1. business and industrial
2. construction

On the syntactical development of ‫ ב‬with infinitive construct
in Biblical and Qumran Hebrew
1. Introduction
This paper examines the diachronic development of temporal constructions with
the infinitive construct governed by the ‫ ב‬preposition (henceforth ‫–ב‬infinitive) in
Standard Biblical Hebrew (SBH), Late Biblical Hebrew (LBH), and Qumran Hebrew
(QH).1 Due to space and time restraints, the closely related infinitive construct governed
by a ‫ כ‬preposition has been excluded. Moreover, this study will focus on those ‫–ב‬
infinitives that appear before the main clause.
While a few studies related to the diachronic development of biblical Hebrew
(BH) have examined on the decline of ‫ויהי‬/‫ והיה‬in general and specifically with ‫–ב‬
infinitives,2 little attention has been paid to how the ‫–ב‬infinitive clause relates to the main
Many thanks to Christo van der Merwe, Martin Abegg, and Joshua Matson who have read and critiqued
earlier versions of this paper.
1
For these terms, I am following Eduard Y. Kutscher, A History of the Hebrew Language
(ed. Raphael Kutscher; Leiden: Brill, 1982), 12.
2
See e.g., Mark F. Rooker, Biblical Hebrew in Transition: The Language of the Book of
Ezekiel (JSJSup 90; Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1990), 103–4; Paul Joüon and Takamitsu Muraoka, A Grammar
of Biblical Hebrew (SB 27; Rev. ed.; Rome: Gorgias and Biblical Press, 2011), §166q. See also Ian Young
et al., Linguistic Dating of Biblical Texts (London: Equinox Publishing, 2008), 162, #2 and the sources
cited there.
1
clause. Syntactically, there are two possibilities for ‫–ב‬infinitives.3 First, they can be
fronted in the main clause; thus, they are clause initial but remain within the bounds of
the clause itself. Second, they can be syntactically removed from the main clause but
within the sentence. A clause boundary marker such as waw is often used to sever the ‫–ב‬
infinitives from the clause. Alternatively, if a resumptive element occurs within the
clause, occupying the same argument position as the ‫–ב‬infinitive, the ‫–ב‬infinitive phrase
is also pushed out of the clause. This is referred to as “left dislocation.”4
I will argue that the ‫–ב‬infinitive develops structurally along the following lines:
(1) although both fronting and left dislocation of ‫–ב‬infinitives is possible in SBH, left
dislocation is prevalent; however, (2) the use of left dislocated ‫–ב‬infinitives is in sharp
decline in LBH and QH, which prefers fronted ‫–ב‬infinitives. (3) Ezekiel, although
showing features that resemble SBH, seems to occupy a medial position in the trajectory
of the development of this construction. In my analysis of the data, I will argue two
points related to the semantics of ‫–ב‬infinitives: (1) with fronted ‫–ב‬infinitives, the use of
yiqtol or qatal in the main clause shows little to no development from SBH through QH.
Variation between corpora can be explained via genre rather than linguistic development.
(2) There is overlap between the functional values of fronted and left dislocated ‫–ב‬
3
For a general outline of the meaning of ‫–ב‬infinitives, see e.g., Bruce K. Waltke and M.
O’Connor, An Introduction to Biblical Hebrew Syntax (Winona Lake, Ind.: Eisenbrauns, 1990), 36.2.2b;
Joüon–Muraoka, A Grammar of Biblical Hebrew, §124l.
4
For a comprehensive evaluation of left dislocation in SBH, see Joshua R. Westbury,
Left Dislocation in Biblical Hebrew: A Cognitive Linguistic Account (Ph.D. Diss.; Stellenbosch University,
2014).
2
infinitives from SBH to QH. However, whereas SBH gives preference to left dislocation
for certain functional values, LBH and QH show a marked preference for fronting with
these values.
One note on the corpora treated here is necessary. Along with the majority
consensus, I will consider Genesis–2 Kings to be SBH and Esther, Daniel, Ezra–
Nehemiah, 1–2 Chronicles as LBH.5 Rooker’s study on Ezekiel finds a number of LBH
features and argues that while it manifests 37 features of LBH, “we should be hesitant to
classify the book of Ezekiel as LBH.”6 Since is does not show as many late features as 1–
2 Chronicles or Ezra, for example, he argues that “Ezekiel appears to be the best
representative of the mediating link between pre-exilic and post-exilic Hebrew.”7 My
study here assumes his hypothesis and adds another feature to his list. I will exclude
portions considered to be Ancient Biblical Hebrew (ABH)—Gen 49, Exod 15, Num 23–
4, Deut 32, Judges 5, 1 Sam 2, 2 Sam 22–3—from relevant statistics, but they will
included in Appendix A. From Qumran, all of the so-called non-biblical texts have been
considered.
2. Fronted versus Left Dislocated ‫–ב‬infinitives
5
See Young et al., Linguistic Dating of Biblical Texts, 1; Ian Young, “Introduction: The
Origin of the Problem” (in Biblical Hebrew: Studies in Chronology and Typology [ed. idem; JSOTSup 369;
London: T&T Clark, 2003]), 3; see also Angel Sáenz-Badillos, A History of the Hebrew Language (trans.
John Elwolde; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 112–29. On the relation of QH to SBH and
LBH, see also Shelomo Morag, “Qumran Hebrew: Some Typological Observations,” VT 38 2 (1988): 148–
164.
6
Rooker, Biblical Hebrew in Transition, 185, see also 183–6.
7
Ibid., 186.
3
In each example here, I have indicated the ‫–ב‬infinitive clause with a single
underline and the main clause with a double underline. A fronted element appears within
its clause but otherwise out of ordinary position and thrown to the front. With the ‫–ב‬
infinitive, this occurs both with ‫ויהי‬/‫( והיה‬#1) and without ‫ויהי‬/‫( והיה‬#2):
1
2 Kgs 4:10
2
Num 11:9
‫והיה בבאו אלינו יסור שׁמה‬
. . . whenever he comes to us, he may stop there.8
‫וברדת הטל על המחנה לילה ירד המן עליו‬
When the dew fell on the camp in the night, the manna would fall
with it.
Left dislocation refers to elements that appear not only before the clause (i.e., to
the left) but are syntactically outside of the clause although within the sentence.9 With ‫–ב‬
infinitive, this occurs most frequently when the independent clause is marked with a
clause boundary marker, such as ‫ו‬, as in the following examples.10 It can appear with
‫ויהי‬/‫( והיה‬#3) or without ‫ויהי‬/‫( והיה‬#4):
3
Gen 4:8
‫ויהי בהיותם בשׂדה ויקם קין אל הבל אחיו‬
And when they were in the field, Cain rose up against his brother
Abel.
8
Translation mine; all other translations are from the NRSV unless otherwise indicated.
9
Westbury defines, “LD [=Left Dislocation] is generally identified by the presence of a
referential constituent that could function as an argument or adjunct within the predicate-argument structure
of the clause but, instead, occurs outside the left-peripheral boundaries of the clause containing the
predicate” (Westbury, “Left Dislocation in Biblical Hebrew,” 98). See also Robert D. van Valin and Randy
J. Lapolla, Syntax: Structure, Function and Meaning (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 36.
10
According to Westbury, ‫ ו‬clause markers are used in left dislocation examples, as well
as interrogatives, ‫כי‬, ‫גם‬, ‫רק‬, ‫אך‬, and ‫“( הנה‬Left Dislocation in Biblical Hebrew,” 222–5). With ‫–ב‬
infinitives, see also ‫ על כן‬in 2 Chron 16:7 (cp. with the ‫–ב‬infinitive construction in 2 Chron 16:8), ‫ אז‬in 2
Sam 5:24; Prov 1:27–28; Job 28:26–27.
4
4
Ezek 23:39
‫ובשׁחטם את־בניהם לגלוליהם ויבאו אל־מקדשׁי ביום ההוא‬
For when they had slaughtered their children for their idols, on the
same day they came into my sanctuary to profane it.
3. Fronted ‫–ב‬infinitive
Fronted ‫–ב‬infinitives are less common in SBH than left dislocated ‫–ב‬infinitives
(37/96, 39%); in LBH, the situation is just the reverse than LBH, where fronted ‫–ב‬
infinitives are dominant (21/29, 72%).
3.1. SBH
In SBH, the fronted ‫–ב‬infinitive is most frequently followed by a yiqtol form. In
21 of 29 occurrences, this occurs without a ‫ויהי‬/‫ והיה‬form; the remainder (8/29) occur
with ‫ויהי‬/‫והיה‬. See examples #5 and #6, respectively.
5
2 Kgs 4:10
6
Josh 6:5
‫בבאו אלינו יסור שׁמה‬
When he comes to us, he will stay there.11
‫והיה במשׁך בקרן היובל בשׁמעכם את־קול השׁופר יריעו כל העם‬
When they make a long blast with the ram’s horn, as soon as you
hear the sound of the trumpet, then all the people shall shout.
The perfect is found in only eight instances in SBH, three introduced by ‫ויהי‬/‫והיה‬12 and
the remainder without ‫ויהי‬/‫והיה‬13:
7
1 Sam 23:6
‫ויהי בברח אביתר בן אחימלך אל דוד קעילה אפוד ירד בידו‬
When Abiathar son of Ahimelech fled to David at Keilah, he
came down with an ephod in his hand.
11
Translation mine.
12
Josh 4:18; 1 Sam 23:6; 1 Kgs 16:11.
13
Gen 48:7; Lev 26:44 (negated); 2 Sam 1:23 (poetic); 5:2; 12:18.
5
3.2. LBH
Fronted ‫–ב‬infinitive clauses are more common with a qatal form (19/21, 90%) in
the main clause than a yiqtol form in LBH (2/21,14 10%). See examples #8 and #9,
respectively.
8
Est 2:7
9
Dan 11:34
‫ובמות אביה ואמה לקחה מרדכי לו לבת‬
and when her father and her mother died, Mordecai adopted her as his
own daughter.
‫ובהכשׁלם יעזרו עזר מעט‬
When they fall victim, they shall receive a little help
4. Left Dislocated ‫–ב‬infinitive
Left dislocated ‫–ב‬infinitives are more prevalent in SBH than fronted forms
(58/96, 61%). In Ezekiel, the situation is reversed and left dislocation is less common:
14/38 (37%). LBH continues in this trajectory: 8/21 (28%).
4.1. Left Dislocated ‫– ב‬infinitives in SBH
4.1.1. ‫–ב‬infinitive with ‫ויהי‬/‫והיה‬
In SBH, this construction is most common with wayyiqtol forms (#10) but
appears with weqatal (#11), and as waw–X–verb (#12).
10
11
12
Gen 4:8
‫ויהי בהיותם בשׂדה ויקם קין אל־הבל אחיו ויהרגהו‬
And when they were in the field, Cain rose up against his brother
Abel, and killed him.
2 Sam 15:5
Exod 13:17
14
‫והיה בקרב אישׁ להשׁתחות לו ושׁלח את ידו והחזיק לו ונשׁק לו‬
Whenever people came near to do obeisance to him, he would put
out his hand and take hold of them, and kiss them.
‫ויהי בשׁלח פרעה את העם ולא נחם אלהים דרך ארץ פלשׁתים‬
When Pharaoh let the people go, God did not lead them by way of
See 2 Chron 6:26. See also Isa 64:2.
6
the land of the Philistines
4.1.2. ‫–ב‬infinitive without ‫ויהי‬/‫והיה‬
In SBH, this appears most commonly with weqatal (#13) and wayyiqtol forms
(#14), but as waw–X–verb (#15).
13
Lev 26:26
‫בשׁברי לכם מטה לחם ואפו עשׂר נשׁים לחמכם בתנור אחד‬
When I break your staff of bread, ten women shall bake your
bread in a single oven
14
Judg 11:16
‫כי בעלותם ממצרים וילך ישׂראל במדבר עד ים סוף ויבא קדשׁה‬
but when they came up from Egypt, Israel went through the
wilderness to the Red Sea
15
Judg 11:26
‫בשׁבת ישׂראל בחשׁבון ובבנותיה ובערעור ובבנותיה ובכל הערים אשׁר‬
‫על ידי ארנון שׁלשׁ מאות שׁנה ומדוע לא הצלתם בעת ההיא‬
While Israel lived in Heshbon and its villages, and in Aroer and
its villages, and in all the towns that are along the Arnon, three
hundred years, why did you not recover them within that time?
4.2. Left Dislocated ‫– ב‬infinitives in LBH
4.2.1. ‫–ב‬infinitive construct with ‫ויהי‬/‫והיה‬
In LBH, the majority of uses with ‫ויהי‬/‫ והיה‬appear in left dislocation followed by
a wayyiqtol form (#16).
16 Est 2:8
‫ויהי בהשׁמע דבר המלך ודתו ובהקבץ נערות רבות אל שׁושׁן הבירה אל יד הגי‬
‫ותלקח אסתר אל בית המלך אל יד הגי שׁמר הנשׁים‬
So when the king’s order and his edict were proclaimed, and when
many young women were gathered in the citadel of Susa in custody
of Hegai, Esther also was taken into the king’s palace and put in
custody of Hegai, who had charge of the women.
Given that it is generally agreed that ‫ויהי‬/‫ והיה‬as well as the wayyiqtol form is
disappearing in LBH,15 this peculiar construction appears to be a vestige of the common
15
See Young et al., Linguistic Dating of Biblical Texts, 162, #1–2 and the sources cited
there.
7
SBH construction reappearing in LBH, or perhaps intentional imitation of SBH language.
Moreover, each occurrence appears in narrative, for which LBH usually uses fronting
with a qatal form.16 This happens five times: Est 2:8; 3:4; Dan 8:15; 1 Chron 15:26; 2
Chron 25:16.17
Once it matches the analysis waw–X–verb (#17) and once waw–nominal clause
(#18).
17 2 Chron 13:15
‫ויהי בהריע אישׁ יהודה והאלהים נגף את ירבעם וכל ישׂראל לפני אביה‬
‫ויהודה‬
And when the people of Judah shouted, God defeated Jeroboam
and all Israel before Abijah and Judah
18 Dan 8:2
‫ויהי בראתי ואני בשׁושׁן הבירה‬
And when I was looking, I was in Susa, the capital.18
4.2.2. ‫–ב‬infinitive without ‫ויהי‬/‫והיה‬
As I am arguing, left dislocation of ‫–ב‬infinitives is disappearing in LBH. Apart
from what appears to be a reappearance or imitation of SBH and the other two waw–X–
verb or –nominal clause uses (#17–18), there is only one use of left dislocation (#19).
19
1 Chron 21:28
‫בעת ההיא בראות דויד כי ענהו יהוה בגרן ארנן היבוסי ויזבח שׁם‬
At that time, when David saw that the LORD had answered him at
the threshing floor of Ornan the Jebusite, he made his sacrifices
there.
4.3. Summation of Evidence in BH
In order to compare SBH and LBH to each other, the following chart presents the
totals from each category.
16
See §6 below for substantiation.
17
See 1 Chron 15:56 is roughly parallel with 2 Sam 6:12 and may have been influenced
by the ‫ויהי‬. 2 Chron 25:14–16 is not found in 2 Kgs (see ch. 14).
18
Translation mine.
8
Table 1: Fronted Versus Left Dislocated ‫–ב‬Infinitives
SBH
Ezekiel
LBH
Fronted
37, 39%
24, 63%
21, 72%
Left Dislocation
58, 61%
14, 37%
8, 28%
Total
95
38
29
This table suggests my first two arguments, that (1) left dislocation of ‫–ב‬infinitives is
more prevalent in SBH but that (2) the use of left dislocated ‫–ב‬infinitives is in sharp
decline in LBH, which prefers fronting of ‫–ב‬infinitives. Left dislocation wanes from 61%
in SBH to 28% in LBH; inversely, fronted constructions rise from 39% in SBH to in SBH
to 72% in LBH. In both cases, Ezekiel occupies a medial position. Notice, however, that
even in SBH, fronting is not infrequent, but used 39% of the time. After we analyze QH,
Table 4 will reproduce Table 1 but with the addition of the data from QH.
In the following two tables, constructions with fronted ‫–ב‬infinitives (Table 2) and
then left dislocated ‫–ב‬infinitives (Table 3) are detailed. The constructions presented
above are summarized according to number of instances, followed by percentage for
easier comparison between the corpora. The column on the left indicates whether or not
‫ויהי‬/‫ והיה‬introduces the ‫–ב‬infinitive and the nature of the main clause. The relevant
locations for each figure are given in Appendix A.
Table 2: Fronted ‫–ב‬infinitives
SBH
Ezekiel
8, 22%
0
‫ויהי‬/‫והיה‬: yiqtol
3, 8%
0
‫ויהי‬/‫והיה‬: qatal
yiqtol
21, 57%
23, 96%
qatal
5, 14%
1, 4%
Total
37
24
LBH
0
0
2, 10%
19, 90%
21
In SBH, yiqtol follows a fronted ‫–ב‬infinitive 29/37 or 79% of the time—counting
both those uses with and without ‫ויהי‬/‫—והיה‬this obviously predominates, a usage that
9
Ezekiel follows 96% of the time. However, LBH uses a qatal form 90% of the time. In
§6, I will argue that this difference is primarily due to difference in genre and is not due
to development of the language.
Table 3: Left Dislocated ‫–ב‬infinitives
SBH
Ezekiel
26,
45%
1, 7%
‫ויהי‬/‫והיה‬: wayyiqtol
8, 14%
0
‫ויהי‬/‫והיה‬: weqatal
7, 12%
0
‫ויהי‬/‫והיה‬: waw–X–qatal
0
0
‫ויהי‬/‫והיה‬: waw–nominal
clause
wayyiqtol
6, 10%
4, 29%
weqatal
8, 14%
6, 43%
waw–X–verb
0
3, 21%
Other
3, 5%
0
Total
58
14
LBH
5,19 63%
0
1, 13%
1, 13%
1, 13%
0
0
0
8
In SBH, although a ‫–ב‬infinitive introduced by ‫ויהי‬/‫ והיה‬and followed by wayyiqtol
is most prevalent in left dislocation examples (45%), other constructions account for
more than half of the left dislocation examples. Uses with ‫ויהי‬/‫ והיה‬do account for 71%,
however. Ezekiel shows a marked decline in uses with ‫ויהי‬/‫( והיה‬1/14),20 but does use left
dislocation with a wayyiqtol or weqatal form 10 times. Left dislocation of ‫–ב‬infinitives is
attested fewer times in LBH than in Ezekiel alone (8 versus 14). However 6 of these in
LBH (75%) are used with ‫ויהי‬/‫והיה‬. There are two plausible explanations: (1) the writers
of LBH were intentionally mimicking SBH or (2) the form was still possible but less
frequent in LBH, or perhaps a mixture of both.
19
Contra Rooker, “Every occurrence of ‫כבוא‬/‫ ב‬with a preceding ‫ ויהי‬or ‫ והיה‬occurs
exclusively in [SBH] texts” (Biblical Hebrew in Transition, 104).
20
See also Rooker, Biblical Hebrew in Transition, 103–4.
10
5. ‫–ב‬infinitives in Qumran Hebrew
In the non-biblical scrolls, I have identified a total of 72 clause- or sentence-initial
uses of the ‫–ב‬infinitive. If the particular instance was too fragmentary to determine with
confidence the relationship between the ‫–ב‬infinitive and main clause, it was excluded
from consideration.21
5.1. Fronted ‫– ב‬infinitive
Fronted ‫–ב‬infinitives vastly predominate in the non-biblical Scrolls (59/72). The
most common construction in QH is the ‫–ב‬infinitive followed by a yiqtol form (#20–22).
I have identified 49 occurrences.22
20
CD 11:22–
2323
‫ובהרע חצוצרות הקהל יתקדם או יתאחר ולא ישביתו את העבׄ וׄדהׄ כולה‬
When the trumpets for assembly are blown, let him go earlier or
later so that they need not stop the whole service.24
21
1QM 9:3
‫ובהנגפם לפניהם יתקעו הכוהנים בחצוצרות המקרא‬
and when they have been defeated before them, the priests shall
blow the trumpets of assembly
21
E.g., at 11QHa 18:22–23, the main clause is lost to a lacuna. Additionally, I have
perforce excluded Aramaic examples (e.g., 11Q 35:2) since my focus is on Qumran Hebrew.
22
In the major manuscripts, CD: 1x; 1QS: 10x; 1Q28a: 3x; 1QM: 15x; 1QHa: 6x. See
Appendix A for details.
Incidentally, Qimron counts only 35 (Hebrew of the Dead Sea Scrolls, 73). The
difference can probably be attributed to the fact that he did not have access to the Qumran manuscripts that
we have available today.
23
This is the only occurrence in CD.
24
All translations of Qumran materials are from Michael Wise, Martin Abegg, and
Edward Cook, “Qumran Non-biblical English” in Accordance, version 3.0 (2009), unless otherwise noted.
11
There are only three occurrences of a ‫–ב‬infinitive introduced by ‫ויהי‬/‫ והיה‬in the entirety of
the non-biblical Scrolls: 1QS 2:12–13, CD 7:20–21 (#29), and 11Q19 56:20 (#29). Each
of these is a quotation from biblical texts. Although both follow a left dislocation analysis
in the MT, 1QS 2:12–13 transforms the syntax to follow the dominant pattern at
Qumran—fronting with a yiqtol form.
22
1QS 2:12–13
Deut 29:18
‫והיה בשומעו את דברי הברית הזות יתברך בלבבו לאמור שלום יהי לי‬
It shall come to pass, when he hears the words of this Covenant,
that he shall bless himself in his heart, saying ‘Peace be with me’
‫והיה בשׁמעו את דברי האלה הזאת והתברך בלבבו לאמר שׁלום יהיה לי‬
All who hear the words of this oath and bless themselves, thinking
in their hearts, “We are safe”
Notice, however, that although the ‫ והיה‬is retained, left dislocation is not; ‫ והתברך‬of the
MT now reads ‫יתברך‬. Curiously, it seems this represents a mixture of idiomatic usage
(yiqtol form) and non-idiomatic interference from SBH (‫)והיה‬. Compare with CD 7:20–21
and 11Q19 56:20–21 (#29) below.
The remaining eleven uses of a fronted ‫–ב‬infinitive are broken down as follows:
qatal is found five times with a fronted ‫–ב‬infinitive (#23). Additionally, a nominal phrase
appears in the main clause three times (#24), a participle clause twice (#25), and an
imperative once (#26).
23
CD 1:4–5
‫ובזכרו ברית ראשנים השאיר שאירית לישראל ולא נתנם לכלה‬
But when he called to mind the covenant He made with their
forefathers, he left a remnant for Israel and did not allow them to
be exterminated.
24
CD 4:10–11
‫ובשלים הקץ למספר השנים האלה אין עוד להשתפח לבית יהודה‬
When the total years of this present age are complete, there will
be no further need to be connected to the house of Judah
25
1QS 8:4–5
‫בהיות אלה בישראל נכונה העצת היחד‬
When such men as these come to be in Israel, then shall the party
12
of the Yahad truly be established.
26
4Q416 2 III, 21
‫בהתחברכה יחד התהלך עם עזר בשרכה‬
When you are united, live together with your fleshly helper.
5.2. Left Dislocated ‫–ב‬infinitive
I have identified a total of thirteen uses of left dislocation in the non-biblical
scrolls, including quotations from the Hebrew Bible, which account for three of these
(#29–30). In two instances—although only one if you count 4Q266 2 I, 2:18–19 (a CD
manuscript) and CD 1:14–15 as one—the main clause is begun by wayyiqtol forms
(#27).25
27
CD 1:14–15
‫בעמוד איש הלצון אשר הטיף לישראל מימי כזב ויתעם בתוהו לא דרך‬
When the Man of Mockery appeared, who sprayed on Israel lying
waters, he led them to wander in the trackless wasteland.
Weqatal forms account for another four occurrences (#28). However, three of these are
quotations from the Hebrew Bible. 11Q19 (Temple Scrolla) 56:20–21 quotes Deut 17:18
(#29) and CD 7:20–21 quotes Num 24:17, preserving both the introductory ‫ והיה‬formula
and left dislocation (cp. 1QS 2:12–13 [#22]). 1QM 10:2 quotes Deut 20:2 (#31).
28
1QS 6:15–16
25
‫ואחר בבואו לעמוד לפני הרבים ונשאלו הכול על דבריו‬
Subsequently when he comes to stand before the general
membership, they shall interrogate him concerning his words.26
See CD 1:14–15 // 4Q266 2 I 18–19. Depending on the way in which the syntax is
divided, 1QHa 11:16 could also be included. As it is tagged in Abegg and Holmstedt’s Accordance syntax
module (2010), this is a dependent temporal phrase attached to the preceding clause, ‫כול חכמתם בהמות ימים‬
‫כי תתבלע‬, and so should be excluded here.
26
Translation mine.
13
29
11Q19 56:20–
21
Deut 17:18
30
‫והיה בשבתו על כסא ממלכתו וכתבו לו את התורה הזואת על ספר‬
‫מלפני הכוהנים‬
When he first takes the throne of his kingdom, this law must be
written out for him in a book while the priests look on . . .
‫והיה כשׁבתו על כסא ממלכתו וכתב לו את משנה התורה הזאת על‬
‫ספר מלפני הכהנים הלוים‬
When he has taken the throne of his kingdom, he shall have a
copy of this law written for him in the presence of the levitical
priests.
CD 7:20–21
‫ובעמדו וקרקר את כל בני שת‬
when he appears, “he will shatter all the sons of Seth.”
Num 24:17
‫וקרקר כל בני שת‬
and destroy all the children of Seth
Additionally, note that the MT reads a ‫–כ‬infinitive rather than a ‫–ב‬infinitive.27
31
1QM 10:2
‫וילמדנו מאז לדורותינו לאמור בקרבכם למלחמה ועמד הכוהן ודבר אל‬
‫העם‬
He taught us from of old through all our generations, saying,
“When you approach the battle, the priest shall stand and speak
unto the people . . .
‫והיה כקרבכם אל־המלחמה ונגשׁ הכהן ודבר אל־העם‬
Deut 20:2
Before you engage in battle, the priest shall come forward and
speak to the troops
Notice that in 1QM 10:2 the introductory ‫ והיה‬is dropped whereas it is not in #29.
In three instances in 1QHa, there are preserved a rare weyiqtol form.
32
1QHa 11:27
27
‫בהפתח כל פחי שחת ויפרשו כול מצודות רשעה ומכמרת חלכאים על פני‬
‫מים‬
When all the traps of the pit open, then all the wicked snares and
the net of the wretched ones will be spread out on the water.
Only Tg. Onq. of the Targumim also preserves a ‫ כ‬at Deut 17:18.
14
Finally, there remain four instances—although one is quite fragmentary (#33): a
waw–nominal clause follows the ‫–ב‬infinitive once (#33) and waw–X–verb three times
(#34).
33
4Q158 1 II,
16–1728
‫[ ללכתׄ ע֯ בׄ ׄדים והנה המה שלושי]ם‬
] ׄ‫יהוה לי לאמור בהוציאכה את‬
The LORD [has spoken] to me, saying, ‘When you have brought
the [people] out [of Egypt …’] to go as slaves, and consider, they
number thir[ty . . .]
34
1QM 16:11
‫ובהתאזר ]בליעל[ לׄע ֯זרׄת בני חׄ וׄשך וחללי הבינים יחלו לנפול ברזי אל‬
When [Belial] prepares himself to assist the Sons of Darkness, and
the slain among the infantry begin to fall by God’s mysteries
5.3. Summation of Evidence in QH
In the tables below, biblical quotations are excluded from the count and two
manuscripts that preserve the passage (e.g., 4Q266 2 I, 18–19 and CD 1:14–15) are
counted as one. Accordingly, I have arrived at a total of 58 instances of fronting and 9
instances of left dislocation in QH. Table 4 contains the Qumran data in addition to the
information presented on BH above (Table 1). Again, the relevant locations are presented
in Appendix A.
Table 4: Fronting versus Left Dislocation in BH and QH
SBH
Ezekiel
LBH
QH
Fronted
37, 39%
24, 63%
21, 72%
58, 87%
Left Dislocation
58, 61 %
14, 37%
8, 28%
9, 13%
Totals
95
38
29
67
28
4Q158 1 II, 16–17 is too fragmentary to tell, but it appears to be a loosely based on
Exod 3:12. Exod 3:12 and 1 Kings 8:53 are the only places where ‫ הוציאךב‬appears followed by the direct
object marker ‫את‬. Exod 3:12 also has ‫ תעבדון‬following, which seems to match with in ‫ לעבד‬in 4Q158 1 II,
117, which makes it the more likely option.
15
Although left dislocation with ‫–ב‬infinitives predominates in SBH (61%), it declines
steadily through Ezekiel (37%) and LBH (28%) to QH (13%). In terms of absolute
quantity (and leaving aside corpus size), LBH and QH attest 8 and 9, respectively. Since
there are only two syntactical options for the clause or sentence initial ‫–ב‬infinitive, the
alternative to left dislocation—fronting—grows steadily from 39% in SBH to 87% in
QH.
Table 5: Distribution of Fronted ‫–ב‬infinitives, QH
2%
With ‫והיה‬/‫ויהי‬: yiqtol 1
47
yiqtol
81%
6
qatal
10%
2
Nominal Clause
3%
2
Participle
4%
58
Total
Elisha Qimron makes some claims about ‫–ב‬infinitives that are instructive to
examine here. He states, “The syntax of temporal clauses with ‫ בקטלו‬deviates in yet
another way from BH. In DSS Hebrew, ‫ ובקטלו‬is practically always followed by a simple
imperfect . . . By contrast, in BH the verb ‫בקטלו‬/‫ וכ‬can occur either in a simple [=fronted]
or a conversive tense-form [=left dislocated].”29 It should be observed that QH does in
fact use qatal after the ‫–ב‬infinitive six times; thus, Qimron’s figure is not quite accurate.
Moreover, I will argue below (see §6) that with fronted ‫–ב‬infinitives, there has been no
variation in the use of yiqtol and qatal forms between SBH and QH (although he is
29
Qimron, Hebrew of the Dead Sea Scrolls (HSS 29; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1986) 73. It
should also be noted that Qimron did not have access to all the scrolls available to us today at the time of
publication, which may also influence his data.
16
correct that ‫–ב‬infinitives are most frequent with yiqtol forms). Rather, the differences in
the various corpora can be explained through functional value and genre.
Table 6: Distribution of Left Dislocated ‫–ב‬infinitives, QH
wayyiqtol
1
11%
weqatal
1
11%
weyiqtol
3
33%
waw–X–verb
3
33%
waw–nominal clause
1
11%
9
Total
It is now apparent, moreover, that Qimron is incorrect concerning the use of the
waw-consecutive (or lack thereof) with ‫–ב‬infinitives in QH. I have identified one use
with a wayyiqtol form (CD 1:14–15) and one with a weqatal form (1QS 6:15–16).
Therefore, it is more accurate to say that left dislocation is waning in QH, a process that
we have already seen in LBH. However, Qimron’s comments confirm what I am arguing
is the trajectory of the ‫–ב‬infinitive construction from SBH to LBH: preference for the
fronted ‫–ב‬infinitive before simple verb forms and the associated decline of left
dislocation.
6. Analysis
As I have presented above, there is a neat trajectory in the development of the ‫–ב‬
infinitive constructions from SBH through QH30—except for the use of the yiqtol or qatal
forms after a fronted ‫–ב‬infinitive. The following table summarizes my findings:
30
This should not be taken to mean that the development of the language itself was had a
neat trajectory (see Jacobus A. Naudé, “The Transitions of Biblical Hebrew in the Perspective of Language
Change and Diffusion,” in Biblical Hebrew: Studies in Chronology and Typology [ed. Ian Young;
JSOTSup 369; London: T&T Clark, 2003], 189.
17
Table 7: Fronting with yiqtol versus fronting with qatal
SBH
Ezekiel
LBH
29, 78%
23, 96%
2, 10%
8, 22%
1, 4%
19, 90%
37
24
21
yiqtol
qatal
Totals
QH
47, 89%
6, 11%
53
I propose that yiqtol and qatal forms with fronted ‫ב‬-infinitive clauses are used in the
same manner from SBH through QH. The variation is due mainly to genre
considerations: ‫–ב‬infinitive + yiqtol is frequently used in instructional/legal and prophetic
genres whereas ‫–ב‬infinitive + qatal is used in narrative.
The choice of yiqtol versus qatal is influenced by the temporal relationship
between the main and ‫–ב‬infinitive clause. Here I offer some suggestions as to when a
yiqtol form is used.31 Representative texts from each corpus are given in footnotes.
(a) the ‫–ב‬infinitive clause expresses the time frame when a certain action should be
completed. This frequently occurs in legal contexts (e.g., Exodus–Deuteronomy)
or instructional texts (e.g., 1QS, 1QM).32 E.g., when x, he should etc.
(b) the ‫–ב‬infinitive clause expresses a the time frame in which an iterative or habitual
event will occur.33 E.g., when x, he would etc.
31
These are fairly comprehensive and are able to account for most uses. Closer
examination may show that further functions should be added to this taxonomy.
32
SBH: Exod 19:13; 30:8, 20; Lev 23:22 (negated); Num 1:51; Deut 25:19; Josh 6:5; 2
Sam 5:24. Ezekiel 46:9. QH: CD 11:22–23; 1QS 1:18; 1QHa 12:23, inter alia. Not found in LBH.
33
SBH: Exod 34:34; Num 9:22; 11:9 Judg 2:19; Ezek: 1:17. QH: possibly 1QHa 12:23;
16:23–24. Not found in LBH.
18
(c) the ‫–ב‬infinitive clause expresses a the time when an event will take place. This is
frequent in prophetic contexts (and to a lesser extent, discourse).34 E.g., when x,
he will etc.
In other words, uses of yiqtol (a)–(b) do not view the events as completed. In
contradistinction, a qatal form is used when,
(d) the ‫–ב‬infinitive clause expresses the time or time frame when an action occurred.
This is frequently in narrative (e.g., Josh 4:18) but also happens in dialogue (e.g.,
Gen 48:7; 2 Sam 12:18).35 E.g., when x, he did etc.
In brief, SBH and QH use the yiqtol form frequently due to the high volume of legal
material and in Ezekiel, due to the prophetic content. LBH primarily uses qatal forms
since a majority of the corpus is narrative. There is the obvious question that is raised by
this explanation: SBH also includes a lot of narrative, why are there not more uses of the
fronted ‫–ב‬infinitive followed by qatal?
In order to answer that question, we need to look at the semantic value of the left
dislocated ‫–ב‬infinitive followed by wayyiqtol. In a narrative, the ‫–ב‬infinitive sets the time
of the action and the action of the main clause happens concurrently. In SBH, left
dislocation with a wayyiqtol is used predominantly in this narrative sense (#35) whereas
LBH predominantly uses fronting with a qatal form to fulfill this function (#36).
35
Gen 11:2
34
‫ויהי בנסעם מקדם וימצאו בקעה בארץ שׁנער וישׁבו שׁם‬
And as they migrated from the east, they came upon a plain in the
land of Shinar and settled there.
SBH: Judg 8:9; 1 Kings 8:35. Ezekiel: 3:20, 27; 29:7 (2x). LBH: 2 Chron 6:26; Dan
11:34. QH: 1QS 10:10–11, 17; 1QHa 8:24; 4Q169 3–4 III, 4–5; 11Q5 IXX, 12–13.
35
SBH: Josh 4:18; 1 Sam 23:6. Ezekiel 27:33; LBH: Est 1:5; Dan 8:17; 10:11; Ezra 2:68;
1 Chron 12:21 [ET 12:20]; 16:19–21 (poetic). QH: CD 1:4; 1QM 14:10.
19
36
Est 2:7
‫ובמות אביה ואמה לקחה מרדכי לו לבת‬
and when her father and her mother died, Mordecai adopted her as
his own daughter.
Quantitatively, SBH uses ‫–ב‬infinitive followed by wayyiqtol (= left dislocation) 26 times
in narrative36 and ‫–ב‬infinitive + qatal only three times (Josh 4:18; 1 Sam 23:6; 1 Kgs
16:11).37 In contradistinction, LBH attests four occurrences of the ‫–ב‬infinitive +
wayyiqtol in narrative (Est 2:8; 3:4; 1 Chron 21:28; 2 Chron 25:1638) and sixteen
occurrences of ‫–ב‬infinitive + qatal.39
In QH, the situation is—like the manuscripts themselves—fragmentary. The
Hodayot, which have three instances of left dislocation with weyiqtol forms,40 seem to
parrot the biblical idiom poorly by adding a ‫ ו‬before the yiqtol, but using the yiqtol form
as is usually used in QH with a fronted ‫–ב‬infinitive. That is, the Hodayot uses a rare
weyiqtol—i.e., not wayyiqtol—form in future referring contexts (cp. also examples #40–
43 below).
37
1QHa 11:27
36
‫בהפתח כל פחי שחת ויפרשו כול מצודות רשעה ומכמרת חלכאים על פני‬
‫מים‬
Gen 4:8; 11:2; 19:29; 34:25; 35:17, 18, 22; 38:28; Num 7:89; 17:7 (ET 16:42); Josh
5:13; 15:18; Judg 1:14; 3:27; 13:20; 1 Sam 16:6; 17:24; 18:6; 25:37; 2 Sam 1:2; 4:4 2º; 11:16; 1 Kgs 11:15;
18:4, 36; 2 Kings 2:1.
37
The other five instances of a fronted ‫–ב‬infinitive + qatal in SBH do not appear in
narrative: Gen 48:7; Lev 26:44; 2 Sam 1:23; 5:2; 12:18.
38
I have excluded 1 Chron 15:26, which is influenced by 2 Sam 6:13.
39
Est 1:5; 2:7, 15; 9:25; Dan 8:17, 18; 10:11, 15; Ezra 2:68; 1 Chron 12:21 [ET 12:20]; 2
Chron 12:7, 12; 20:20; 22:7; 24:25; 34:14.
40
1QHa 10:30; 11:27, 28.
20
When all the traps of the pit open, then all the wicked snares and
the net of the wretched ones will be spread out on the water.
In CD 1:14–15 (also attested in 4Q266 2 I, 18–19), there is one usage that reflects the
SBH idiom of a narrative wayyiqtol after a ‫–ב‬infinitive.
38
CD 1:14–15
‫בעמוד איש הלצון אשר הטיף לישראל מימי כזב ויתעם בתוהו לא דרך‬
When the Man of Mockery appeared, who sprayed on Israel lying
waters, he led them to wander in the trackless wasteland.
In contradistinction, there are five instances of the fronted ‫–ב‬infinitive followed by qatal
(#39), reflecting the LBH idiom.41
39
CD 1:4–5
‫ובזכרו ברית ראשנים השאיר שאירית לישראל‬
But when He called to mind the covenant He made with their
forefathers, He left a remnant for Israel
In sum, there seems to be only one positive use of the left-dislocated ‫–ב‬infinitive +
wayyiqtol used in a similar manner to that commonly found in SBH and five of ‫–ב‬
infinitive + qatal, commonly found in LBH. This, along with the data presented from
SBH and LBH, suggests that the narrative function of dislocated ‫–ב‬infinitive + wayyiqtol
is overtaken is overtaken by ‫–ב‬infinitive + qatal in LBH and QH.
Finally, SBH uses weqatal following a ‫–ב‬infinitive in two ways that LBH uses a
simple yiqtol form. First, weqatal appears for the volitive in SBH (#39) where LBH and
QH predominantly uses fronting with yiqtol (#40). Additionally, SBH uses weqatal for
future reference (#41), for which LBH and QH prefer to use a yiqtol (#42).42 Note that
41
See CD 1:4, CD 2:17; 1QM 14:10; 1QHa 12:36–37; 4Q390 1, 10–11.
42
Perhaps also 2 Chron 6:26.
21
LBH never uses a weqatal form after a ‫–ב‬infinitive and in QH, this happens only once
(#28),43 which is similar to #42.
40
Deut 23:14
‫והיה בשׁבתך חוץ וחפרתה בה ושׁבת וכסית את צאתך‬
when you relieve yourself outside, you shall dig a hole with it and
then cover up your excrement.
41
1QS 3:16
‫ובקורבו לעצת היחד לוא יגע בטהרת הרבים עד‬
If he does proceed in joining the party of the Yahad, he must not
touch the pure food of the general membership.
42
1 Sam 10:2
‫בלכתך היום מעמדי ומצאת שׁני אנשׁים עם קברת רחל בגבול בנימן בצלצח‬
When you depart from me today you will meet two men by
Rachel’s tomb in the territory of Benjamin at Zelzah
43
Dan 11:34
‫ובהכשׁלם יעזרו עזר מעט‬
When they fall victim, they shall receive a little help
Therefore, the functions that left dislocated ‫–ב‬infinitive construction—with both
wayyiqtol and weqatal forms—are predominantly fulfilled by the simpler fronted ‫–ב‬
infinitive and a simple verb form. This is most clearly seen with the predominance of the
left dislocated ‫–ב‬infinitive + wayyiqtol in narrative material in SBH and the fronted ‫–ב‬
infinitive + qatal in LBH and QH.
7. Conclusion
Structurally, I have demonstrated that fronting of the ‫–ב‬infinitive clause is
preferred in LBH as well as QH, although left dislocation is preferred over fronting in
SBH. As has been shown in the analysis section (§6), certain functional values that are
constructed with left-dislocation in SBH are predominantly constructed with a fronted ‫–ב‬
infinitive clause with a simple verb form in LBH and QH. Whereas in SBH, fronted and
43
Technically there are four, but three are quotations (see §5.2).
22
left dislocated ‫–ב‬infinitive clauses have overlapping functions,44 LBH and QH prefer a
fronted construction for these same values. Nevertheless, the presence of left dislocated
‫–ב‬infinitive clauses in LBH and QH suggests that this construction is still grammatical,
although likely only as a residue of the more archaic construction.45
44
I.e., a ‫–ב‬infinitive followed by a wayyiqtol and a ‫–ב‬infinitive followed by qatal are
both used to indicate concurrent actions in narrative.
45
See Morag, “Qumran Hebrew,” 161.
23
Appendix A
Standard Biblical Hebrew
Fronted ‫–ב‬infinitives
Num 15:18–19; Deut 25:19; 27:4; 29:18–19; Josh 6:5; Judg 2:19;
‫ויהי‬/‫והיה‬: yiqtol
2 Sam 5:24; 2 Kgs 4:10; Josh 4:18; 1 Sam 23:6; 1 Kgs 16:11;
Exod 19:13; 30:8, 20; 34:34; 40:32, 36; Lev 12:6; 19:9 (negated);
23:22 (prohibition), 39; Num 1:51; 9:22 2x; 10:36 (poetic); 11:9;
28:26; 35:19; Deut 31:11; Judg 8:9; 1 Kgs 8:35; 2 Kgs 5:18; in
ABH, see Deut 32:8.
Josh 4:18; 1 Sam 23:6; 1 Kgs 16:11
‫ויהי‬/‫והיה‬: qatal
yiqtol
Exod 19:13; 30:8, 20; 34:34; 40:32, 36; Lev 12:6; 19:9 (negated);
23:22 (prohibition), 39; Num 1:51; 9:22 2x; 10:36 (poetic); 11:9;
28:26; 35:19; Deut 31:11; Judg 8:9; 1 Kgs 8:35; 2 Kgs 5:18; in
ABH, see Deut 32:8.
qatal
Gen 48:7; Lev 26:44 (negated); 2 Sam 1:23 (poetic); 5:2; 12:18; in
ABH, see Judg 5:4.
Left Dislocated ‫–ב‬infinitives
Gen 4:8, 11:2, 19:29, 34:25, 35:17, 18, 22; 38:28; Num 10:35;
‫ויהי‬/‫והיה‬:
17:7; Josh 5:13; 15:18; Judg 1:14; 3:27; 13:20; 1 Sam 16:6; 18:6;
wayyiqtol
25:37; 30:1; 2 Sam 1:2; 4:4 2º; 11:16; 1 Kgs 11:15; 18:4, 36; 2
Kgs 2:1
‫ויהי‬/‫והיה‬: weqatal Gen 9:14; Exod 33:22; Num 9:19; Deut 23:14; Josh 2:14; 1 Sam
16:16, 23; 2 Sam 15:5
Exod 13:17; 34:29; Josh 3:14; 10:11; 1 Sam 24:12; 2 Sam 3:6; 1
‫ויהי‬/‫והיה‬: waw–
Kgs 8:10
X–qatal
wayyiqtol
Num 7:89; Deut 9:9, 23; Judg 11:16; 1 Sam 17:24 (note the casus
pendens); 1 Kings 10:9
weqatal
Lev 26:26; Num 18:30; Josh 23:16 (note change of subject); Judg
8:7 (note change of subject); 1 Sam 10:2;1 Kgs 8:33; 14:12; 2 Kgs
10:2–3; 2 Sam 14:26 is dubious and not included in the count
above.
Other
Exod 1:16; Judg 11:26; 2 Sam 5:24
Ezekiel
Fronted ‫–ב‬infinitives
yiqtol
1:17, 19, 21; 3:20, 27; 10:11, 16 1º, 16 2º (negated), 17 (2x); 15:5
(negated); 18:27; 29:7 (2x); 33:8, 13, 19; 38:14; 43:23; 44:19;
46:8, 9, 10. Ezek 33:14–15 is tentatively placed here but excluded
from the count above since it is dubious.
qatal
27:33 (poetic).
Left Dislocated ‫–ב‬infinitives
10:6
‫ויהי‬/‫והיה‬:
wayyiqtol
wayyiqtol
23:39; 24:24; 32:15; 47:3.
24
weqatal
waw–X–verb
18:26 (1º); 26:19–20; 28:25; 33:18; 39:27; 43:8.
5:16; 18:24; 42:14; Ps 142:4.
Late Biblical Hebrew
Fronted ‫–ב‬infinitives
yiqtol
Dan 11:34; 2 Chron 6:26
qatal
Est 1:5; 2:7, 15; 9:25; Dan 8:17, 18; 10:11, 15; Ezra 2:68; 1 Chron
12:21 [ET 12:20]; 16:19–21 (poetic); 2 Chron 2:10 [ET 2:11];
12:7, 12; 16:8; 20:20; 22:7; 24:25; 34:14. None of the passages in
1–2 Chron that have parallels in Sam–Kings.
Left Dislocated ‫–ב‬infinitives
Est 2:8; 3:4; Dan 8:15; 1 Chron 15:26; 2 Chron 25:16; see also
‫ויהי‬/‫והיה‬:
Ruth 3:4. 1 Chron 15:56 is roughly parallel with 2 Sam 6:12–13
wayyiqtol
and may have been influenced by the ‫ויהי‬. 2 Chron 25:14–16 is not
found in 2 Kgs (see ch. 14).
‫ויהי‬/‫והיה‬: waw–X– 2 Chron 13:15
qatal
Dan 8:2
‫ויהי‬/‫והיה‬: waw–
nominal clause
wayyiqtol
1 Chron 21:28
Qumran Hebrew
Fronted ‫–ב‬infinitives
yiqtol
CD 11:22–23; 1QS 1:18; 2:12–13 (w. ‫ ;)היהו‬3:16; 6:16, 18, 21;
7:20; 8:10–11, 8:12–13; 10:10–12, 17; 1Q28a (1QSa) 1:4, 12, 19;
1QM 4:6, 7, 8, 9, 11, 13; 5:3, 16; 7:13–14; 8:6–7; 9:3, 7; 16:6;
17:11–12; 1QHa 8:24; 11:17; 12:23; 14:38; 16:23–24; 28:8; 4Q169
3–4 III, 4–5; 4Q258 IX 10; 4Q271 III, 15; 4Q317 II, 28; 4Q365
XXIII, 4–5; 4Q405 20–22 II, 9, 12–13; 4Q493 I, 8, 10, 11; 4Q503
1–6 III, 1; 11Q5 IXX, 12
qatal
CD 1:4–5; 2:17; 1QHa 12:36–37; 1QM 14:10 (partially
reconstructed from 4Q491); 4Q270 6 IV, 18. Potentially 4Q390 1
I, 10–11 could also be included here; however, it is too
fragmentary to say with confidence.
nominal phrase
CD 4:10–11; 1QS 9:3–4; 10:4 // 4Q258 IX, 1.
participle
1QS 8:4–5; 4Q264 7, 7–8.
imperative
4Q416 2 III, 21
Left Dislocated ‫–ב‬infinitives
wayyiqtol
CD 1:14–15 // 4Q266 2 I, 18–19
weqatal
CD 7:20–21; 1QM 10:2; 1QS 6:15–16; 11Q19 56:20–21
weyiqtol
1QHa 10:30; 11:27, 28
waw–X–verb
1QHa 8:28; 11:28–30; 1QM 16:11
waw–nominal
4Q158 1 II 16–17
clause
25