Review: Was It Pluck or Luck That Made the West Grow Rich? Author(s): David D. Buck Reviewed work(s): ReORIENT: Global Economy in the Asian Age by Andre Gunder Frank The Wealth and Poverty of Nations: Why Some Are so Rich and Some so Poor by David S. Landes China Transformed: Historical Change and the Limits of the European Experience by R. Bin Wong Source: Journal of World History, Vol. 10, No. 2 (Fall, 1999), pp. 413-430 Published by: University of Hawai'i Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20078786 Accessed: 31/08/2009 22:19 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=uhp. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit organization founded in 1995 to build trusted digital archives for scholarship. We work with the scholarly community to preserve their work and the materials they rely upon, and to build a common research platform that promotes the discovery and use of these resources. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. University of Hawai'i Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Journal of World History. http://www.jstor.org Was It Pluck or Luck That Made theWest Grow Rich? DAVID University D. BUCK ofWisconsin-Milwaukee ReORIENT: Global Economy in theAsian Age. By andre frank. gunder 1998. Pp. xxix + Berkeley: University 416. $55 hardcover; of California $23.95 Press, paper. TheWealth and Poverty ofNations: Why SomeAre So Rich and Some So Poor. By david + 650. $30. 1998. Pp. xxi China s. landes. New York: Norton, Historical Change and the Limits of the Ithaca: Cornell Experience. By r. bin wong. Press, 1997. Pp- ix + 327. $45. Transformed: European University of these three books deals with how the West became wealthy three authors analyze the political economy? Each and powerful. All the combinations between the economy and political pro meaning can be explained. cesses?from which Western dominance From this common ground they diverge quickly and sharply in their concerns, and conclusions. the dichotomy of "pluck or arguments, Although in The their approaches, David S. Landes luck" greatly oversimplifies is arguing for the pluckiness Wealth and Poverty of Nations of the Euro of an exceptional cultural peans, whom he sees as taking advantage to forge remarkable achievements by which they transformed heritage the whole world. Andre Gunder Frank in ReORIENT and R. Bin see the Europeans as simply lucky, but in China Transformed Wong lucky in different ways. For Frank, early modern fournal ofWorld History, Vol. 10, No. 2 of Hawai'i Press ?1999 by University 413 Europe was a back 414 journal of world history, fall 1999 into an Ameri ward part of the globe economically, but it stumbled can bonanza and then "used its American to buy itself a ticket money on the Asian train" (p. xxv). For Wong, China and Europe faced com mon challenges in production and resource allocation but diverged by different distinctly developing that the European and Chinese political economies. Wong believes economies compa political produced cen standards of living and well-being the through eighteenth 1800 the European tury. He agrees that around pattern embodying into an advantageous and the nation-state forged quickly capitalism the industrial revolution, position trying to leaving China through new to in balance of wealth and the the world. power adapt Not only do the three authors differ in their conclusions, but the rable and style of each book is dramatically different also. Landest accounts is elegantly written, and containing long diverting new Eurocentric while his This interpretations. reaffirming long-held for a broad public audience and presents book is written conclusions similar to those of his earlier work, The Unbound Prometheus: Techno inWestern Europe from 1750 logical Change and Industrial Development to the Present (New York: Cambridge Press, 1969).l University Frank pursues a relentlessly iconoclastic the scattering approach, evidence volume social science giants such as Marx and Weber of Western reputations like tenpins in his rush to bowl over our vision of the past. His goal is to overturn all Eurocentric social theory, including Landes's version. He saves special vigor for attacking another Harvard scholar, political scientist Samuel Huntington, who warns of a coming clash of civiliza Frank tions.2 In one of his many assaults on European triumphalism, writes boot that "Europe did not pull itself up by its own economic to not thanks kind of and any straps, European certainly 'exceptional 1The to volume of a chapter that Landes contributed 1969 book is itself an expansion 6 of The Cambridge Economic History Press, 1965). The (New York: Cambridge University continues version the narrative the long original I, whereas up to World War expanded at 1870. its coverage chapter ended 2The Clash Civilizations: The Remaking of theWorld Order (New York: Simon and of of Western civiliza In this work, Huntington argues that the dominance 1996). a decline because of internal decay following the end of the Cold War. be entering in a uni that the West has been endorses Western by arguing Huntington triumphalism that other civilizations versal phase for five hundred years, yet still accepts may be reinvig to strengthen to undertake measures itself and writes, "Multicul orated. He urges the West States and the West; universalism abroad threatens turalism at home threatens the United of religious and cul the West and the World" (p. 318). He suggests that the reemergence to the West in particular. derives from Islamic and Asian civilizations tural challenges Schuster, tion may Buck: Was It Pluck or Luck That Made theWest Grow Rich? 415 ism' of rationality, ity, in a word?of Europe may owe institutions, technology, genial entrepreneurship, that race" (p. 4). Instead, Frank urges us to consider success to Asia its present and then concludes by of human life around the the unity and interrelatedness emphasizing of the globe. He asks us to accept the fact that since the discovery the world has become a single system typified by "diversity in Americas in original). unity in diversity" (p. 319, emphasis unity and celebrating to emphasize the the way Frank never passes up the opportunity Along those of others. Just as Landes has long clash of his judgments with Eurocentric Frank has grown accustomed interpretations, championed to fighting for his scholarly conclusions with acuity and relish. than either Lan offers a markedly more restrained approach Wong in audience interested des or Frank and aims his book at a professional of comparative history. On the basis of carefully explained problems buttressed wide arguments, by reading in recent historical scholarship a determined in English, Chinese, and Japanese, he mounts compara in hopes of establishing tive approach that similar situations produce outcomes. to "avoid He has two main purposes: different historical of analysis and dynamics of historical categories European privileging to "the difficulties of and recognize explaining long-term change" processes of change and continuity" (pp. 2-3). with awareness of the others' Each of these authors has written is views and positions. that "anti-Eurocentric Landes declares thought on to to fact" and also then goes contrary simply anti-intellectual; state in a footnote in particular are "bad his that Frank's conclusions of Landes, whom he sees as tory" (p. 514). Frank is equally dismissive a practitioner of Eurocentric bias (pp. 17, 20). Wong studied at Har vard and tells us that in his doctoral Landes exams, posed a question "about what he [Landes], as a historian of Europe, could learn by it wasn't time with the that worth much studying China," implication or effort. Wong a is "This book belated response" explains, (p. ix). several times as an ally in attacking Eurocentric Frank refers toWong dissociates himself from 221, 343), yet Wong history (pp. 50, no, at either economies Frank through arguments for two distinct political end of Eurasia. Far from seeing the unity of the world, Wong argues and writes that "the plurality of his against theories of convergence of multiple, torical pasts makes more open, and likely the persistence is futures" (p. 293). The truth that each of these authors contingent a highly distinctive has developed and some consideration approach, of their particular approaches is warranted. 4i6 David journal Landes's European of world history, fall 1999 Exceptionalism book comes from the Stanford that The Wealth and Poverty of iswithout Nations In his title Landes first calls up sustained arguments. Adam Smith's shade and then states in the subtitle that the book will some are rich and others poor. Instead Landes, nations in explain why a struc David's words, gives us "a series of decorated panels adorning ture one cannot In his response, Landes noted with fully discern."3 some pleasure the book's brisk sales and commented that the individ The best economist characterization Paul David, of Landes's who noted ual chapters constructed of his book?David's "decorated panels"?were carefully tableaus that could be read almost at random, but would still leave the reader with a strong impression of his overall argument. For example, entitled discusses with ele "Golconda," chapter n, in India. Landes the of erudition and gance story expansion European retells the story of Robert Clive 's rapacious creation of an immense per as sonal fortune by the age of thirty-four, but characterizes the Mughals evidence that tyranny and then dismisses ruling with typical Muslim trade in the Indian Ocean was thriving before the Europeans arrived. Behind this diverting tableau Landes finds confirmation that by the India was hamstrung century eighteenth rights by "limited property and technological while Western backwardness," Europe was "well on its way to the Industrial Revolution" and "had long since passed Asia by" (p. 165). so artfully is a conclusion The structure that Landes has decorated success that the West's that it began before the industrial revolution, was internally generated, and that ever since the industrial revolution, the rest of the world must struggle to assimilate the European pattern an industrial "some countries made for themselves: and revolution became He asserts rich; others did not and stayed poor" (pp. 168-69). that Western after 1000 Europe developed key cultural characteristics ce. that made the Middle Ages this great transformation. possible inventive [was] one of the most Indeed, "Europe of societies that history 3David (20 November) spoke at a session ation meetings in Chicago that was devoted to Landes and David, In addition of Nations. of the 1998 Social Science History Associ of The Wealth and Poverty solely to a discussion the panelists were Kenneth Pomeranz, George with Jonathan Liebowitz serving as chair. McCloskey, and Deirdre Grantham, Joel Mokyr, Frank and Wong the conference, and they too appeared both attended together on a panel entitled the European 'Miracle': Comparisons, Connections, (19 November) "Orienting with papers by Frank, Pomeranz, and Wong, followed from Conjectures," by comments two sessions and the views expressed Bruce Cumings and James M. Blaut. These by the authors and panelists have informed my own analysis of these three books. It Pluck or Luck That Made Buck: Was theWest Grow Rich? 417 was the had known" (p. 45). Still, "the hinge of this metamorphosis emu in in 18th and the Britain Industrial Revolution century begun and All this lated around the world" pares down, (p. 168). rephrases on sociological the arguments Lan with increased emphasis aspects, in The Unbound Prometheus. Landes reasserts in his new des advanced Eurocentric of modern history that book the dominant interpretations North for at and American historians have prevailed among European two least centuries. of the Industrial Revolution," Landes In chapter 13, "The Nature as is his for factors about what the three position bringing emphasizes most momentous in times: of the substitution modern (1) change of inanimate for human for ani labor; (2) the substitution machinery mate sources of power; and (3) the availability of abundant and diverse a ringing defense raw materials for production (p. 186). He presents a on of transformation based the logic against the evolu revolutionary of European tionary interpretations changes advanced by younger eco It who emphasize more formal economic historians analysis. not to to calculations needs that Landes does be noted try challenge Instead he follows Harvard and models used by these cliometricians. Nobel laureate Simon Kuznets's paradigm based on "the logistic (lazy nomic S) curve of possibilities sequence? implicit in a given technological slow gains during the experimental stage, followed by rapid preparatory are exhausted" advance slows down as possibilities that eventually (p. 189). R. M. Hartwell historian criticized The Unbound The economic in a 1971 review article, calling Landes "an old economic Prometheus historian research and narrative skill, but unfa strong on empirical miliar with economic theory about the causes and process of growth an ignorance of basic economics."4 In his and even often display[ing] new book Landes continues over economic to emphasize sociological in terms of economic analysis. For Landes Europe's success ismeasured but based on the superiority of its culture. "If we learn advancement, from the history anything makes all the difference" Landes believes of economic it is that culture development, (p. 516). that European culture 4 R. M. Hartwell can best be understood and Robert Higgs, "Good Old Economic History," American Histori reviewers also have criticized Landes's control of economic 76 (1971 ): 474. Other review injournal of Economic History 31 (1971): 497, where theory. See Nathan Rosenberg's in economic he points out Landes's Asa Briggs felt that "lack of interest explanations." was a book "strong as an essay of interpretation" Prometheus Unbound but that it showed cal Review weakness in economic history: Encounter 33 (1969): 850. journal 4i8 of world history, fall 1999 societies through the insights of Max Weber, who held that Protestant inWestern "a new kind of man?ratio Europe internally generated as a and productive" nal, ordered, diligent (p. 177). These people, a new new mode of production) that we economy (a group, "created as know remarks in the (industrial) ( p. 178, parenthetical capitalism" is out of fashion and that "most his original). He admits that Weber torians today would look upon the Weber thesis as implausible and "I do not agree" (p. 177). This atten and then declares, unacceptable" means tion to sociological that Landes's characteriza argumentation tion of European how European culture, exceptionalism emphasizes to its its and but tech openness religion politics, especially including to its has economic of led innovation, superior pattern nological growth and material well-being. to arguments nature of Landes's devotion based on the distinctive a is of culture hallmark this book and shows that Western European over the past three decades. Lan his approach has remained constant of cliometricians who spin elegant economic des writes disparagingly theorems carefully gathered from statistics of the early modern era, but in the of he has little to say about theoretical field developments polit in this new book Landes continues ical economy. Indeed, largely to in post-Marxist and post that have emerged ignore the two positions ian theories of "old of political One called Weber economy. these, the of histori institutional economics," any contingency emphasizes and argues that different defined cal development societies?variously or tra as civilizations, other units?follow different nations, political or is institu "new The second "positive political economy" jectories.5 in a con defined as "the study of rational decisions tional economics," text of political and economic institutions."6 The second position, and Mancur Olson, has so far had lim associated with Douglass North economic of its because ited impact on the study of world history its rational choice paradigm, with formalistic, rigorous char together a acter. These have had considerable ideas, however, impact on the study of economic growth in contemporary societies.7 5Old views are represented in the Journal of Economic economic institutional Issues, Iwish to thank Neil Buchanan for Evolutionary Economics. published by the Association for pointing me toward this school of political economy. 6 in large measure from James E. Alt and of this field derives My own understanding on Positive Political Economy A. Shepsle, Kenneth eds., Perspectives (New York: Cambridge and C. Taylor, "Political Science Press, 1990) and Peter A. Hall and Rosemary University the Three New Institutionalisms," Max-Planck-Institute fur Gesellschaftsforschung Paper 96/6 (June 1996). 7 See Robert Bates, "Macropolitical spectives on Positive Political Economy, in the Field of Development," Economy Bates's ed. Alt and Shepsle, pp. 31-54. in Per account is Buck: Was It Pluck or Luck That Made theWest Grow Rich? 419 in theory that made me critical of It was not Landes's shortcomings world it was his dismissiveness of the non-European his book. Rather, as existing For in a slough of despotism, and darkness. Landes poverty, the one correct answer has the past is a complex anagram from which in indus from the Enlightenment, Western derived Europe, appeared The rest of human experience? and the nation-state. trial capitalism, the dominant tradi intriguing as it may be to those within European to those outside it for purposes of maintaining their tion or important a own identity?is of and record despotism, exploitation, essentially of Western the benchmarks failure to replicate Europe's accomplish ments. lacked range, focus and above all, "To begin with, the Chinese one people after another, curiosity" "conquered (p. 96). The Aztecs a and of above all a terror" that "took combination art, power, using of blood sacrifice" (p. 103). In Russia, or honestly" (p. 241). "The new little different, then, from Asia's auto sometimes cratic despotisms, decked with trap though republican was a "The Ottoman empire only typical despotism, pings" (p. 313). more warlike" leave little question about quotations (p. 398). These that did not join the rush to indus Landes's views on those societies the interpreta labels those who would question trialization. Landes as tions of Eurocentric value who history "Europhobes" feeling over the form of the industrialization labor would not work were 'states' of Latin America "unfree well has and would civilization knowing replace the truth that European been the key to world progress with "amulticulturalist, globalist, egal itarian history that tells something good) about (preferably something remark in original). everybody" (p. 513, parenthetical I share several of Landes's opinions that knowl against the concept edge can only come through shared identity, as well as his dislike for to make everyone feel good about some ele that is designed history am ment of their heritage, to blanket condem and I strongly opposed as nations of Western stop expansion rapacity. Yet I would genocidal How will Landes respond toWong's far short of Landes's Eurocentrism. a period careful attempt to argue that China, like Europe, experienced economic of premodern and social growth characterized by increasing and demographic about growth fostered expansion? What productivity states based on a highly paternalistic but remarkably effec by Chinese tive system of bureaucratic rule in which the economic and social well for its clarity and the author's concern with how positive institutional economics notable in non-West has difficulty the differences that underlie the situations taking into account ern settings. His account to those concerned is therefore particularly recommended with the world beyond the United States and Western Europe. JOURNAL 420 OF WORLD HISTORY, FALL 1999 of the empire? My being of the inhabitants was the primary concern to Eurocentric reading of Landes is that in his devotion interpretations to serious comparative he remains opposed such asWong's. history Andre World Gunder Economy Frank's before Championing 1800 of a in evaluating the primacy of economic measures politi on culture as "bad but flatly rejects Landes's emphasis Europocentric historiography" (p. 339) and argues that Europe belat a economic world it system by means of wealth preexisting edly joined extracted from the Americas. For Frank culture does not count for Frank accepts cal economy, is the shape and dynamism the real force in human history of much; the world economy. Frank rejects the notion that the world economy is a recent creation associated with the spread of European capitalism nature of the modern nation-state. and the expansive For him, there was "a single global world economy with a worldwide division of labor trade from 1500 onward" (p. 52). This world econ a system and dynamic roots in Afro-Asia "whose extended back for millennia" while the of Western economy (p. 52), backward and He notions isolated. the of remained rejects Europe Landes and others about a long and distinct pattern of European cul ture that prepared the West for wealth and power after 1800. For "came late and was brief," implying, Frank the rise of the West too, is already over (pp. xxiii-xxiv). He believes that the West's dominance was an unforeseen that "the industrial revolution took event, which as a a struc in of result of the part continuing Europe unequal place ture and uneven as a whole" in and of the world economy process success not is him West's To the the result of (p. 343). pluck; rather, West the disadvantaged became the lucky beneficiary of a sharp and and multilateral omy rested on in the world short discontinuity So, mistaking economy. Europe's recent and short-term for a universal and truth, historians advantage a scientists social have constructed racist, Eurocentric wrongheaded, mira economic Frank goes on to suggest that the Asian perspective. cle of the 1980s and 1990s marks a return to Asia's previous central is blunted place in the world economy. The edge of Frank's argument economic crisis that began in July 1997, some somewhat by the Asian months after Frank completed his manuscript. Such a setback, how ever, cannot dull Frank's ardor for his cause. Frank is at some pains to distinguish his present views about world as a his earlier from of dependency position history leading proponent Buck: Was It Pluck or Luck That Made theWest Grow Rich? by Capitalism theory best represented Review America (New York: Monthly sent position and his earlier advocacy 421 and Underdevelopment Press, 1967). Yet both notions of dependency in Latin his pre of how in Latin America and North American involvement European only the underdevelopment of those parts of the world, charac promoted terize Europe not as a center of progress but as a center of exploitation a blistering and rapacious engrossment.8 Landes delivers condemna tion of dependency and dismisses Frank's cur arguments (p. 327-28) rent arguments about Europe as a late comer and free rider on the as evidence of Asia of Frank's incurable Europhobia. It prosperity would be hard not to agree with Landes here, for Frank in both his old and new interpretations attacks Europe. relentlessly to dismiss Frank simply as a Euro It would be a mistake, however, in his conception for he presents of an early modern world phobe, a to dramatic economy concep (1400-1800) challenge prevailing tions. Frank argues for the existence of an elaborate network of trade what we today would call the the Orient?meaning linking together a global Middle East, South Asia, Southeast Asia, and East Asia?into sea a routes vast in and overland and economy trading by complex network of commerce. The Portuguese and successive Western Euro into this system by means inserted themselves pean seagoing nations of military might, but would have remained bit players without their use to as means to the and silver from the Americas willingness gold as in themselves roles commercial this Asian buy significant players did not pass quickly by the boards in Frank's economy. This condition not central to the world eyes, for "Europe was certainly economy before 1800" (p. 5). In the early part of his book, Frank refers again and again to the ismore than the sum of its parts" (pp. 28, 29, formulation "the whole and declares that he is trying to describe the whole of a world 33, 37) not to in centered the economy Asia, parts. The primary ques analyze tion about Frank's book then is, how well does he manage to convince us that such a world economy existed? He fully recognizes the chal most and addresses the task. Frank's Indeed, lenge enthusiastically 8 Bruce out this common of Frank's inter character Cumings pointed anti-European to me in conversation the 18 November pretations 1998 panel at the Social Sci following ence History Association in Chicago. in ReORIENT Frank rejects the meetings Although criticizes label "Marxist" and specifically the manifold of Marxism weaknesses of because its European in his former advocacy both of underdevelopment and his present blinkers, as managing a system in which of a single world economy, he sees the Europeans advocacy In this he echoes one of Marx's they have a special ability to acquire and control capital. principal insights about the importance of capital and its control in economic history. JOURNAL 422 OF WORLD HISTORY, FALL 1999 is his clear formulation of his own and impressive quality as a historian others' positions and his ability to carefully argue on point against his to Landes's elegant In contrast tableaus covering his argu opponents. ment, Frank gives us the clear thrust and parry of clashing arguments. Frank makes a strong case for the integrated response of economies to the increased presence ofWestern and the new money New forces unleashed World These created what crops. by productive mean he calls "horizontally integrative macrohistory" (pp. 226-57), response across wide regions to the same forces. To test ing a common a major crisis similar to this question, Frank asks ifAsia experienced around Asia in Europe during the seventeenth century (p. 231). He concludes that there was no general social crisis in Asia during that time, so that its long-term but that there was Asia was able to continue expansion, a short-term global monetary in the 1640s, based on crisis culminating a shortage of American silver. As a consequence of that shortage, the that rulers of Japan clamped down on foreign trade in an effort Tokugawa to save Japan's monetized silver from flowing out to China, thereby the fiscal and monetary assuring stability of their regime (pp. 246-47). conclusion that the Frank then argues against the generally accepted as a their closed-country Tokugawa developed policies primarily means influence.9 of avoiding unwanted foreign forces Another key argument of Frank's is his belief that economic own are so not In "institutions his induce technological words, change. as are economic derivative from the much determinant of, process they are only instrumentalized and its exigencies, which institutionally the early rather than determined" during (p. 206). Consequently, contem Western could of the industrial revolution, stages Europeans for labor because of the relative of cheapness capital plate substituting an in abundance of wealth monetary capital Europe?made possible by the high cost of skilled labor and raw derived from the Americas?and it was economic materials. forces, not exceptionalist Thus, European cultural values that brought about the industrial revolution. from others' studies to challenge Eurocen Frank draws extensively to tric interpretations. His arguments surely will not be acceptable as of the he questions the internal dynamic and insofar Eurocentrists, is really that the rise of the West industrial revolution by arguing derived from the prior development of Asia, he offers another dynamic 9 to volume in the introduction Hall, 3 of the Cambridge History of Japan John Whitney Press, 1989), pp. 4-5; and Ronald Toby, State and Diplo (New York: Cambridge University in Early Modern Princeton Press, 1984). macy University Japan (Princeton: Buck: Was It Pluck or Luck That Made theWest Grow Rich? 423 that might be used to explain the industrial revolution and the domi nance of the West since 1800. For myself, I find Frank's claims about one integrated global econ to accept fully, but I do agree with difficult omy based in the Orient was isolated and backward his position that the European economy at least it is clear that China, Southeast 1500. Although Asia, Asia all had strong economies linked by long-distance and overland seaborne that a global trade, I remain unconvinced was in before the nineteenth economy century, even in view operation of the global spread of crops in the sixteenth century and the world wide circulation of gold and silver in the sixteenth and seventeenth a centuries. Frank fresh and Still, presents intriguing way of under until and South standing the world Eurocentric history in the period from 1400 to 1800. His challenge to on the is justified and provides a fresh perspective past. R. Bin Wong's Comparativist Approach to modern like Frank, challenges Eurocentric his Wong, approaches both tory and argues that "Europe's leading role has been exaggerated the accepts with Landes spatially and temporally" (p. 281). Wong of Europe's transformation and the importance through capitalism in terms close to Frank's view that but sees this situation nation-state, success is an unusual discontinuity. current the West's Like Landes, the role of culture, but he argues that history reveals Wong emphasizes not a single path for humankind, but multiple pathways. He concen trates on comparing China and the West and sees them as "shaped by historical both similar and different, both shared and soli processes in China and suggests to him that responses tary" (p. 293). History to similar problems in political different economy Europe produced into a single European pattern. solutions that are not yet subsumed to the same set of problems It is this notion of different solutions of political that marks him as close to "old institutionalist economy in his interpretations. economics" It also sets him off from Landes and in global his Frank, who both argue that one system is really decisive the idea that China in and Europe operated tory. Wong begins with same a economic in the situation which essentially fragile population to-resource ratio existed. He believes that both regions were subject to eco the same Smithian that both experienced meaning dynamics, nomic of labor division made increasing growth through possible by rates of eco the spread of markets. Both regions experienced modest 424 JOURNAL OF WORLD HISTORY, FALL 1999 nomic in the 1400-1800 and demographic growth period. But in case the economy moved these Smithian beyond dynamics from overseas, the exploitation of the capture of resources through sources of energy, the existence insti inanimate of specialized financial tutions, and an intensive burst of technological change.10 Europe's was to go beyond because he wanted to have an about China failed questions why asking European-derived to determine what was the political of industrial revolution, economy in the period from 1400 to 1800?called in modern" China "early Wong led in this direction and "late traditional" of historical by historians European parlance as lacking a "public sphere as an arena China China. He characterizes can contest and influence active populations within which politically or as state actions" far from being a despotic but nevertheless 116) (p. officials and local elites worked disconnected coopera polity. Instead, with shared Confucian moral principles. They tively in accordance sustained public order based on established property rights and joint for key institutions, such as public granaries, schools, uses the mathematical term fractal to endeavors. Wong that irregular patterns society, meaning explain this quality of Chinese at structures in certain all scales from the largest to themselves repeat invokes this fractal the smallest (p. 121). As applied to China, Wong to explain for the social order was how the same agenda quality responsibilities and charitable at all levels within the system by officials and elite members. accepted one in He contrasts order with the European this fractal Chinese uses this same terms. Wong which claims were framed in oppositional to explain how the Chinese concept polity could extend over such a sustain a single the European empire while polity could never were units that form and had territorial breaking repeatedly imperial also explains how the This fractal character apart or recombining. control over territory wrested Chinese empire could easily reestablish or its into new areas. The Chi its extend rule from rule temporarily huge to find officials and elites and a peasantry merely and a new element the basic Confucian notions, it is this fractal quality of China that For Wong could be assimilated. sets it apart from Europe. nese empire needed to shoulder willing 10Nathan theWest Grew Rich: The Economic Trans and L. E. Birdzell, How Rosenberg the arguments of (New York: Basic Books, 1986), advance formation of the Industrial World in their account into two categories: economics the old institutional growth by separating case they see innovative In the European accumulation and innovation. growth being fos in territorial and the diffusion of authority forms involving institutional tered by various to undertake and a spirit of tech class terms, the ability of small enterprises experiments, nological innovation. Buck: Was Wong It Pluck or Luck That Made further European political in a struggle with the West Grow Rich? 425 the difference between the Chinese and develops economies that locked states, arguing European by new the elites over revenue extraction, developed to mer because needed borrow from money they stable agrarian economy with a highly organized credit institutions In China, chants. fractal lines, the state did not need to find new sources of income along because Confucianism allowed only a modest level of taxation, and the ruler and the there were no strong patterns of conflict between of more complex elites. In Europe, he sees the state's encouragement to sustain itself as laying an institutional institutions financial needed for capitalism that China lacked. who have those historians seen, asWong does, that Europe Among resources and social in terms of productive and China were comparable a in the eighteenth welfare the nineteenth century, century marked view is This of the best articulated ways. parting probably by John King that "judged superficially the Ch'ing Fairbank, who wrote regime by the late eighteenth century was at an unsurpassed height of power. Yet foundation In century, it would prove a hollow colossus."11 by the mid-nineteenth into a steep decline marked this widely held view China entered by and foreign pressures, while Europe domestic rebellion leaped ahead these conclusions through the industrial revolution. Wong challenges center and locale axis of that "this between the integration by arguing cen in the the nineteenth century collapsed forged during eighteenth the without basic social principles the agenda tury composing affecting for local rule and order" (p. 122). He believes that after 1850 the impe its fractal structure rial order showed remarkable strength throughout a broad range and only succumbed when foreign imperialism presented met of new challenges the that Manchu dynasty by adopting foreign derived schools, police forces, institutions?specifically foreign-style and military units. These post-1900 reforms released forces that quickly to create a stable the imperial order and proved unable overturned replacement. stress on the strength and resilience of the Chinese social Wong's order leads him to a series of arguments about how the underlying of the Chinese fractal agrarian political economy qualities shaped traces how the agrarian and subsis China. Wong twentieth-century era (1949-78) tence focus of state policies in the Maoist and the com munity-based 11 In his China nature introduction, (New York: Cambridge of post-1978 "The Old University economic Order," Press, reform reflect to volume 1989), 10 of p. 34. the heritage the Cambridge History of 426 JOURNAL OF WORLD HISTORY, FALL 1999 of China's political of the present cen economy. He sees the concerns in China as mirroring tral government the concerns of the imperial era in that both employed economic "the logic of creating comparable across the entire country" activities He that 182). denies, however, (p. the Communists imitated their eighteenth-century impe consciously rial predecessors. even in a world marked is an argument This against convergence, not mention obvious does Samuel Hunting Wong by globalization. in which ton's dark view of the world, the reach of the Western order is seen as collapsing into a clash of civilizations. he Instead, argues that in the case of China, and by implication elsewhere, strong, self-sus to economies continue will affect the future. These taining political He will produce what he calls "hybrid evolution" concludes (p. 204). into the societies that "the historical different trajectories carrying in is and will differ" future contrast, present arguing (p. 294). Landes, or assimilation of the European that convergence pattern of industri is the only way. The and succeed; the alization Japanese assimilate states of East Africa do not and fail. For Frank there was already one before the industrial revolution. True to his Europho world economy sees economic Frank the of balance bia, power shifting back to Asia, it had been where How Did the before 1800. Revolution Industrial Occur? it was pluck or luck that made To return to the question whether the we see West that each of these authors reaches different grow rich, Lan conclusions about the source of the industrial revolution. When their views on world history on 2 December des and Frank debated account for the industrial asked Frank how he would 1998, Landes was a its revolution that empha and question posing impact. Landes sizes the chief weakness of Frank's account.12 For Landes, and indeed that the industrial revolution there is no escaping historians, in modern world history. the great change represents in The Wealth of the industrial revolution and Landes's discussion for most 12 I did not Center attend at Northeastern 2 December 1998, organized History by the World vs. The Wealth in Boston under the title "ReORIENT in History." of the World Economy Jeffrey Sommers, my some of its main with the afternoon and discussed conclusions this debate University Two Views and Poverty of Nations: former student, organized me afterward. on It Pluck or Luck That Made Buck: Was theWest Grow Rich? 427 it as the coming of different represents together of Nations to create a great river of from within the European tradition He (pp. 186-195). change that sweeps across Europe itself and beyond a clear time period for it, from 1770 to 1780, and stresses establishes Poverty streams of the industrial revolution rather than its to him are its long and complex roots in rest must the of of the and how the world question history to the changes that industrialization While admit brings. the industrial revolution occurred repeatedly, Frank margin as a dis in his account. Frank sees the industrial revolution a more in in of continuities important history discontinuity the depth and thoroughness matters most speed. What European assimilate ting that alizes it tracting world history. He argues that historians caught up "agency" in human history miss the more important "structure" of human history, which he identifies as to the industrial attention omy. So Frank believes misplaced, continuities for it leads the historian in world history. away from the in the search for of the questions the world econ revolution larger, to be long-term of non-West Both Landes's Eurocentrism, with his dismissiveness ern civilization, out views and Frank's globalist wash the distinctive ness of different streams in world history. What Wong in accomplishes use to is his of "old institutional economics" both that China establish was on a different but comparable an track to Europe and to develop draws on the argument about why this difference matters today. Wong work of Joel Mokyr, The Lever of Riches: Technology, Creativity and Eco nomic Progress (New York: Oxford University in which Press, 1990), as "the rare occurrence characterizes the industrial revolution Mokyr of intensive bursts of technological and Wong change" (p. 53). Mokyr differ over exactly how these bursts of innovation in occur, and Wong stresses how similar situations may yield radically different particular . . suggests that the pres outcomes. "This argument. Thus, he writes, ence some in China of of expansion similar to those in dynamics rather than causal connections Europe makes likely a set of contingent between commercial and industrial breakthrough" development (p. 279). Mokyr himself has pointed out that those historians arguing for in human and highly contingent, long-separated rapid bursts of change from current thinking about evolutionary biol history are borrowing are altered by rapid shifts ogy, in which long periods of stable existence to new vectors of evolution.13 These ideas have been widely popular 13 Mokyr expressed mentioned above (note this 3). idea at the 1998 Social Science History Association meetings 428 journal of world history, fall izedby Stephen JayGould inWonderful Life (New York:Norton, where never he argues that natural turn out the same way A Revival of Political 1999 1989), selection produces that would accidents again in the evolutionary process.14 Economy in concerns, In focusing on the strong differences and con arguments, a I have reached by three authors, clusions great many other ignored I hope the result will be a scholars who are asking similar questions. more to political look at three radically different approaches insightful is a highly erudite and effective of economy. David Landes champion of European the widely held notion and he exceptionalism, ably is an assimilative defends the notion that modernization process lead In contrast, Andre Gunder Frank is relentlessly ing to convergence. a new in his views, but offers iconoclastic clear for under paradigm the world since 1500. In my view, R. Bin Wong best reflects in world history. His effort to include economic reasoning seems close to that of the "old institutionalist economics" approach its tenets the belief that "all evolving that includes among political are embedded in social and cultural processes; economies individuals are both products an and producers of these processes."15 Such standing a serious approach permits a shift away from concern with Europe to encompass in human of strong and different the existence evolutionary paths kind. The historian's task is seen as identifying these different path the political of each, and then project ways, characterizing economy to react, differently to ing how these have reacted, and will continue the modern world.16 14 In the field of The Crucible Morris, (New York: of Creation biology, Simon Conway Gould's conclusions. He has argued for par Press, 1998), has challenged University that several unrelated allel convergence species show similar anatomical by demonstrating to the same ecological niche. See New York Times, 15 December 1998, pp. Di, adaptions seem possible to support ideas of contingency it would and conver D6. Among historians taken by Landes and Wong. gence at the same time, to judge by the logic of the positions 15This is one of eight "Tenets of Institutional Economics" advocated by the Associa Oxford tion for Evolutionary the group identified with the old institutional economics Economics, are a part of inquiry and must is "Social value judgments Another themselves be is rejected." The positive of inquiry; the normative-positive dichotomy objects political to in contrast, of positive the importance economy school, analysis meant emphasizes of normative the importance specific social values and downplays analysis. Neil accomplish 12 February communication, 1999. See also Anne Mayhew, Buchanan, "Foreign personal position. in John Adams Growth and Theories of Value," Economic and Anthony Investment, The Institutional Economics (Boston: Kluwer, of the International Economy Scapenlanda, 1996), pp. 36-45 16Daedalus to questions is devoted of "Early Modernities" 127, no. 3 (summer 1998) on the past have been" of "how narrow many of our perspectives based on the premise Buck: Was It Pluck or Luck That Made theWest Grow Rich? 429 or "new economics" institutional As yet the school of "positive economics" has not had a great impact on the study of institutional rational world history. As Robert Bates sees it, efforts to introduce into the study of economic world of the choice require accept history actor is the basic unit of individual ( 1 ) The ing "four key postulates: are rational actors. (3) (2) Individuals, analysis. including politicians, create is relatively incentives institutions for autonomous; social Individual (4) rationality implies rationality."17 politicians. seem much too formalistic Bates's framework will probably Already, it seems to me that the and limiting to most historians. Nevertheless, Politics in his discussion of information by Wong developed in Europe and China invites attempts (pp. 231-51) to out of students their analytical economy try positive by political soon in How of world that the field may come and history. approaches how ready the readers of this and other historical journals may be to remain to be seen. consider this new approach interest in indicate a renewed Taken these three books together, kind and quality of tax resistance of political of con that represents a revitalization economy questions cerns that have and political economists, historians, long fascinated scientists. These of the "rise of the and indeed the question concerns, have enjoyed a prominent West," place in the Journal ofWorld History concerns since its inception.18 These will not replace cross-cultural considerations of gender, identity, and nationality, but Iwould suggest to be that while both Landes's and Frank's approaches will continue in their work, it isWong's scholars by various comparativist or the either on the "old instititionalist economics" approach?based new "positive political will probably be most copied economy"?that some in the next few years.19 Indeed, Wong incorporates already into his account by stressing aspects of rational choice interpretations used around the world. A second col (p. vi) and therefore covers a variety of early modernities is promised in the future. None lection on the theme "Multiple Modernities" of the con to this collection on political as do Landes, tributors economy lays the same emphasis is that various parts of the world the logic of their joint project Still, Frank, and Wong. in the past and will economies different do so in the future. developed political 17 Bates, "Macropolitical p. 51. Economy," 18The in the first issue of the journal was William H. McNeill, lead article uThe Rise 1-22. 1 (1990): after Twenty-Five Years," Journal ofWorld History of theWest 19 I have avoided a discussion of the differences these authors about multicul among as wrong and anti-intellectual, turalism. Landes attacks multiculturalism but is less dismis sive of that approach than Samuel Huntington. Frank embraces multiculturalism fervently, while Wong but still strong defense. The world history textbook gives a much more muted is a coauthor, of which Wong inWorld History Societies and Cultures (New York: Harper as mild an endorsement as one can imagine, of multiculturalism Collins, 1995), contains where the authors express "intellectual respect for the integrity of all civilizations" (p. xxv). some degree of multiculturalism coin among most world histori is a common In practice, 430 JOURNAL OF WORLD HISTORY, FALL 1999 out of a how popular seizures of grain in Europe and China developed actors. For similar set of choices rational he by certainly example, assertion could endorse Douglass North's that "institutional change is the key to through time and hence shapes the way societies evolve historical ignored by economic understanding change theory and clio metric history."20 Still, Wong the formalism stops short of embracing as well as the of the new rational choice school of political economy, in explaining rational choice have how, approaches from other cultures have reached rational individuals through politics, outcomes. It seems possible, however, collective that the work of polit on economics ical scientists using this new paradigm development difficulties that may come to affect the interpretation eras. the early modern and modern more issue serious in around the world emerged are the questions tory. Those 20 Institutional Institutions, Press, 1990), p. 3. University ans. The of world history, especially in is how historians that have different understand patterns on human his the past and the impacts of their differences tried to address in this review article. that I have and Economic (New York: Cambridge Change Performance
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