Project description The Departmentality of Self-Organising Systems – a Historical Sociology of Organisation By Gorm Harste, Department of Political Science, Aarhus University, [email protected] Organisation theories normally date their origin back to the first decades of the 20th century. Weber described his pure ideal type of bureaucracy just before the First World War, Henri Fayol described French control and command and Frederick Taylor describe what is later known as taylorism at those assembly lines that got their heyday in arms production during the First World War (Morgan 1986; Clegg 1990; Perrow 1970; Luhmann 2000). Though, Weber himself and Foucault too described organisation way back. Weber‟s contemporary historicist and sociologist Otto Hintze elaborated penetrating studies of administration, centralisation departments and the origin of the modern ministerial system way back over centuries of absolutist rule and into the high medieval era (Hintze 1962; 1975). Accordingly scholars today are led to suggest that organisation very well could be an old phenomenon while organisation theory is a very recent phenomenon. During the 1980‟ies when the conceptions of “organisational culture” was at the frontline of organisational research several authors found that such a conception should be studied with the use of anthropological studies of Bali culture or the Japanese Confucian legacy. Hence we might tend to believe that there is no such thing as a legacy of European organisational culture and even more absurdly that European organisations and administrations developed without the slightest idea about who they were, why they did what they did, which concepts and organisation codes they used, how they communicated and which communication ideas they should use. This is complete of the record and organisation theory has been misled in about every sense possible with such kinds of non-sense (Harste 1994; 1997). The problem is to trace the historical record of those path-dependencies that throughout hundreds of years have decided the decision-making premises of modern organisational systems. When and how, about what and with whom were the organisational forms known today established? What were the membership codes, the codes of inclusion/exclusion, of hierarchy, of communicational decision-making? How did coordination and synchronisation, temporalisation and division of labour emerge? How was organisational semantics and modern world-views influenced by these developments? In fact, Niklas Luhmann in his penetrating studies on historical semantics over and over describes organisation semantics and even more to the point organisational self-descriptions (Luhmann 1989: 67-132; 1997: 813-847). In Table 1, I have listed a number such self-descriptions during the state-formation period, many of them analysed by Luhmann himself. Foucault too analyses such texts. Nevertheless Luhmann in his magisterial final work in organisational sociology did not trace organisational theories further back than to the usual suspects, Weber, Fayol and Taylor (Luhmann 2000: chap. 1). And Foucault does not make organisational theory at all; sometimes proponents of Foucauldian analyses even tend to forget that Foucault did not analyse our contemporary society but mainly the 17th and 18th centuries (Foucault 1975; 1976; 1997; 2004). Even more to the troubles, Foucault did not with a single word refer to his main empirical case that 1 stays closed into a French iron house of common knowledge – to every well educated French scholar: The Colbert construction of central administration under Louis XIV during the period 1660-1680 and the years that followed (Colbert 1873; Harste 2003). This was what Alexis Tocqueville called a “revolution administrative” that preceded the French Revolution. And Weber? He did not refer to his sources in his posthumously published Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft (Weber 1980 [1922]). Probably Prussian administration was his main subject while his use of French administrative history is very unclear. One reason for the general disproportion in organisation studies could very well be that the Anglo-Saxon studies of management and organisation have dominated social research since more than half a century. But English organisational history is peculiar in the sense that England did not have only a small administration as Weber and Hintze thought, but what England have not had was any kind of outstanding track of organisational self-descriptions comparable to what is known from the central administrations in Germany, France, Spain and the high medieval church. English organisational history is amazingly non-reflexive the whole way up to the aftermath of their Blitzkrieg experience. And then a veritable explosion of afterthought took place. On the continent organisation theories of corporate spirit, esprit de corps and corpus spiritus can be traced back well into the 12th century (Salisbury 1993 [1159]; Marsilius 2001 [1326] Kantorowicz 1957; Quillet 1972; Rossum & Böckenförde 1978). The invention of organisation and organisation theory was dominated by the concerns of the church during the high medieval era. From that period we have conceptions and theories of hierarchy, centralisation and decentralisation, membership, merits, individual inclusion and exclusion, communication and excommunication, networks, credibility, honour and prestige, corporate spirit and corporate identity, partnership, parts and wholes, functional differentiation, departments and so on. Later on decision-making was put more to the fore in the 16th century and a still stronger post-confessional secularisation of the many theological concepts was undertaken from 1516 (Machiavelli) over Bodin to Fredrick the Great in the heydays of Enlightenment. What does this (hi)story mean? What does it signify? Which impact and path-dependency does it have? First, it describes the forms irritated whenever we make organisational reforms: Do reforms and reorganisation scratch at the surface of our culture or do we give a push to deep structures conditioning our comprehensive self-understanding and self-reflexion? We shall not forget that the whole Enlightenment era was through and through an époque of reforms, reforms and reforms all over and in every detail to the very reorganisation of what it does mean to be a human being and to have a mind. “Reorganisationfever” was a key work from that period and our whole culture, i.e. our forms of communication and reflexions about communication has already learned what it does mean to reform and reorganise. Furthermore we shall not forget that the conceptual history of “organisation” is not about biological organs and organisms, bodies and corps, but about theology and partaking in the Christian body of Jesus; the Eucharist was the first and most penetrating model of what it does signify to make a meeting, to communicate in such a meeting, to delegate and discipline, and to have a leader. Third, in the European state, such ideas, conceptions and models were spread all over. They were copied and imitated from one part of Europe to the other part. In the beginning by the Church and later on, after the 16th century by the extreme military competition and that means a forced and permanent reorganisation of military capabilities where enemies copied the innovations of each other. This paved the way for the organisational record Europe offered as a heritage to the modern world. 2 Apart of some overall descriptions of the project (Harste 2010a; 2010b), in a number of articles I have now traced the history of organisation and organisational theories in a time span reaching from 1500-1900. In principle I try to get organisational self-descriptions from more or less every decade. From about 1050-1500 the descriptions are more dispersed. Table 1. Central self-descriptions in conceptual history of organisation: Structural differentiations and semantic distinctions Year Author Title Theme Contribution Claude de La monarchie en France Beskrivelse af det Første beskrivelse af 1515 Seyssel kollektive beslutningssystem Beskrivelse af kongens 208 kompetencer Analyse af magtapparatet, kongens suverænitet og dets embedsmænd Beskrivelse af embedsmænd Catalogus Gloriae Mundi 1576 Barthélemy de Chasseneux Jean Bodin 1609 Charles Loyseau Traité des offices 1631 Cardin Le Bret La souveraineté du roi Beskrivelse af Staten 1651 Herman Conring De ratione status 16641683 Jean-Baptiste Colbert Les instructions pour les Commissaires Beskrivelse af geheimstatens embedsmandsdyder Beskrivelse af embedsmænds opgaver 1695 Gottfried Leibniz Système nouveau Teoretisk beskrivelse af et organisationssystem 1693 – 1715 1722 Henri-François d‟Aguesseau 22 Discours, Mercuriales Departementalisering Frederik Wilhelm I Frederik den Store Verwaltungsinstruktion 1777 Frederik den Store Essai de devoirs du prince et du gouvernement Forvaltningssystemet i Preussen Beskrivelse af den preussiske stats muligheder Beslutnings- og forvaltningsetik 1806-8 Karl von Stein, Karl von Hardenberg m.fl Denkschrifte Preussens ministerialsystem 1821 G.W.F.Hegel Grundlinien der Philosophie des Rechts Statens indre forfatning og dens rationalitetspotentiale 1529 1752 Les six livres de la république Das politische Testament 3 beføjelser hos kronens beslutningstagere Kataloglæren om beføjelser Fremstilling af magtapparatets suverænitet og stabilitet Første beskrivelse, der holder sig til embedsmændene Abstraktionsforhøjelse i beskrivelse af staten Beskrivelse af statens lukning af selviagttagelse Fremstilling af centralt/perifert iagttagelsessystem Uddifferentiering af organisationssystemers rationalitet Magtdelingen ret/forvaltning Departementsopdeling kodificeres Fremstilling af kongen som statens tjener og som enhed i staten Universalistiske principper for et differentieret beslutnings- og funktionssystem Ministerialsystemets endelige udformning, ministeransvarlighed, vs demokratisering nedefra Den første færdige bureaukratiteori References Clegg, Stewart 1990. 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