legs
Madero Negro (Glyricidia saepium)
Leg Fungus
Cypress Leaves (Cuppressus lusitanicus) &
Tea for Cough
Honey
Saragundi (Cassia reticulata)
Arthritis
Banana (Musa spp.) Vinegar
Headache
Albahaca (Ocimum sp.) & Rosa Muerta (Rosa
Infant flu
sp.?)
Sacatinta (Justicia tinctoria)
*Not Given* (Plant dye
& antibiotic)
Azul de mata (Justicia tinctoria)
*Not Given* (Plant
270dye
& antibiotic)
Non-Indigenous Medicinal Knowledge
Table 2. Collection of Medicinal plant and its purpose as described by the non-Indigenous informants
Medicine Middle Man
Natural Remedy
Balsamo (Ochroma lagopus)
La Gamba Women
Purpose
Brace for violent shaking with
Natural Remedy
Guarumo (Cecropia sp.)
Purpose
Bug bites & inflammation
Parkinsons
Valerian (Valariana sp.)
Topical and eaten for Depression & Guayaba (Psidium guajava)
Tea for Diarrhea
Psych Problems
“Conovia”
Tea for Back pain
Noni (Morinda lucentifolia)
Anti-oxidant, anti-inflammatory,
cleans blood, soothes stomach
Moriseco (Bidens pilosa)
Tea for Acne
Tuna (Opuntia ficus-indica)
Shampoo for Hair loss
Tilo (Justicia pectoralis)
Tea (flowers) for Insomnia
Llanten (Plantago major)
Tea for Kidneys, Internal bruises, &
Varicose veins
Castano (Aesculus
Cheap Sustenance
Arnica (Chaptalia nutans)
Tea for Bruises & birthgiving
(bleeding)
hippocastanum)
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Cola de Caballo (Equisetum
Tea for Arthritis
bogotense)
Hoja del aire (Kalanchoe pinnatum)
Fry and put behind ear for headache
Juanilama (Lippia alba)
Tea for Fever & cough
Unripe Coconut Juice (Cocos
Raise blood pressure
nucifera)
Azul de Mata (Justicia tinctoria)
Topical tea for Skin ulcers
Ajo de Monte (Allium sativum)
Fry then topical for Arthritis
Ylang Ylang (Cananga odorata)
Shampoo
Sagu (Maranta arundinacea)
Paste with water to drink for
Diarrhea
Salvia Virgen (Buddlea americana)
Tea for Stomach ache
Cuculmeca (Smilax sp.)
Rhumatism
Plus the addition 59 medicinal plants on our sheet.
Non-Indigenous Medicinal Knowledge
Table 2. Collection of Medicinal plant and its purpose as described by the non-Indigenous informants
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Guatuso
Natural Remedy
Purpose
Hombre Grande (Quassia amara)
Hangover and Stomach Problems
Gavilana (Neurolaena lobata)
Stomach ache
Juanilama (Lippia alba)
Stomach ache
Ruda (Ruta chalepensis) & Menta (Mentha spp.)
Stomach ache
Leaf of Papaya (Carica papaya)
Diabetes
Root of Marijuana (Cannabis sativa)
Asthma
Cascara de Guayaba (Psidium guajava)
Stomach ache
Bark of Indio desnudo (Busera simarouba)
Stomach ache
Leaf of Guarumo (Cecropia sp.)
Clean the liver
Cana Agria (Costus spp.) con Zacate de limon (Cymbopogon
*Not Given* (Upset stomach)
citratum)
Pelo de maiz (Stamens of Zea mays) &
Kidney stones
Cola de caballo (Equisetum bogotense)
Rangallo or Una de Gato (Any of several spiny vines)
Prevent cancer and clean the blood or body
Hoja Tierna de Naranja Agria (Citrus aurantia)
Clean the blood
Cuculmeca (Smilax sp.)
Purify the blood and induces hunger
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DISCUSSION
A comparison of Tables 1 & 2 gives the impression that the non-Indigenous group
knew vastly more (~3X) than the Indigenous group concerning natural healing. Table 2
depicts thirty-six natural remedies versus only thirteen found in Table 1. In addition,
more detailed descriptions of preparation and purpose are given in Table 2. The tables
thus vaguely suggest that as the Indigenous communities rely more on socialized healthcare, their knowledge of natural healing quietly slips away.
However, the method and timing of data collection greatly mitigate this claim.
The Indigenous interviews were early in the program when we were shaky in our Spanish
proficiency, nervous in our probing, and unreliable in our data collection. Even with four
colleagues per interview, there was bound to be important information lost regardless of
cross-referencing. In addition, the Indigenous people we interviewed were probably not
representative of the group’s collective medicinal knowledge. For instance, in a
conversation with a colleague about the lack of Malecu natural medicine knowledge, he
stated that the Malecu gentleman he had interviewed knew a great deal and had disclosed
information about countless medicinal plants in his home garden. However, none of this
conversation was transcribed and thus not included. The lack of Spanish comprehension,
nervous interviews, and the small, unrepresentative pool were the most detrimental facets
to accurately portraying the Indigenous medicinal knowledge.
In order to truthfully represent this comparison, this study would need to be
conducted on a much larger scale – certainly more than one Borucan and a single Malecu
family. A stronger Spanish proficiency or at least an interpreter would be required to
properly gather all of the information. Also, interviewing a true Indigenous “Medicine
Man” or “Natural Healer” would be the greatest source of knowledge concerning the
subject.
But who cares? Who cares if the Indigenous people forget the traditional customs
to adopt the Western ways? What’s wrong with a Borucan taking Prozac for a foul
mood, pumping their kids full of Ritalin before school, and popping Viagra before bed?
Well the answer is that we, westerners, do not know the true individual, social, and
evolutionary effects that these drugs may hold. This new-age of medicine is less than a
century old and riddled with many untested, unforeseen, and unthinkable consequences.
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The Indigenous peoples have harmoniously and conservatively used the land to sustain
their people for millennia with minimal impact. As this practical knowledge is lost,
humans becomes more and more disconnected from the dynamic, nurturing Giver of Life
and more dependent on the mindless, merciless HMO’s and profit driven insurance
companies.
WORKS CITED
Cabrera, Ricardo P. 1938 Sinopsis de Medicina Vegetal University of Costa Rica, San
Jose.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I would like to thank the OTS staff for providing the opportunity to interview the
Indigenous groups through the Ethnobiology course. Thank you to the Boruca and
Malecu communities, Ben Baldner for cross referencing my notes, Luis “The Don” Diego
for his help in properly identifying the plants, Rebequita for endless humor and constant
misunderstanding, Noriko Brubrek for clever insights and daily inspiration, and
Katherine Hardy for her brutal editing. My greatest thanks goes to the Las Cruces
“cocineras” who have prepared wonderful food day in and day out for our hungry and
fussy group.
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Bridging the Knowledge Gap: A Call for Community Development
Allison Puleo
Dept. of Cultural Studies, New School University
65 West 11th St., New York, New York
[email protected]
Abstract:The pace of acculturation is rapidly diminishing the
rich culture of many indigenous communities throughout Costa
Rica. The knowledge of medicinal plants is a valuable entity
that can be utilized to preserve indigenous knowledge. By
conducting an ethnographical study, and comparing the
communities of Boruca and La Gamba, we can examine how
community based ecotourism organizations work positively
towards sustainable development. Grass roots organizations as
exemplified in La Gamba, are essential in preserving
indigenous knowledge.
Key Word Index: Costa Rica, Acculturation, Ecotourism, Indigenous, Conservation.
Introduction
The cultural vitality of many indigenous communities has been progressively
fading throughout the last few decades by the extensive influences of acculturation. A
possible pivotal key element to the sustainability and rural development for many
struggling communities is the utilization of the rich indigenous knowledge that they
possess. One particularly important cultural aspect of various indigenous groups is their
knowledge of the uses of medicinal plants and traditional healing practices of their
communities. The medicinal plants used by various indigenous tribes has been
extensively studied, however such knowledge and its holders are continuously dying with
time. By conducting a comparative study of the medicinal plants used by the people of
the Boruca village and the rural community of La Gamba, we can analyze the factors that
276
influence the preservation of indigenous knowledge, as well as its extinction. My
research has focused on evaluating the medicinal plants used by each group, and how, if
at all cultural and medicinal knowledge is being preserved.
The Boruca, traditionally known as Brunka, are an indigenous community located
in the South Pacific coast of Costa Rica, in a region about 6 miles inland that stretches
east along the plains of the Diqui’s River. About 2,000 indigenous people inhabit the
area, which was first documented in 1608 by Fray Alonso de la Calle (Stone1949).
Their community is distinctly known for basket and fabric weaving, farming, and
traditional handcrafts. Throughout time and acculturation by the Costa Ricans, many
Boruca people have slowly lost their culture and language (Stone, 1949). However,
many Boruca still maintain a strong sense of cultural pride and connection to their
heritage. Medicine was, and still is an important aspect of traditional Boruca culture that
is prominent throughout their society. The local knowledge of medicinal plants is held
by few members of the older generation, and we can question how and why the
transmission of this knowledge is slowly dissipating.
The rural community of La Gamba is located in the south of Costa Rica, about 15
kilometers northeast of Golfito. Similarly, the people of La Gamba have deep cultural
interest in medicinal plants and agricultural practices that binds their community together.
What makes La Gamba unique is that they have established local community based
organizations to promote ecotourism, and preserve awareness of medicinal plants and
farming practices. The organization of community based knowledge can profoundly
influence the preservation of indigenous knowledge and cultural practices. By
comparing the medicinal practices of the people of Boruca to La Gamba, we can draw
conclusions about the preservation of indigenous knowledge and ultimately the cultural
livelihood of an indigenous community.
Materials and Methods
On July 18th 2005, our Ethnobiology group visited the Boruca community. We
arrived in the village in the early mornig and dispersed in small groups of students to
conduct research and interviews amongst the Boruca people and their village. To
thoroughly research the Boruca and accurately transcribe interviews I used a digital voice
277
recorder and camera, as well as written notes taken on discussions and observations.
Throughout the day I went to different houses throughout the community to seek
informants. In total I interviewed five Boruca women, two under 35 years old, and three
50 years or older, who will be referred to as informants 1-5 to protect their anonymity. I
obtained information about what specific plants the Boruca used, how they were
prepared, and what ailments they treated. I had various discussions about the social
structure of the community, and how they obtained basic medical care. In addition, I
inquired about who had knowledge and access to medicinal plants in the Boruca
community. Through observation and informant interviews I gained a perception of the
medicinal plants valuable to the Boruca community, and how the bearers of indigenous
knowledge played a direct role in the accessibility of traditional medicine.
Two days later on July 20th, we visited the rural community of La Gamba, where I
conducted participant observation and obtained information about medicinal plants from
two main activities they had planned for our visit. First, the Las Mujeres Visionarias
group toured us around their various gardens, explaining locally grown medicinal plants
and their specific uses. Secondly, we toured the completely organic farm and its entities,
developed by a small group of farmers in La Gamba. Throughout the activities in the La
Gamba community I researched the effectiveness of Las Mujeres Visionaries
organization in conserving and transmitting their knowledge of medicinal plants.
I also
evaluated the ways in which community based ecotourism influences the preservation of
knowledge.
Results
While studying in the Boruca community, my interviews revealed various
medicinal plants, and interesting traditional health practices of their people and culture.
The Boruca village is a colorful display of tiny houses lined by windy dirt roads. The
exterior of the village is visibly surrounded by the abundant forest of the highlands.
There we many children playing outside in street who we eager to inquire about our
presence and provided a good opportunity for initial opening discussions. After
approaching people outside their homes and explaining my research, I was typically
invited inside to further the interview. At first, many informants were hesitant to share
278
information, but as the discussion progressed they expressed a passion for their medicinal
knowledge and traditional healing practices. Various common plant usages and
preparations were identified throughout the five informants such as, mint (mentha pulegia
lamiaceae, for stomach pains), juanilama (lippia alba for fevers), leaves of the cocoa
plant (Cocos nucifera, for headaches), sacatinta (Justicia tinctoria, for fingernail fungus),
salvia ( Buddleia americana, for child birth) and Jincoave to maintain daily heath. The
older women informants went into great detail about the availability, preparation, and
relevance of each medicinal plant to their health and community.
It was impressive to observe the strong sense of traditional knowledge that many
of the older women portrayed, and their confidence in the use of specific medicinal
plants. However, there was an apparent divide between the older and younger
generations, who lacked the same confidence in their cultural knowledge and medicinal
plants. Informant 1, a 30 year old mother of four living with both her children and her
mother, responded to many of my questions about plant uses by explaining that her
mother knew the names of the plants and how to prepare them. Although she and her
children frequently used medicinal plants she depended solely on her mother’s
knowledge to obtain access to them. Similarly, informant 2 explained that she and much
of the community obtained all their medicinal health care from a neighbor who knew a
great deal about medicinal plants, and maintained her own garden to grow them. When I
attempted to visit this renowned medicine woman’s house, her granddaughter answered
the door, explaining her grandmother wasn’t home. When I questioned her about
traditional medicinal care she replied that she knew nothing about plants, and her
grandmother was the only one in the household who had any medicinal knowledge.
Informant 4 was an elderly woman who expressed a great deal of knowledge and
concern about traditional Boruca medicinal practices and the declining number of
community members who contributed to it. She explained the many medicinal practices
used in the Boruca culture to assist the child birthing process, and that there was only one
old woman left in the community who had the knowledge to apply them. She expressed
her concern about the future, stating that when this woman dies the knowledge will be
lost and traditional Boruca practices will be discontinued. My interviews with the Boruca
community revealed a pervasive issue concerning the disintegration of medicinal
279
indigenous knowledge. There is an apparent gap between generations, and without any
documentation or oral transmission of medicinal knowledge, many medicinal Boruca
practices and cultural traditions will be forever lost.
Perhaps when we think of the development of indigenous knowledge it is
perceived to be through a western framework of societal progression. Agrawal notes that
we must not overlook the dynamic between power and knowledge that exists, and
debilitates indigenous groups that seek to advance through such a model (Agrawal,
1995). This power dynamic is inevitably a factor that inhibits the development of an
indigenous group, if they seek to advance through the same structure which has been
demolishing them in the first place. I am not suggesting that the organization of
medicinal knowledge within the Boruca community could become an economic and
political strategy for development. Rather, to form a union within the community that
collaborated medicinal knowledge and traditional practices would preserve indigenous
knowledge for future generations, and in effect preserve the Boruca culture. As traditions
fade, and as my interviews reveals, people in the community seek healthcare through
outside institutions (hospital/EBAIS). The continuum of this trend will eventually
pervade into all aspects of their society, and subject the Boruca people to further
acculturation and degradation by outside forces.
The preservation of the indigenous knowledge and culture of the Boruca
community calls for a reassessment and reversal of objectives within the communities
attitudes towards development (Agrawal, 1995). The start of a community based
organization that included various member’s knowledge of medicinal plants and natural
healing practices could act as a spark to reignite the rich livelihood that was once the
Boruca culture. I am suggesting this unification is necessary not for the “development”
of Boruca as regarded in the West, but rather for the preservation and revival of their
culture and . Creating a more tightly knit community where members could better
depend on one another would evolve Boruca to become a stronger society within itself.
The preservation of indigenous knowledge could be used as a teaching tool for the
younger generation to carry on traditions. Such community organization would involve
and benefit solely the people of Boruca. The knowledge of medicinal plants and
practices is a unique tool that only few indigenous people still possess. The utilization
280
and organization of this knowledge may be the last hope for many cultures struggling
against the forces of modernization.
The La Gamba community has developed community based organizations, which
promote ecotourism and simultaneously preserve local campesino knowledge. The Las
Mujeres Visionarias group is a collaboration of local women, bringing together their
knowledge of medicinal plants to organize a grass roots ecotourism attraction. They
have produced a document citing 75 medicinal plants used in their community, as well as
established a hair product line made organically from their locally grown plants. It was
an amazing experience to walk around each of the women’s gardens, as they pointed out
each plant, its uses, and preparation. The women exuded confidence and excitement in
their knowledge of medicinal plants, and were eager to share it with us. They prepared a
tea for us to try made from leaves of the Salvia Virgen plant (Buddleia americana), and
commonly used the ease stomach pain and calm the nerves. The organization of Las
Mujeres Visionarias effectively collaborates indigenous knowledge in such a way that its
legacy can easily be transmitted and traditional practices preserved.
Discussion
What makes La Gamba unique is that all actors who facilitate the organizations
are from within the community. In this way those who possess knowledge have the
autonomy to use and disperse it how they wish, a factor which Agrawal notes as in situ
preservation (Agrawal, 1995). This knowledge control allows for its holders to have the
ultimate say in whom has access to indigenous knowledge and for what cost. Perhaps,
rather than marketing knowledge for economic gain, the conservation and active practice
of knowledge would be more beneficial for the long term sustainability of a community.
Indigenous knowledge is pertinent to the livelihood and sustainability of
community development, and its proper utilization can avoid the destructions of
acculturation (Agrawal, 1995). By comparing the Boruca and La Gamba community, it
is apparent to see how developing ecotourism projects effectively work to preserve
indigenous or local knowledge. The once rich knowledge of traditional medicinal plants
by the Boruca is rapidly becoming extinct, as the gap between generations grows without
communicating cultural information. As seen in La Gamba, community based groups aid
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to promote ecotourism, and in turn influence the sustainable development of a small
community. However, perhaps more importantly such organizations provide an outlet for
indigenous knowledge to be documented and preserved against time and acculturation. A
study of the medicinal plants in home gardens of La Gamba revealed that the majority of
school children had the ability to identify and name medicinal plant species within the
community (Pekarek and Vogl).
La Gamba represents a successful model of the potential for community based
organizations to preserve indigenous knowledge and ultimately avoid cultural
obliteration. Agrawal notes indigenous knowledge as “connected with the livelihoods of
people rather than with abstract ideas and philosophies (Agrawal, 1995)”. Perhaps this
connection with humanity is what makes indigenous knowledge such a distinctive
potential for new discoveries of healing plant properties; an area which is now being
aggressively pursued by modern medicine and science, for the economic gain of the
pharmaceutical industry. Indigenous communities and the precious knowledge they
possess must take initiatives toward the preservation of their traditions. As Agrawal
notes, there is a direct correlation between knowledge and power. Knowledge is only
useful in the hands of its beholder, and in this aspect indigenous communities have the
power to control future of their culture.
282
Acknowledgements
I would like to thank the people of Boruca and La Gamba for being willing to
share their experiences and perceptions with me. I would also like to thank the Costa
Rican Language Academy staff, and The Organization of Tropical Studies for
providing me with the opportunity to study the indigenous communities and natural
environment of Costa Rica.
References
Agrawal,A. 1995. Dismantling the Divide Between Indigenous and Scientific
Knowledge. Development and Change Vol.26.pg.413-439.
Pekarek, Brigit; Vogl.Christine. Medicinal Plants of the Home Gardens in La Gamba,
Costa Rica: Abundance, Application, Use and Knowledge of the Local People.
University for Natural Resources and Applied Life Sciences Vienna (BOKU). (year of
pub not given).
Stone, Doris. 1949.The Boruca of Costa Rica. Papers of the Peabody Museum of
American Archaeology and Ethnology. 26 (2):3-10
283
Beyond the Smiles: A look at the teeth of Indigenous Children in
Costa Rica
Shaina Wahl
Dept. of Biology, Duke University
Durham, NC 27708
[email protected]
ABSTRACT
In this study the dental health of children age 3-20 of the Boruca and
Maleku Indigenous communities was examined. By learning how
many cavities each child had, their attitude towards their dentist, and
how often they brush their teeth, an evaluation was made of their
general dental health. The results showed that the majority of the
children of both communities brushed their teeth three times each day
and liked their dentist. The biggest difference was that the Maleku
children had a lot more cavities than the Boruca children. This
difference could be a result of genetics, diet or an overall poor
understanding of dental hygiene. Further studies are needed to
understand what can be done to improve their situation.
Key Word Index. Dentistry, Indigenous, Cavities, Dental Hygiene and Costa Rica.
Introduction
Dental care has changed substantially with increased knowledge about how to
prevent problems that used to be considered normal. In fact, Klatell, Kaplan, and
Williams (1991) point out that with what is known today there is no reason that
people should ever have pain or lose teeth with old age. The goal of this study is to
judge the quality of dental care among the youth of two Indigenous communities in
Costa Rica. This information is useful because it reflects the growing importance of
preventing dental problems. More importantly, it is a reflection on how well
socialized medicine is reaching Indigenous communities of Costa Rica. All dental
284
costs are covered by the government, so the dental health of the community depends
on their personal dental hygiene and willingness to visit the clinic. It will be helpful to
the future of the community to evaluate if there is anything more that can be done in
order to prevent serious problems.
To highlight the growing popularity of dentistry in Costa Rica between 1990
and 2000, it is useful to look at statistics from the National Dental Association. First
of all it must be taken into account that there is a growing demand for dentists since
the population has grown from 1.8 million to 3.5 million. In 1990 there were 299
qualified dentists and in 2000 there were 1,500. In 1990 there used to be 6,020 people
per dentist whereas in 200 there were 2,330 people per dentist. This is necessary to
provide better dental care and to satisfy the demand since dental care is free. In 2000,
35% of dentists worked in public services compared to 72% working in private
services and 35% working in universities. Unfortunately there are not always enough
public dentists to satisfy the demand which forces people to pay for private dentists.
Also, in 1990, 27 people graduated from dental school whereas in 2000 there were
350 graduates. As more dentists enter the field, they should be able to handle the
demand. The general dental health of Costa Ricans should improve more and more
with the increasing number of dentists.
The recently published Analisis de Situación de Salud (2004) reports that
under the Programa de Atención Area de Salud Coto Brus in Costa Rica in 2004,
socialized dental care has shown to be a success with 8586 consultations of which
3604 were under the age of 9 and 2942 were between 10 and 19 years old. In addition,
there were 1409 consultations in schools. The fact that 7455 of the 8586 of the
consultations were first visits to the dentist shows that more citizens now have easy
access to dental care which is most likely a result of the growing number of dentists.
The first question of interest is how many times the children brush their teeth
each day. Klatell, Kaplan and Williams (1991) state that brushing teeth daily is the
best way to prevent cavities because it is the only way to loosen plaque. Toothpaste is
also important because the fluoride strengthens tooth enamel therefore preventing
decay. In Costa Rica all toothpaste has fluoride since it is so crucial to preventative
dental care. In addition, the water has been fluorinated since 1986. In fact Salas
(1995) wrote that by 1992 there was a 48% reduction in the amount of cavities among
the children drinking the water in Costa Rica. Stay (1996) states that the highest
concentration of plaque is usually between the teeth and around the gumline. She also
285
describes how cavities may be detected by a white buildup that will eventually turn
brown. This is how cavities will be detected in the study. Asking how many times the
children brush daily will help to interpret the frequency of cavities since brushing is
the most effective way to prevent them. It is possible that children may not be
brushing frequently enough or possibly not well enough. In addition, it serves as a
reflection on the importance of dental care among the youth of the community.
The second question was about their attitude towards their dentist. Dentistry
used to be associated with pain; however, with our modern understanding of dentistry,
there is no need for pain. Often the fear of pain and discomfort is hard for people to
overcome when visiting their dentist. The attitude of the children towards their dentist
will reflect the quality of the dentistry as well as how well the children understand the
importance of going to the dentist.
Lastly the children were asked to open their mouth so that the location and
quantity of cavities could be noted. This information will reflect how well brushing
and visits from the dentist to the school are preventing cavities. Cavities are a result of
the direct contact of acidic plaque to the tooth surface which causes the enamel to
demineralize and form a cavity as described by Flora Parsa Stay (1996.)
It must also be taken into account that cavities in baby teeth are not as serious
as cavities in adult teeth because baby teeth will fall out. If the group of older children
have high numbers of cavities, this is a sign that there is a more serious problem in
communicating and carrying out preventative dental care.
There is a well supported theory that genetics is a large factor in predicting
how many cavities a person will get regardless of how hard they try to prevent them.
Soxman (2004) urges children to figure out their genetic dental history in order to
prevent problems later in life. Also, one of the main causes of cavities regardless
hygiene is related to eating large amounts of sugar. Therefore, diet must also be used
to analyze the data.
Materials and Methods
286
1= Maleku
13= Boruca
http://www.kytkascostarica.com/tribes.htm
The Boruca are located in the region shown in Figure 1. This is in the county
of Buenos Aires in the providence of Puntarenas in Costa Rica. The group visited
inhabits the highlands of this region. There are approximately 2,000 people in this
community. In the Maleku community the children of Palenque Tonjibe were
interviewed. The Maleku reserve is located in the region shown in Figure 1. There are
approximately 500 people in this community.
In order to research the dental care of children age 3-20 years old in the
Boruca and Maleku Indigenous communities, a random sample of children were
interviewed and briefly examined.
The design of the interview was two questions followed by a brief look into
their mouths to note cavities and missing teeth. First, they were asked how many
times they brushed their teeth a day. Second they were asked whether or not they
liked the dentist. The mouths were then examined and teeth with cavities were marked
on a diagram of teeth. In this way all cavities, not just fillings were taken into account.
For all subjects, age and gender were noted. For the sake of privacy, no child will be
287
referred to by name but rather by case number. Supplies included a digital camera,
small notebook of mouth diagrams and pen.
The results were studied in various ways. The data on the number of cavities
found in each case study was separated into age groups to observe the correlation
between number of cavities and age. This is necessary since around age 5 or 6
children will start losing baby teeth. It is necessary to compare the quantity of cavities
found in the younger age groups compared to the older children. The data about
whether or not children like their dentist will be studied based on the percentage in
order to notice the broad trend. The data about how many times a day a child brushes
their teeth will be stratified to determine what percentage brushes 4 times a day, 3
times a day, 2 times a day or once a day. This will once again highlight the trend in
teeth brushing among the youth.
Results
Boruca:
In the Boruca community, an elementary and high school were visited in order
to talk with children and observe their daily setting. Many were eating lunch,
purchasing snacks and playing. In the elementary school there was a snack shop
behind the school building as well as a building where food was cooked for lunch.
The high school had one snack shop next to the school and one directly across the
street. Refer to figures 1-7 for the layout of the schools.
The children from the elementary school usually go home for lunch, but those
that eat lunch at the school bring their toothbrushes and brush after lunch as is
displayed in Figure 2. Although there is a lack of professional dental care, all the
children had surprisingly white and straight teeth. The children generally had no
problem letting me see their teeth although the older boys were a lot shier. Often they
would look to their friends as if embarrassed or not open their mouth very wide. In
one classroom of 3 and 4 year olds, there was a pouch for every child’s toothbrush as
is shown in Figure 1.
288
Figure 1: Bulletin Board in Boruca Elementary classroom
Figure 2: Student outside Boruca Elemntary school after lunch
289
Figure 3: Snack shop next to Elementary School in Boruca
Figure 4: Elementary School in Boruca
290
Figure 5: Where children eat at the elementary school
Figure 6: Snack shop next to high school in Boruca
291
Figure 7: Snack shop across the street from the high school in Boruca
Interview with elementary and high school Interview with the Directors: The dentist
that visits the Boruca community is from Buenos Aires and typically visits once a
year for about a week to take care of the most serious problems in the community,
usually extractions. The dentist typically makes a visit to the schools to take care of
serious problems once every three years. If a student has problems, they are basically
forced to visit a private dentist which is very expensive, so the majority can not afford
to go. In the schools, they have a week called “Semana de la Salud Bucodental” where
they look for cavities and give fluoride treatments.
Below in Table 1 is the summary of the information from the teeth diagrams and
questions.
292
Case #
Age
Gender
Cavities
Times brush/day
Like dentist?
1
16
F
1
3
N
2
17
F
0
4
Y
3
17
F
0
3
Y
4
20
F
4
3
Y
5
16
F
2
3
Y
6
16
F
1
3
N
7
17
M
0
3
Y
8
17
F
1
2
Y
9
16
M
0
4
Y
10
12
F
0
3
N
11
12
F
3
3
N
12
12
M
2
3
N
13
13
M
0
3
Y
14
15
M
2
3
Y
15
16
F
2
3
Y
16
13
M
0
2
Y
17
14
M
0
3
Y
18
7
F
0
3
Y
19
11
F
0
3
N
20
4
F
0
3
Y
21
8
M
1
3
N
22
8
M
0
3
Y
23
7
M
2
2
Y
24
6
F
10
3
N
25
9
M
2
2
Y
26
6
M
0
2
Y
27
6
F
5
2
Y
28
5
F
5
3
Y
29
5
M
2
3
Y
Table 1: Raw Data from Boruca Community
293
Age
3-4
5-6
7-8
9-10
11-12
Group
# of
13-
15-16
17-20
14
0
1/0/0/5/5/2 0/1/0/2
0/2
0/3/2
0/0/0
1/2/1/0/2/2 0/0/4/0/1
0
2.17
1
1.67
0
1.33
Cavities
Avg. #
0.75
1
cavities
Table 2: Distribution of cavities among different age groups in the Boruca
Community
Figure 8: Distribution of cavities among age groups in Boruca
10
8
6
cavities
4
2
0
3-4 5-6
7-8 9-10 11-1213-1415-1617-20
Age
Figure 8 shows the graphical relationship between age and cavities from the data in
Table 2. There seems to be a peak around age 5-6 years old right before children start
to lose their baby teeth. After that, the data levels off. It is important to note that the
average number of cavities is extremely low.
Liked Dentist
Didn’t like Dentist
Fraction
21/29
8/29
Percentage
72.41%
27.26%
294
Table 3: Percentages of Boruca children that do or do not like their dentist
Table 3 transfers the data on how many children like the dentist into percentages for
easy
comparison.
Brush 4
Brush 3
Brush 2
Brush 1
times/day
times/day
times/day
time/day
Fraction
2/29
22/29
5/29
0/29
Percentage
6.90%
75.86%
17.24%
0%
Table 4: How often children brush their teeth per day
Table 4 shows the actual numbers and percentages of children that brush their teeth 4
times, 3 times, 2 times or once each day.
Maleku:
In the Maleku Indigenous community, children were found during a walk
around the community and asked the same questions. The children selected were
found playing or around their homes. It was a holiday, so they were not in school.
Unoccupied children were chosen at random. The atmosphere was very casual since
many people sat outside of their homes or with the doors open working.
When asking questions none of the children seemed hesitant to open their
mouths or respond. They did not tease each other. One older girl interviewed
mentioned that she dropped out of school so she was not getting seen by the dentist
regularly which could also affect results from this sample since it was not from the
school. Below are the photographs of two children interviewed in their home (Figure
9 & 10) as well of a group of 5 children interviewed when playing (Figure 11.)
295
Figure 9
.
Figure 10
296
Figure 11: Children playing together in a house in the Maleku community
Interview with Parent: As in the rest of Costa Rica, the Maleku’s receive free dental
care from a nearby clinic if needed. All the children are examined by the dentist that
visits the schools once each year. If the dentist sees cavities, he gives the child a slip
of paper saying that a dentist visit is necessary and it is up to that family to make the
appointment.
297
Case #
Age
Gender
Cavities
Times brush/day
Like dentist?
1
6
M
0
3
Y
2
4
M
0
3
Y
3
10
M
2
3
Y
4
3
F
8
3
Y
5
14
F
3
3
Y
6
16
F
8
3
N
7
6
F
13
2
Y
8
5
M
9
3
N
9
8
M
10
2
Y
10
11
F
1
3
Y
11
9
F
3
3
Y
12
11
M
1
2
Y
13
5
F
7
3
Y
14
4
M
4
3
Y
15
8
M
8
3
Y
16
7
F
4
3
Y
17
5
F
5
3
Y
18
8
F
2
3
Y
19
10
F
2
3
Y
20
11
M
6
3
Y
21
9
F
7
3
Y
22
13
F
8
3
Y
23
8
F
10
3
Y
24
15
M
12
3
Y
Table 5: Raw Data from Maleku Community
The data from Table 5 is based off of interviews and the diagrams made of each
case’s teeth from the Maleku Community.
298
Age Group
3-4
5-6
# of Cavities
0/8/4/5
Avg. #
4.25
7-8
9-10
11-12
13-14
15-16
13/9/7 10/8/4/2/10 2/3/2/7
1/1/6
3/8
8/12
9.67
2.67
5.5
10
6.8
3.5
cavities
Table 6: Avg. Cavities per Age Group
Figure 12 shows a graphical representation of how many cavities were found in each
age group
.
Figure 12 :Distribution of cavities among age groups
10
8
cavities
6
4
2
0
3-4
5-6
7-8
9-10 11-12 13-14 15-16
Age
Liked Dentist
Didn’t like Dentist
Fraction
22/24
2/24
Percentage
91.67%
8.33%
Table 7: Attitude towards dentist
Table 7 shows how many and what percentage of people like and dislike the dentist.
Brush 4
Brush 3
Brush 2
Brush 1
times/day
times/day
times/day
time/day
Fraction
0/24
21/24
3/24
0/24
Percentage
0%
87.50%
12.50%
0%
299
Table 8: How many times the children brush their teeth per day
Table 8 shows how many people brush their teeth three times per day compared to
twice each day and once a day. It then puts these numbers into percentages for easy
comparison.
Discussion
It is evident that the Boruca Community lacks a formal dental care system
since they only have one dentist that visits for a week each year. This system forces
the community to see private dentists which are very expensive.
Although many children do not see the dentist, the schools provide a great
education on dental hygiene. Both the elementary and high schools have a week
where dental health is the primary focus. Observations such as toothbrushes hanging
in classrooms and children brushing their teeth after lunch suggest that the children
are aware the importance of their dental health.
The children of the Boruca generally do not have many cavities. There was
only one extreme case where one child had 10 cavities. The number of cavities was
looked at by age groups of 2 years in order to take into account that within ages 5 to
10 many children are losing baby teeth and growing permanent ones. The data shown
on figure 1 clearly shows that although rates of cavities are low across the age groups,
they peak at age 5. This information most likely correlates to the fact that younger
children eat a lot of candy. The general low number of cavities could suggest that the
population has favorable genetics. This theory is also supported by the incredible
number of children with straight teeth.
Furthermore, the fact that over 80% of the sample of 29 children brushed their
teeth three times each day or more reflects that they know that it is essential to remove
food residue after each meal. This is not to mention, that all the children sampled
brushed their teeth two or more times each day. Since they also were found to have a
low number of cavities, they are not only brushing frequently, but also effectively.
These good hygiene practices greatly reduce the number of future dental problems.
The study on the attitude of the Boruca children towards the dentist in general
shows that about 72% of the sample liked the dentist. Many children do not like the
dentist because they associate him or her with pain; however the fact that most
300
children liked their dentist suggests that they realize dentist visits are important. This
information correlates with the fact that when they see the dentist it is because it is
absolutely necessary. They most likely view the dentist as someone who will take
away their pain and make their teeth look nice.
The lack of extreme health problems is surprising since the children have easy
access to soda and candy at their school. Nadiah (Nadiah Wan, pers. Comm. Aug 05)
discovered that children could either pay in cash for candy or put it on a tab. Given
the fact that they do not need to have money in order to buy candy it would be
expected that it would be hard to control how much candy children are eating. It is
most likely that although candy is easily accessible, they must not eat very much or
else their good brushing habits prevent it from being a problem.
The Maleku community has a better system of formal dentistry. The dentist
visits the school once per year to examine the teeth of each child. The children are
told to visit the dentist outside of school if they have cavities. However, this
community had drastically high numbers of cavities at all ages which suggests a
problem in the dental care they are receiving.
The number of cavities, as displayed in Table 12, peaked at age 5-6 right
before the average child begins to lose their baby teeth. The number of cavities
decreases until age 10, where most children have lost all their baby teeth. After age 10
there is a steady increase in the amount of cavities. It is also important to point out
that the actual number of cavities within this trend is incredibly high with an average
of almost 10 cavities at the age of 5.
It was interesting to find that 92% of the 24 children sampled enjoyed visiting
the dentist. This high number is most likely because most of the children are
dependent on the dentist to fix their numerous dental problems. Without the dentist,
their teeth are in such bad condition that they must experience immense amounts of
pain.
It is very likely that children are not brushing effectively which is why the
children had such bad teeth. This is supported by the fact that 88% of children
sampled brush their teeth 3 times each day and no children brushed only once each
day. Given that brushing teeth is the primary way to avoid cavities, it is interesting
that there are so many among the children.
301
It should also be noted that due to a small sample size the data is not very
accurate. It is therefore more important to look at general trends rather than specific
numbers.
It would be useful to study how often children visit the dentist outside of
school when they are told to do so in the Maleku community. It would also be
interesting to see how long children typically brush their teeth for because although
the data shows that although the children brush often, they might not brush for long
enough to be useful. The results found here could be explained better if it was known
exactly what is taught in the schools about how to take care of their teeth. All of these
further studies are needed in order to analyze the quality of the personal dental
hygiene and information that the Maleku and Boruca communities are receiving.
Acknowledgements
I would like to thank the Boruca and Maleku communities for their hospitality.
In particular I would like to thank the administrators and professors of the Boruca
elementary and high school for helping me interview children and encouraging their
participation in my study. They were also helpful to talk to about the dental education
in their schools. In addition I would like to thank all the children and families that
were involved in my interviews for their patience, time and hospitality. This project
would not have been successful without the participation of everyone involved.
Finally, I would like to thank the Organization for Tropical Studies for the
opportunity to visit Costa Rica. It was a once in a lifetime experience that I can not
begin to describe in words. I hope this program continues in years to come.
References
Analisis de Situacion de Salud. 2004. 197p.
Klatell, Jack. Andrew Kaplan, Gray Williams, Jr. The Mount Sinai Medical Center
Famliy Guide to Dental Health. New York: Macmillan Publishing Company;
1991. 304p.
National Dental Association: Colegio de Cirujanos Dentistas de Costa Rica. Costa
Rica.
302
http://www.fdiworldental.org/resources/assets/facts_and_figures/2000/costa%20rica.p
df
Salas, Mary Tere. Fluorinated Salt. Last Revised 1995.
http://www.ibiblio.org/taft/cedros/english/newsletter/n5/Salt.html
Soxman, Jane. Preventative Guidelines for the Preschool Patient. Last updated
October 19, 2004. http://www.agd.org/library/2005/feb/Soxman_153.pdf
Stay, Flora Parsa. The Complete Book of Dental Remedies. New York: Avery
Publishing
Group; 1996. 220p.
303
The Bath of Seven: Infant Care Among the Boruca
304
Colleen Walsh
Department of Biology and Department of Anthropology
University of Notre Dame
Notre Dame, IN 46511
[email protected]
Abstract
The way in which mothers care for their infants and the success of that care
measured by infant mortality rates are indicators of the development of a community.
With the advent of vaccines and antibiotics infant mortality has decreased in many
communities; however, rural and indigenous communities often lag behind this trend.
It is therefore important to study how indigenous peoples care for their young. This
paper looks at the Boruca of Costa Rica to determine the current preferred location of
birth and method of care for infants. By interviewing older informants a comparison
of current practices with practices in the past was made possible. Overall, while some
traditional herbal remedies are used for infant care, the majority of women prefer to
care for their children under the guidance of a western physician.
KWI: Boruca, infant care, medicinal plants
Introduction
Infant mortality is an important factor in the measure of socio-economic
development of an area. Over the past 4 decades Costa Rica as a whole has seen great
decline in rates of infant mortality (Figure1); however, the indigenous communities in
Figure 1: Infant Mortality in Costa Rica
305
Costa Rica have been slower to follow this trend. The social development index
(SDI) measured by the United Nations (UN 2003), which includes such variables as
educational infrastructure, access to special education programmes, infant mortality,
under-5 mortality, growth deficit among the grade 1 population, average monthly
electricity consumption, and births of children to mothers who have no responsible
companion, indicates a large discrepancy between San Jose (63.6) and the Boruca
community (20.4). Children are the future, and providing them with proper care is
important in every culture, since they are too young to care for themselves. Health
care is especially difficult for children under one year of age, who cannot talk to
explain what is hurting them. Even in the United States where doctors are equipped
with all kinds of tests and equipments that they can use to determine what is ailing a
small child, many doctors describe pediatrics as ‘veterinary medicine.’ In the past,
indigenous villages have not had access to western medicine and have had to rely on
their instincts to determine what was wrong with a child and to rely on their
knowledge of medicinal plants to treat that ailment. As indigenous communities have
had more and more contact with western-influenced societies, many of their traditions
have changed. This paper attempts to determine the extent to which infant care had
changed over the past generation in the Boruca community as a result of increased
western contact.
When Doris Stone produced her manuscript on the Boruca (Stone, 1949) she
described purification ceremonies conducted before and after birth, ceremonial
procedures used to cut the umbilical cord, and the used of a grass bath to wash infants
306
after birth. She also describes a special bracelet which the baby wears made from
nene (Ormosia sp.) seeds, beetle legs, and tiger and canine teeth or coins to bring
them luck and strength. She describes that the baby is weaned at 9-10 months of age
and begins eating atol, made of rice and corn. This paper asked if these ceremonial of
traditional infant care were still practiced. It also addresses the method by which
infants are fed, and when and how breastmilk is supplemented. Several traditional
herbal products currently used for infant care are discussed focusing on the herbal
bath used to bathe babies, referred to as the “bath of seven”.
Materials and Methods
On 19 July, 2005, I visited the village of Boruca, the main village of the
indigenous Boruca, or Brunca, population. The Boruca Reserve is located in south
eastern Costa Rica, and the village of Boruca is 6 miles inland from the River de
Diquís (Grande de Térraba) and an altitude of 466 m, 8 km off of Paso Real, on a
rough and hilly dirt road from which there are spectacular views of the valley and
River Grande de Diquís. During this initial visit, I met with 6 female informants,
ranging in age from 18 to 73, all of whom had at least 1 child. Informants were asked
where they gave birth to their children and general questions about how they cared for
their children during their first year of life. Interviews were recorded using a hand
307
held digital voice recorder. Participants were informed that I was a student studying
with the OET and gave informed consent to be interviewed and (with one exception)
recorded. Notes were also taken by had during the interviews.
On 4 August, 2005 I returned to the village of Boruca to conduct a follow-up
interview with the 73 year old informant who had not permitted the interview to be
recorded. The desired participant was unavailable; however, her 36 year old daughter
provided information about various natural remedies used for infants. She explained
the part of the plants which were used, how they were used, and what they were used
for. In addition she showed in the field those plants for which she did not know the
names and photographs were taken of these using a digital camera. In addition a
female partera for the Boruca community who is approximately 40 years old was
interviewed. She also showed several of the plants which are used, and photos were
taken of these. Both women gave informed consent for the interviews and for the use
of the photos of the plants.
Identification of the plants, assignment of scientific names, and determination
of purported medical properties and additional uses was possible with the help of Luis
Diego Gómez and the literature available.
Interviews were also conducted in La Gamba on 21 July, 2005 with a group of
female Costa Ricans who grow and use medicinal plants. La Gamba is a “tico”
settlement and it was here used as a control group for rural living.
Results and Discussion
During the interviews conducted on 19 July and 4 Aug in Boruca the
informants were asked a series of questions regarding infant care and were also to
provide information regarding their age, number of children, and location at which
they gave birth to their children. This information is summarized in the table 1 below:
Table 1: Summary of responses from Boruca Informants
informant ref #
age of
Number
age of
Location
age at which
type of
kind of bath used
and date of
informant
of
first
of
begin
supplementation
for relaxation
interview
at time of
children
pregnancy
childbirth
supplementation
given during first
interview
born
of breast milk
year
6 mo
Vegetable "soup"
#1
27
2
20
Hospital
19 July
#2
soap and water
(herbal bath)
18
1
16
Hospital
308
3 mo
Gerber baby food
soap and water
19 July
#3
37
8
~20
Hospital
5 mo
19 July
#4
mashed fruit and
soap and water
vegetables
73
10
16
Home
After 1 year
None
Herbal bath of 7
71
2
~15
Home
After 1 year
None
Herbal bath
~36
2
19
Hospital
Na
Na
Herbal bath of 7
~40
9
~15
Home
Na
Na
Herbal bath of 7
19 July
#5
19 July
#6
4 Aug
#7
4 Aug
When the women were asked if any kind of ceremony took place for the infant
either just prior to birth or during the first year of life, all women only mentioned
baptism and the first birthday. This indicates that the ceremonies and traditions
mentioned by Stone in 1949: purification of the house prior to and after birth, bathing
the infant in grasses, and the use of bracelets for luck and strength; have been lost
from cultural practice among the Boruca. However, the older women were not
questioned regarding the practices of their parents nor ceremonies done by elders, so
it is not possible to determine within which generation and what time period these
traditions were lost.
The transition from giving birth at home to giving birth in the hospital mainly
took place within one generation estimated in the 1980’s-1990’s. Both of the older
women (informants 4 and 5) had their children before there was a clinic near the
village and before there were drivable roads to reach the village. Both women made
strong statements that in the past many children died; however this does not mean that
they believe all birth should take place in the hospital. Informant 6, the daughter of
informant 4, explained that the rest of her sisters gave birth at home under the
supervision of a female birth attendant assisted by their mother. Informant 6 had her
children in the hospital because she had a high-risk pregnancy. If her risk had been
lower, she would have given birth at home. Informant 7 also gave birth at home and,
as she is a trained birth attendant, assisted all but one of her daughters to give birth at
home. However, overall it appears that informant 6 and her sisters and informant 7
and her daughters are exceptions to the general trend of younger women to prefer to
give birth in the hospital. More informants would need to be interviewed in order to
309
statistically confirm this trend. Additional investigation should also be conducted to
determine why women today prefer to give birth in the hospital. It is very likely that
having a hospital birth is a status symbol for the mother, and that there is a negative
‘backwards’ connotation associated with home births. The is the opposite of the
current trend in North American and European culture which is a backlash against the
medicalization of pregnancy.
The women were also questioned regarding the method by which they fed
their infants. All women began breastfeeding their children as soon as possible after
birth and continued breastfeeding them throughout their first year of life. The older
women (informants 4 and 5) did not give the babies anything except for maternal milk
during the first year of life, but younger women began supplementing the breast milk
with soups and soft fruits and vegetables as early as 3 months (see table 1). It is
interesting that none of the informants mentioned the use of atol, made from rice and
corn (Stone, 1949). Apparently this traditional infant supplement is no longer used by
Borucan mothers. The fact that younger mothers are beginning to feed their children
solid food at a younger age and especially the use of pre-packaged foods, such as
Gerber, is a sign of a developing community striving to modernize. Although it is
actually much healthier for the infant to only receive breast milk for the first year of
life, worldwide many young mothers are convinced by advertisements and poorly
informed rural physicians that some for of supplementation is needed during the first
year of life.
Informants were asked if they used any special form of bath to wash their
infants, either to prevent illness or to calm them. Perhaps some of the most interesting
information can from this aspect of infant care. The variety of responses and some
possible explanations for the type of answers given are as follows:
Informant 1 knew of herbal baths which could be used; however, she could only
name three of many plants used to make the bath and admitted that she neither
knew how to make the bath, nor did she use it herself. She also did not mention
the use of 7 different plants to make the bath. She said that the older women knew
how to make the herbal bath.
Informants 2 and 3 used simply soap and warm water to clean their babies. They did
not mention using any kinds of plants or herbs, and when questioned specifically
regarding home made used they did not have any knowledge of them. Informant 2
was a very young mother and informant 3, a teacher at the high school, seemed as
310
though she wanted to appear very professional and up to date. It is hardly
surprising that the informants who knew the least about the use of herbal baths
and had no knowledge of other herbal remedies are also those that began
supplemental feeding of their infants the soonest.
Informant 4 knew very well how to make a herbal bath which she used to wash her
children, and knew the names of the plants in the local dialect. She also shared
information regarding how to make a massage oil from chicken grease and
camphor for babies to help sooth them when they were sick. Informant 4, the
oldest informant, was proud of her knowledge and was happy to share it. In the
follow up visit on 4 August, informant 4 was unavailable; however, her daughter,
informant 6 was very willing to help as best as she could. She explained that the
bath was made using 7 plants, though the number of plants to choose from was
much greater. This bath made with 7 plants will be referred to as the “bath of
seven.” Although she knew the names of very few plants, she did know where to
find the plants and how to use them. She took me behind her house to show those
plants for which she did not know the name, and these plants were later identified
from photos taken of them. She also provided information regarding plants used
for toothache, earache, diarrhea, and colds (see appendix 1).
Informant 5, a birth attendant, also knew how to prepare an herbal bath for babies,
but did not know the name of any of the plants used. There was not sufficient
time for her to show me the plants which were used. Although she did not
specifically mention the bath of seven, she did mention that one begins using the
bath 7 days after birth; I hypothesize that the bath she spoke of was the same as
that of the other informants. When asked about other remedies she said she knew
there were some, that her mother had known them, but that “I didn’t ask, and so
now I don’t know them” (translated from Spanish 19 July).
Informant 7, also a birth attendant, had extensive knowledge of herbal remedies,
some of which she learned from her parents, but the majority of which she learned
from books and by taking academic courses. She was somewhat reluctant to share
her information, but did show several plants used to make the bath of seven. It
was highly interesting that although she knew the names of many plants in her
herbal garden used for a variety of conditions, she did not know the names of any
of the plants used to make the bath of seven.
311
Finally, the informants were asked what they did to care for their babies when
they became sick. All of the women said that today they would take their babies to
the doctor; however, the younger the woman the faster she would bring the child to
the doctor. The youngest informant, #2, said that she would take here baby to the
doctor right away and do whatever the doctor said to do. The oldest informants (4 and
5) explained that when they had their children they did not bring them to the doctor
when they became sick, because there was no doctor. Informant 4 explained “there
were not vaccines, there were very few medicines… they just died” (translated from
Spanish 19 July). Informant 5 confirms this saying “before, before it was very
different… in the past, we did nothing. Because of this many children died”
(translated from Spanish 19 July). However, they agree that now if they were caring
for a child and they could not determine what was wrong they would take him/her to
the doctor. Even informant 7, who practices herbal medicine on a range of patients
prefers for her patients to go to a medical doctor for a diagnosis and she then treats
them using herbal medicines.
The table of medicinal plants in Appendix 1 lists those plants used in the
Boruca community as well as additional purported medicinal uses from other
communities and books. It is interesting that of the 20 plants indicated by Borucan
informants for use in the bath of seven, the informants did not know any name for
over half of the plants (13/20, 65%). It is likely that informant 4 would have known at
least the indigenous names of the plants; however, the fact that most of the generation
of young caregivers do not know how to prepare the bath of seven and that even those
who know how to prepare it do not know the name of the plants indicates the gradual
loss of knowledge of medicinal plants which is taking place over the generations.
Informant 6 expressed a desire to learn about the medicines that her mother knew;
however, she also explained the difficulty in finding the time as well as a good
manner in which to learn them. Unless an effort is made to encourage the younger
generations to learn the medicinal knowledge of the older generations and to
document this knowledge before the keepers of it pass, it may be lost forever.
One of the most interesting observations come from comparison of the plants
used by the Boruca with those used by the women of La Gamba, a non-indigenous
rural community. Informant 7 had learned a great deal of her knowledge of medicinal
plants outside of the Boruca community. The names of the plants in her garden that
312
she knew were the common Spanish names, and many of the plants did not grow
naturally near the Borucan community and had to be brought in from San José.
Interestingly she did not know the names of those plants which she indicated for use
in the bath of seven. This indicates that the bath of seven is most likely a traditional
Borucan remedy. The presence of the bath of seven in the La Gamba community and
the overlap of a large percentage of plants (7/20 35%).
Conclusions
Overall with the construction of roads and the development of a clinic near the
village of Boruca the Boruca have come to trust and to almost exclusively use western
medicine for prenatal and infant care. The Boruca trust in western medicine, and the
knowledge of the use of medicinal plants has rapidly disappeared. There are many
possible explinations for this phenomina of modernization and acculturation. Perhaps
the most influential is a lower, cheaper, status being associated with home births and
the use of herbal medicine. Informant 7 admitted herself that the reason why she
originally started to learn about and use natural medicines was because she could not
afford to buy the pills that the doctors told her to use. As with home births, it is ironic
that in North American and European culture it is almost entirely the opposite: only
those that can afford to pay for ‘alternative remedies’ out of pocket are able to use
them.
Acknowledgements
I would like to thank the women of the Boruca village who were willing to let
me into their homes to talk to me about one of the most prescious things in the world:
their children. I am especially grateful for those who took the time not only to share
with me their knowledge of medicinal plants, but also who showed them to me.
Without the Organization for Tropical Studies this research would not have been
possible. I also owe a great debt to Megan Fitzpatrick, whose questions about birth
allowed me to expand the scope of my project, and who had been an invaluable
partner in the field, as well as back at the station in writing up results.
References
313
Cabrera, Ricardo Pérez. 1938. Sinopsis de Medicina Vegetal. Borrase Hermanos: San
José, Costa Rica.
León, Jorge and Luis Poveda. 2000. Nombres comunes de la Plantas en Costa Rica.
Edited by Sánchez-Vindas. Editorial Guyacán: San José, Costa Rica.
Meléndez, Núñez E. 1986. Plantas Medicinales de Costa Rica y su Folclore. La
Universidad de Costa Rica: San José, Costa Rica.
Stone, Doris Z. “The Boruca of Costa Rica”. 1949. Papers of the Peabody Museum of
American Archeology and Ethnology. Harvard University. Vol 26 No 2.
United Nations Committee on the Rights of the Child. October, 2003. “Consideration
of Reports Submitted by States Parties.” Convention on the Rights of the Child.
Document: CRC/C/125/Add.4.
314
315
Appendix 1: Summary of Medicinal Plants
genus and species
family name
common name
(sp)
common
name (eng)
common
name (bor)
part used
method
prep/use
why use
(specific
ly)
purported medical properties
and additional uses [chemical
properties]
boil and
bath
boil and
bath
to relax
the baby
La Gamba use as antidiabetic
plants used in the bath of seven (any seven of the plants below used to make bath
Palicourea sp.
Rubiaceae
cafecillo#
Hamelia patens
Rubiaceae
Pico de pajaro*#
scarlet or
fire bush
leaves
Mikania guaco
Asteraceae
Hoja guaco#
guaco
leaves
boil and
bath
Justicia pectoralis
Acanthaceae
tilo*#
leaves
boil and
bath
Bacopa procumbens
Scrophularia
ceae
Loganiaceae
san pedrillo#
leaves
salvia*, hoja de
salve#
leaves
boil and
bath
boil and
bath
Asteraceae
(1)
Asteraceae
(2)
Malvaceae
#
leaves
#
leaves
#
leaves
Cucurbitaece
ae
#
leaves
Buddlea Americana
Gurania sp.
leaves
316
boil and
bath
boil and
bath
boil and
bath
rub in
cold water
antidiuretic, antiespasmatic,
anti-inflamatory, febrafuge,
pain reliever, antibacterial,
fungicide, antiparacitic,
inceases immunity
[ephedrine, oxindole
alkaloids, rosmarinic acid,
and tannin]
antivenom for snake bites,
diaphoretic, emeto-cathartic,
antihelmynthic, antiparasitic,
febrifuge, antidiarrhetic,
coughsuppressent,
expectorant, pain reliever,
antibacterial, antiinflamatory, [coumarin]
sedative, sleep inducing,
euphoric, high doses induce
hyperactivity
phenolics, glycosides
Anti-inflamatory for
cuts/bruises, diuretic,
gastrointestinal sedative,
hypnotic
help to
sleep
gastrointestinal soothing
mucilage
prevent
night
Costus sp.
Costaceae
cañagria#
leaves
Piper auritum
Piperaceae
estrella*#
leaves
Lygodium palmatum
Schizaeaceae
helecho alambre#
leaves
Justicia tinctoria
Acanthaceae
azul de mata*
Matricaria chamomilla
Asteraceae
Manzanilla*
chamomile
Bursera simaruba
Burseraceae
pellejo de palo or
caraña
gumbo
limbo tree
Erythrina cotaricencis
FabaceaePapilionodea
e
Poró
coral tree
Psidium guajava
Myrtaceae
guayabo*
guava plant
Epidendrum radicans
Orchidaceae
Gallito
Passiflora ambigua
Passifloracea
e
hoja de
murcielago
Mimosa pudica
FabaceaeMimosoideae
Dormilona
roots
Croton sp.
Euphorbiace
ae
Targuá
latex
sě-krǎ
quě quǎs
leaves
urination
hangover cure, avitaminosis,
[vitamin C]
aromatic, headaches, and
liver cholic, Maleku use as
condiment for broilled fish
[saponines]
boil and
bath
boil and
bath
leaves
boil and
bath
bark
boil in
water
(turns
red/pink)
boil and
bath
leaves
xuib-krǎ
and bath
boil and
bath
boil and
bath
leaves
boil and
bath
orchid
na
passion
flower
young
shoots
boil and
bath
boil and
bath
to relax
the baby
antibiotic, prevention of hair
loss, lung congestion, also
used as a die for fabrics
carminative, gastrointestinal
problems, diaphoretic, tonic,
antispasmodic, stimulant,
aromatic
Ulcers/venereal disease,
antibiotic, antidiarhea,
insectiside, diuretic,
diaphoretic, laxative
narcotic for insomnia,
nervousness, sedative,
hipnotic, convulsiones,
nervose dyspepsia
ulcers, antidiarhea,
antiamoebic and
emenagogue, candy and
pastry
sleep disorders (soporific)
[glucocyanides]
ytooth ache
317
boil and
put on
gums
put on
gums
sleep disorders through
doctrine of signatures
febrifuge esp malarial fevers,
apitite enhancer,
antispasmatic for
gastrointestinal cholic,
cauterizes ulcers, toothpaste,
gum disease and tooth decay;
seeds for womb and vaginal
disorders
massage oil/cream
Bursera simaruba
Burseraceae
Caraña
gumbo
limbo tree
quě quǎs
Cinnamomum camphora
Lauraceae
Alcanfor
camphor
Chenopodeac
eae
Lombricera or
apazote#
Citrus limonia
Rustaceae
limon mandarina*
Citrus limon
Rustaceae
limon criollo*
Cymbopogon citratum
Poaceae
zacate de limon
Lemon
grass
Theobroma cacao
Sterculiaceae
cacao*
cocoa plant,
chocolate
Myrtaceae
guayabo*
guava plant
latex
leaves
mix with
chicken
grease to
form
cream and
massage
mix with
chicken
grease to
form
cream and
massage
ulcers and venereal disease,
antibiotic, antidiarhea,
insectiside, diuretic,
diaphoretic, expectorant,
laxative
crush into
ball and
put in ear
aromatic, antihelmynthic esp
intestinal worms, heartburn,
gastrointestinal cholic,
insecticide (oil)
good smell, antispasmatic,
anti-anxiety, anestetic ligero,
antiseptic, and cooling;
prevents colaps, epilepsia,
neuralgias, blenorragia,
priapismo, ninformania,
rematism, bumps, bruses,
scrapes, and milk secretion
Ear ache
Chenopodium sp.
leaves
sore throat
colds, stimulate apetite,
booster of immune system
[vitamin C and flavinoids]
colds, stimulate apetite,
booster of immune system
[vitamin C and flavonoids]
roots
boil and
give drops
by mouth
leaves
boil and
bath
xik-ti-vik
leaves
boil and
bath
febrifuge, sedative, used
against colds, also used as
condiment in Asian cultures
mild expectorant, stimulant,
abortifactant in high doses,
aphrodisiac also used for
candy and deserts
[theobromine and teophiline]
xuib-krǎ
roots
boil to
ulcers, antidiarhea,
treat cold
Diarrhea
Psidium guajava
318
make tea
antiamoebic and
emenagogue, candy and
pastry
after birth bath (Stone 1949)
Xanthosoma violacea
Araceae
tiquisque*
trik-kra'
roots
Cuphea utriculosa
Lythraceae
tshu-kra'
leaves
Zygia longifolia
FabeceaeMimosoideae
alambrillo or
quiebrapidras
Sotacaballo
boil and bath
(had little root
and yellow
blossom)
boil and bath
bark
boil and bath
* common name also mentioned in La Gamba
# no name known by indigenous informants
319
good to eat
rhizomes
[carbohydrates]
give
luck/strength
Antiectoparasitic
(insecticidal)
[saponines]
Map of Localities Visited
320
Photo Album
We want to be more time on the road…
321
Dan in lab
Alex in Margarita
322
Eating a bug
Noriko stealing bitten!
Nadiah Wan
323
Elden and Albino- Maleku
Junia with flavored ice
Prenatal care-Walsh
Under the falls
324
Maleku children
Lecture on the road-Maleku
Boruca
At the market
Passed out group
325
Luis Diego and Rebeca
326